20

Module 3

INSTITUTIONS OF MINSUPALA BEFORE THE ADVENT OF ISLAM

Desheree Judena1, Faharodin Salacop1
Juvanni A. Caballero2, Maria Cecilia B. Tangian2
1Department of Social Sciences & Humanities, CESS, MSU-Naawan
2Department of History, CASS, MSU-IIT

I. Objectives

At the end of the module, the students should be able to answer the following
questions:

1. How did the traditional socio-political organization of the natives look like prior to
the coming of Islam and Christianity in Minsupala?
2. What kind of leadership and governance did the pre-Islamic natives observe?
3. How did the natives resolve conflict the traditional way?
4. What was the landholding system in the pre-colonial days?
5. What is maratabat and how does it capture the definition of traditional pride,
honor and dignity?
6. What were some of the features of the natives’ indigenous religions prior to the
coming of Islam in Minsupala?

II. Introductory Activity: Role Playing on “Pangahaon sa Higaunon”

The traditional courtship (or wedding proposal) among the Higaunon is called
pangahaon. This ceremony represents traditional values and practices that should be
observed by the Higaunon man wishing to marry a Higaunon girl. It involves his seeking
advice from the datu and elders and permission to have the event take place, especially
since these tribal leaders are influential figures in the community and are responsible
for the organization of the social activity that would gather together the Higaunon
ladies in the community. Moreover, the Higaunon elders and datu ensure that the lady
whom the Higaunon gentleman wishes to marry would participate in the gathering. Two
things could happen at the event. The man’s proposal could be accepted or it could be
rejected. If it were accepted, the couple would be considered wedded, but if rejected,
the man would scream, declaring that he actually liked someone else.1

1
Interview with Datu Luis Solilawan, a Datu for Agriculture (Pangimbabasok) among the Higaunon of Claveria,
Misamis Oriental. He was a student at MSU-Naawan taking up Diploma in Fisheries Technology, major in
Aquaculture. August 20, 2009.
 21

In the pangahaon, the man would go to a group of ladies with a towel or handkerchief
on his shoulder. While the ladies were busy attending to their stuffs, he would suddenly
drop his handkerchief or towel. The lady who would pick up the cloth would be
interested in the man and his proposal. Meanwhile, the elders and datu must ensure
that they controlled the situation. In cases of conflict that may arise, they should handle
the matter appropriately and tactfully. They must therefore possess and demonstrate
imposing leadership, but also conflict mediation and resolution skills to maintain the
respect of the community people.

To process the activity, the teacher may ask the following questions: a.) How do you
feel about the role play? b.) What can you say about the characters in the role play: the
datu and elders, the ladies, the men and the community? c.) Is there something that
you appreciate (or do not appreciate) about the “pangahaon”? d.) Is there anything
that a modern Philippine community can take lessons from the traditional indigenous
systems?

III. Lesson Proper

There are innumerable institutions that predate the coming of Islam, Christianity and
colonialism in this part of the archipelago; this lesson will limit discussion to the most
instructive ones. Among others, the most interesting include: a.) Traditional socio-
political organization, b.) Leadership and Governance, c.) Landholding practices, d.)
Conflict and Conflict Resolution, e.) Value System and f.) Religion. These institutions are
described in the succeeding section.

From sources other than Spanish documents, history has learned that this
archipelago had already established contacts with other countries and civilizations even
before the coming of the Spaniards. Sources like Chinese archival documents and a
score of oral traditions of Philippine and Southeast Asian origins suggest that flourishing
communities with advanced cultures already existed before western civilization
introduced itself in this part of the world. Concrete pieces of evidence of early Philippine
native contact with their Asian neighbors are found in Chinese sources,2 which, as early
as 1317, mentioned places identified by scholars as regions and islands in the
Philippines. Minsupala of course were included. Below is a list of curious words found in
the book of Chau Ju Kua:

Ma-i / Ma-yi / Mo-yi = either Mindoro or Manila

Kia-ma-yen = Calamian

2
These words appear in a Chinese compilation assembled during the years 1317-1319. Another Chinese author
(Chau-Ju-Kua) also recorded these names in a book, “Chu Fan Chih” (translated as “Records of Various Barbarous
Nations”).
 22

Pa-ki-nung = Busuanga
Pi-sho-ye = Visayas
Lu-sung = Luzon
Fang-chia-shi-lan = Pangasinan
Min-to-lang = Mindanao
Su-lu = Sulu
Pa-lao-yu = Palawan

How did the Chinese records describe these islands and their inhabitants? They
described a well-established trading relationship between South China and these
islands. While it is true that the book, which contained the names of these islands, was
entitled, “Records of Various Barbarous Nations, it described the natives as honest,
gentle and industrious.3 Are these statements not enough to prove that the ancestors
were not really barbarians and that they possessed an advance culture or civilization?
To answer this question, there follows below a review of the traditional socio-political
structures and other pre-colonial institutions of the Philippine ancestors.

1.) How did the traditional socio-political organization of the natives look
prior to the coming of Islam in Minsupala?

In revisiting the pre-Islamic and pre-colonial past of these islands, it is important to

recognize that Filipino ancestors, despite idiosyncrasies, had developed an essentially
homogenous culture. In the first place, they came from the same racial stock, spoke
related languages, inhabited a contiguous territory and shared a common environment.
From the hinterland, coastal and riverine communities, on Luzon through the Visayas
and to Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan, the peoples shared a common way of life.
According to Onofre Corpus:

… our ancestors evolved an essentially homogeneous culture…

Nature was a primary factor. Overall, community life throughout the
archipelago was influenced by, and responded to the common ecology.
The generally benign tropical climate and the largely uniform flora and
fauna favored similarities, not differences.4

From the Philippine History class, students learn that their pre-colonial ancestors
comprised of fragmented and autonomous barangays. Philippine ethnic groups today
(including the Moros and Lumads) may have different names for their traditional socio-
political organizations, but their features are basically the same. For example, among
the Higaunon, the barangay finds its equivalent in the term “Gaop,” while the Maranao

3
See O. D. Corpus, pp.10-13.
4
Corpus, pp. 5-6.
 23

“Pengampong”5 practically epitomizes the networks and dynamics of the old baranganic
societies.

Compared to the great ancient civilizations,6 the barangays were relatively smaller. Yet,
the barangay had the features of a state. It had territory, people, government and
administrative control over group life. It had a government that revolved from the
authority and administrative leadership of the Datu, who was always assisted by a
council of elders composed of representatives from the different kin groups living within
the territory.

Generally, the social stratification system of the barangay could be drawn into three
classes: the Datu (included the Datu and his family); the freemen (included warriors,
merchants, peasants, artisans) and the dependents7 (composed mostly of debt peons
and prisoners of war). Unlike the Caste system of India, the social stratification in the
Barangay was not rigid, as there was social mobility in the system. For instance, while a
Datu was always encouraged to marry a member of the nobility, theoretically no one
could prevent him from marrying a woman belonging to another class. Thus the
baranganic society was more democratic compared to the societies of medieval Europe
and ancient India, where stratification systems were rigid.

To further illustrate social mobility in the barangay, past and present, in some tribes
today, as the Higaunon, the Datu is recognized in the community not because of his
bloodline but because of the people’s choice and decision. The same can be said of the
Subanen, who gives anyone the opportunity to become Timuay so long as he is
powerful enough to protect his neighbors. Among the Tausug, traditional community
leadership, known as Taumaas, is based not on bloodline but on the person’s material,

5
According to Mamitua Saber, the Pengampong “refers singly or collectively to the four ‘principalities or states’
into which the Maranaos divide themselves, politically and territorially, within the Lanao region.” These four
principalities, locally known as Pat a Pengampong ko Ranao, are composed of Bayabao, Masiu, Unayan, and Baloi.
Except for Baloi, each of the other three Pengampong is territorially divided into suku or district: with Bayabao
being divided into Poona Bayabao, Lumba Bayabao, and Mala a Bayabao districts; Masiu into East and West Masiu;
and Unayan into West and East also. Each of these districts is subdivided into different the inged or township; with
each inged being subdivided into several hundred agama or communities. Each agama is further subdivided into
the bangon, which is composed of 2 to 5 families, and each bangon is further divided into isa-ka-igaan, which
literally means, “one sleeping place.” With respect to actual political divisions of the Maranaos, the Agama is the
basic unit and corresponds to the barangay. See Mamitua Saber and Abdullah T. Madale (ed.). Pengampong: An
Ancient Confederation The Maranao (Manila: R.P. Garcia Publishing House, 1975), pp. 71-73. See also Manuel R.
Tawagon. The Pengampong: A Historical Study of the Multiple Sultanates of Lanao. A research funded by the
Toyota Foundation in August 1987. p. 44.
6
Egyptian, Chinese, Roman civilizations, etc.
7
Many authors called them “dependents” for they were not like the chattel slaves of Europe and the Americas. In
many respects, they were treated like lesser members of the family and, as such, were given certain rights not
enjoyed by slaves (e.g., right to own property, right to marry, right of protection etc.)
 24

moral and intellectual prowess.8 In other tribes, even the chieftainship can be open to
women, who could demonstrate wisdom, magical powers, the ability to communicate
with the unseen world and perform sacred rituals. This is especially true among the
Manobo who had witnessed the leadership of several lady Datus known among them as
Babaihon.9 In other cultures, becoming community chief is an achievement exclusive to
men only.

2.) What kind of leadership and governance did the Pre-Islamic natives
observe?

The traditional concept of leadership among Moros and Lumads is still evident today.
While the title may vary from one ethnic group to another, 10 the requirements,
characteristics and qualities of the tribal leader are more or less the same. According to
oral traditions, there was even an instance in the pre-Islamic past that some tribes of
Moros and Lumads used the same title to refer to their chieftain. Among the Manobo,
Subanen, Tiruray and Maguindanaon, they called their leader the “Timuay” before the
arrival of Sharief Kabungsuan. According to Najeeb Saleeby:

… the Maguindanaons were indistinguishable from the Manobos and

Tirurays, as all other groups shared a common ecology and were of the
same culture. The inhabitants of Slangan, Maguindanao, Katitwan and
those of all the other settlements of the valley were pagans and were very
similar to the present Tirurays in language and worship. It was the
decision to accept or reject Islam that brought about the beginning of
differentiation.11

Of course, the term Datu is still widely used as an honorific title in almost all Moro and
Lumad tribes. In fact, many oral traditions say that when Islam was introduced in the
Mindanao islands group, communities and tribes that accepted Islam conveniently
changed the title “Datu” to “Sultan,” “Imam,” “Hajji,” “Qadi” and other Islamized titles.
Thus, the Lumad and Moro tribal chieftains largely share a lot of common qualities and
characteristics.

What are these characteristics? The Datu or chieftain earns the respect of his
community, usually through bravery, generosity and wisdom. Depending on the number
of people, families and villages he has protected and helped, the Datu’s territory and

8
Interview with Dr. Jamail Kamlian, Professor at MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology and a native of Sulu. June 25,
2012.
9
Elena Clariza. “The Concept of Power Among the Lumad: Mindanao’s Largest Indigenous Community.”
http://www.angelfire.com/amiga2/clariza/PDFonline-concept_of_power.pdf.
10
Manobos call the Datu “Igbujag” while the Mansaka call him “Matikadong”. Among the Mandaya, the Datu is
called “Mangkatadong” while the Subanen call him “Timuay.”
11
Saleeby 1976, p56.
 25

extent of influence is defined. Among the Higaunon, people living within the Datu’s
territory of influence or gaop or under his leadership are called his sakop.12 Customarily,
the Datu is not dictatorial as he has to consult the council of elders in almost all matters
requiring decision that affect the community. Those who compose the council of elders
are usually headmen of the families and clans, who serve as bonafide representatives of
the people in the Gaop. This means that even before the Renaissance period in Europe,
the Moros and Lumads had been observing “democracy” in the governance. Under the
traditional set-up, governance is in the hands of many and not monopolized by the
Datu.

In fact, to the Manobo, becoming an Igbujag (Datu) means becoming “selfless.” The
leader should think of his people first, before himself. He should first know the
problems of his constituents and help them in their needs. Also, he must ensure that his
people live harmoniously and must encourage peaceful living with neighboring
communities. Just like the Manobo, the Mansaka expects the Matikadong (Mansaka
Datu) to be equipped with leadership qualities, like bravery, thorough knowledge of the
tribe’s customary laws, wisdom and articulateness. He must also be fair, morally upright
and financially capable as he would need his wealth to appease disgruntled parties
during conflict mediation and in resolving feuds.

For the Subanen, a Timuay (chieftain) must possess not only fighting skills and financial
capability; more importantly, he must be reliable, emotionally mature, industrious, fair,
responsible and a good example in the community. He must not be a drunkard, a
coward, a thief or a tyrant. He should be principled, wise and a good implementer of
the laws of his tribe.

Just like the other tribes, the Higaunon considers integrity and sincerity as important
qualities that a Datu must possess. But apart from these qualities, the Datu must also
be someone who knows how to recite the Dasang, sing the Limbay and narrate the
Bunsuda (origin stories of the Higaunon people) and the Ulaging (history). He also must
be familiar with the Talawagon or the spirits commonly invoked during the performance
of Singampo (prayer rituals).

Although the Moro chieftain would adopt the Islamic title of “Sultan,” nonetheless he is
still the traditional Datu whose leadership is considered ideal when he is capable of
protecting and helping his people. He is expected to serve his community by being
there all the time. He has no salary and observes no limit in his office hours. He is the
hands-on leader 24/7, so-to-speak. In times of war, he must lead his people in battle;
in times of famine, he is expected to feed everyone; when somebody dies, he is
supposed to give the biggest donation; when a sakop gets married, he needs to offer
the biggest wedding gift. When his constituents fight, he must mediate and resolve

12
From Higaunon word gaop, which means “area of the datu”; sakop means ”constituents.”
 26

their conflict, which often means sharing and distributing his wealth to appease the
offended party and to ensure restorative justice. 13 Perhaps, the only payment the
Sultan/Datu gets for all his social services is the genuine respect and loyalty of his
people. The observation of one Higaunon leader expresses this view:

In the lowland, the one who settles the conflict would be the one
paid. The lawyer who resolves the problem would be compensated.
In the mountains, the datu would shoulder all the expenses.14

3.) How do the natives resolve conflict the traditional way?

To claim that there was absolute peace in the pre-Islamic/pre-colonial days of

Minsupala is certainly groundless. Cultures and communities in the world must have
experienced conflicts and wars at some point in their respective histories. For example,
one cannot deny that the violent “rido” and “pangayao” were parts of Philippine native
cultural institutions. Contemporary Filipinos may use different names for them, but the
practice is generally similar.15

The interest of this study lies not on the above violent institutions for themselves, but
on how the traditional Moro and Lumad communities dealt with them to resolve conflict.
This study opts to have this focus because indigenous conflict resolution is most
instructive.

In the modern western system, conflicts are resolved by formally filing cases in courts,
hiring lawyers, etc. In every case, one party loses while another wins. Also, the
relationship between the complainants and accused are not mended. The losers may
weep and hold their grudges, while the winners may celebrate.

But in the indigenous system, every avenue is optimally explored not just to resolve the
conflict per se, but to ensure reconciliation between conflicting parties. While
punishment is sometimes inevitable, the ultimate objective of the conflict resolution
process is reconciliation. This is the essence of indigenous terms like husay among the
Bisaya, pagpapatawad at sandugo among the Tagalogs, kapeprela’i among the

13
Restorative justice is the indigenous justice system, in which reconciliation is achieved after the settlement of
the case.
14
Quote from Desheree Preciado.
15
Rido is a Maranao term for clan feuding and is known among the Tausug as pagbanta and lido among the
Higaunon and Maguindanaon. Among the Tagalog, the term may find its equivalent in ubosan ng lahi, which is
known among the Bisaya as dumot or pagdumot. Pangayao, which is a tribal raid sent to obtain justice against
individuals/groups who have violated the dignity, property and/or life of tribe’s or clan’s member has its Bisaya
equivalent, pangayam, although among Hiligaynon-speaking Bisayans the latter term only means generally, “going
out hunting.”
 27

Maranao, diyandi among the Higaunon, pagsulut among the Maguindanao and Tausug,
etc.

Another unique aspect of indigenous conflict resolution is that the Datu, solely, does not
render judgment. In fact, it is the guidance of the elders and the consensus of the
community that matters most in the decision-making process. Through this method,
check and balance is ensured so that the Datu is prevented from becoming a tyrant or a
dictator. As a symbol of unity in the community, he must be consultative always with
the elders and must uphold the community consensus in crucial decisions. This is part
of the customary law and the Datu must follow this procedure or earn the wrath of the
Almighty, which could mean his downfall as community leader.16

In many of the Moro and Lumad tribes, Datus and respected members of the council of
elders also act as mediators. They do not only facilitate communication and
negotiations, but also assume responsibility for raising the required blood money called
manggad. The mediators may include respectable relatives of the conflicting parties,
tribal leaders from other communities or women with influence in the area.

One can surmise that the indigenous process of settling disputes among the Moros and
Lumads in the pre-Islamic days were more or less similar, except that, when the Moros
were converted to Islam, they simply replaced the indigenous ceremonies with Islamic
rituals (e.g., swearing before the Qur’an, reciting Arabic prayers and invoking the name
of Allah). But generally, the process starts by identifying the peace mediator/negotiator
that is respected by both parties. The initiative may come from one of the disputants or
from a third party. Once, the mediator is identified and accepts the invitation, he begins
to visit the conflicting parties and tries to arrange a peaceful meeting between them.
Once both parties accept his invitation, an opening ritual is performed in the presence
of the conflicting parties. It is the general rule that both parties should refrain from
shouting, pointing fingers and using harsh words. The Datu must ensure that the two
parties take part in a ballakaw (dialogue or conflict settlement), which means they are
given the chance to speak. When the complaints are presented, the datu starts the
process of checking and investigating facts and fallacies. As pointed out already, he
needs to confer every now and then with other elders in the community before coming
up with the next course of action.

Decisions on the case would depend upon the nature and gravity of the offenses. A
minor offense could be settled through payment of moral damage. In a major offense,
death may be the corresponding penalty. But often, to ensure that no further damage is
made and reconciliation is achieved, the mediating Datu can explore the possibility of
some indemnification in place of the death penalty with the aggrieved party. He must

16
Bogolal is a term that describes the Council of Elders among Subanen.
 28

be creative and persuasive to find a win-win solution for everyone, otherwise he may be
dragged into the conflict himself if his decision/suggestion fails to please everyone.

As an example, among the Subanen, elopement with a woman engaged to marry

someone else is punishable by death. If no Datu would mediate, violence could
certainly ensue. The offended honor of the prospective groom and the woman’s family
would motivate them to kill the eloping couple, especially the man who took the bride-
to-be. In such a case, an eminent danger of attack and counterattack would loom. The
Datu must therefore intervene to ensure the community would continue to live in
tranquility. The mediating Datu would need to exert his best efforts to find the eloping
couple and bring them to justice. Theoretically, the couple’s act would be punishable by
death, but to control the damage, the Datu could always argue that their death would
do no good to anyone in the community. The Datu therefore must be very persuasive
to convince the offended party. He may suggest that instead of death, the offended
party may demand for payment of moral damage. In that way, the offended could use
the money to look for another woman who would be willing to be his wife. In case the
offender and his family could not pay, the Datu may have to shoulder the payment
himself, say, on condition that the offender would have to serve the Datu for a certain
period of time, depending on the amount of the payment made by the Datu to save
him.

Even in cases involving death, the mediating Datu could beg the conflicting parties to
accept blood money for reconciliation. He could argue that more killings would not
make the dead relatives live again. Among the Maranaos, the reconciliation process is
generally facilitated by tracing the tarsila (salsila) or clan genealogy. This is a great
mechanism for reconciliation as Maranao clans and families are always related in one
way or another by consanguinity or affinity. In not a few instances, the settlement of
rido among the Maranaos could even end up in intermarriage to ensure the conflict
does not recur. By letting a man and a woman from the two clans marry, the feuding
families become one and united.

For the Higaunon, a dispute must be ended by a ritual called tampuda. Theoretically,
two things could happen at the conclusion of the ritual: 1.) end the dispute violently in
an all-out war; or 2.) peacefully end the conflict through reconciliation and forgetting
the offenses.

Tampuda as a ritual starts with the pandalawit (prayer). A pig, chicken and a piece of
rattan are offered to the spirits. In the presence of the conflicting parties, the officiating
Datu slaughters the offered animals. Suspense follows when the Datu prepares to cut
the rattan piece, usually using the bolo that was used in the killing. The officiating Datu
cuts the rattan, shouting: “As the rattan is cut, so the conflict between the two parties
shall end.” In case the rattan is not cut at the first strike, the Datu has two more
chances to cut the material. If the third (i.e., last) strike still fails to cut the rattan, it will
 29

mean that the ritual ground shall serve as the final venue of battle between the two
warring families. They must make their final stand right there and then. Theoretically,
this eventuality may happen, but in reality the mediating Datu, knowing how crucial his
strike will be to end the conflict, pours out all his strength to cut the rattan without
needing to reach the third strike, so that more often than not conflict cases that reach
the tampuda ritual usually have happy endings.

The sandugo or blood compact is also a known institution in the pre-Islamic days
among the Moros and Lumads. Among the B’laan, the ritual after a conflict is resolved
is called the sadyandi. In this ritual, a small incision is made on the left chest of the
conflicting individuals to draw a drop of blood that will be mixed in a glass of wine. The
blood obtained from the left chest is symbolic as that section is near the heart of the
individual, suggesting sincerity of the sadyandi participants. The conflicting parties then
drink from the same glass to signify their agreement that henceforth they have become
blood brothers. The Tausugs recognize this ceremony as paginum dugo17 and the pre-
Islamic Maguindanaons must have performed it, as indicated in Datu Buisan’s Blood
Compact with the Datu of Leyte in 1603.18

4.) What was the landholding system in the pre-colonial days?

Life in the old barangay was essentially communal. Land preparation, planting and
harvesting, as well as food gathering, fishing and even house-building were done
cooperatively by neighbors and families. That activity was the origin of the term
bayanihan among the Tagalog, pagtambayayong among the Bisaya, awidan among the
Maranao, etc., which basically refers to reciprocity, mutual help and support and
cooperative labor in the community. In describing the communalism of the old
barangays, Onofre Corpus writes:

The tasks always end in the afternoon, followed by feasting and drinking.
The family whose land was plowed, or house built, hosted everybody.19

Historical and anthropological evidence also suggests that the indigenous land-tenure
system in the pre-Islamic/pre-colonial days was characterized by communal
“ownership.” By the term communal ownership, the Moros and Lumads actually meant
communal stewardship. The general assumption was that the air, water and everything
else in this world, including the land, were only entrusted on the tribes by the real
owner, whom the natives variously called Magbabaya, Magbubuhat, Bathala, Taginiit,

17
Ty, Rey, Ph.D. Muslim Perspectives on Peaceful Building in Mindanao, Philippines: Community Resolution and
Interfaith Peace Building .Claremont Lincoln.
18
Majul
19
O.D. Corpus, p. 14. This activity is known among the Dibabawon as hinang.
 30

Manama and other names 20 that refer to the notion of an Almighty Creator and
Sustainer. The Datu served only as the manager and overseer of the area entrusted on
the tribe by the Almighty or by the spirits, while his followers served only as stewards of
the assigned parcels of land. They may have usufruct rights (i.e., the right to use) over
the land, but no one had the right to sell it to other people for land could not be owned
individually and privately.21
5.) What is maratabat and how does it capture the definition of traditional
pride, honor and dignity?

There are many intangibles, values, of Moros and Lumads that can be cited for
discussion, but the present focus is on the natives’ concept of “pride,” “honor” and
“dignity,” which is encapsulated in the concept of maratabat. This concept defines the
people’s psyche and serves as an important key to understanding them.

Maratabat is a Maranao term, but it is not a monopoly of the Maranao, because

other ethnic groups also have their own similar concept. In fact, one may equate it with
yabang and hiya among the Tagalog, kaulaw ug garbo among the Bisaya, kasipug
among the Tausug and Surigaonon, etc.22 Other groups may have different terms for it,
with various degrees of manifestation, but essentially they all refer to the concept of
dignity. It would be useful to deal with maratabat as manifested among the Maranaos
of Lanao because it is typically representative of the natives’ concept of dignity,
especially among the Moros.

Maratabat is believed to be an indigenous concept, but the term itself is a

loanword from Arabic. Carlton Riemer notes:

Among the Maranao… maratabat has developed beyond the original

Arabic… Basically the meaning has been shifted by the Maranaos from
rank to rank sensitivity, from prestige to seeking after prestige, from
status to status honor and status enhancement. The meaning has been
changed by Maranao usage… In the process the original word has been

20
Magbabaya is the name of Supreme God among the Higaunon, Bukidnon and Mansaka, while Magbubuhat and
Bathala are its equivalents in Bisaya and Tagalog, respectively. The Manobo calls their god Manama, while the
Dibabawon calls the Supreme Being Taginiit.
21
This is one reason why, sometimes, one hears about land disputes between migrant buyers and native “owners.”
In the concept, no one is supposed to own and therefore no one has the right to sell the land. In Iligan, one hears
of migrants buying the land of the Higaunon merely with several cans of sardines. After some time, a relative of
the native would come back to ask for the payment of his share because the one who “sold” the land was not the
sole owner of the property. In Lanao, one also hears of land purchases in which other Maranaos claimants would
ask the buyer for their shares. This practice happens because land ownership or, to be exact, stewardship, is
traditionally communal.
22
Madale cited by Claribel Bartolome. Maratabat and Rido: Implication for Peace and National Development.
Monograph of research output during the said author’s sabbatical leave from Mindanao State University, Marawi
City, May 2001. p. 2.
 31

filled with new and different (although related) meanings. It is very

possible that the present understanding of maratabat is an indigenous
pre-Islamic Filipino idea, and that Maranao maratabat is an Arabic
loanword, which has been shorn of its original meaning in order to fit the
concept that was already present in the Maranao society.23

According to Mamitua Saber, et. al., maratabat is the “key to Maranao

psychology.” Maranaos used this folk mental makeup “to account for, explain, justify
and rationalize actions and behaviors over a wide range of situations.” To the Maranao,
maratabat is “thought to be the fundamental motivating force” that served as basis for
judging a person “as good or bad, not so much in terms of the consequences of his acts
but rather in terms of the extent to which he has maratabat.” 24 The anthropologist
Melvin Mednick also added that the notion of “maratabat is the single-most emotionally
charged concept in Maranao culture.”25

To illustrate that Maranaoness revolves around maratabat, Carlton Riemer is

again quoted:

… there are varying amounts of maratabat, and the Maranaos respect

most highly those members of their society who have a Mala’ i maratabat,
a large/big/high pride. Furthermore, the importance of maratabat has
been heightened to such a degree in Maranao society that for many
Maranaos maratabat is more precious than life itself…

The idea pervades Maranao society because it includes men,

women and children – both sexes and all age groups… When children
leave their family and home to visit other places, the family gives them
this parting advice: “Remember your maratabat”...26

Corroborating this idea is the observation of Saber, et.al., which says:

The Maranao themselves explicitly recognize… a man without maratabat is

nobody, or a man who loses his maratabat becomes very, very small, and
an important man is one with lots of maratabat.27

23
Carlton Riemer. Maranao Maratabat and the Concepts of Pride, Honor and Self-Esteem Dansalan Quarterly Vol.
VIII, No. 4, July 1987,p. 133.
24
Mamitua Saber (et. al.) The Maratabat of the Maranao The Maranao (Solidaridad Publishing House: Manila),
1975, pp. 88-92.
25
Melvin Mednick cited in Riemer. Op. cit. p. 127.
26
Ibid. pp. 126-127.
27
Saber. op. cit. p. 92
 32

So what is maratabat? Many authors are agreed that its closest English
equivalent is pride, honor and self-esteem. 28 As mentioned already, this is not a
monopoly of the Maranao because other Moros and Lumads have also their own similar
concepts. The Maranao example exemplifies the communal character of pride, honor
and self-esteem, which is characteristically present among traditional Moros and
Lumads. That is why among these natives, feud is seldom between individuals because
even pride, honor and self esteem is collectively owned (i.e., communally anchored on
the family, clan or tribe). To further enlighten us about Maratabat’s communal
character, Raymond Llorca has this to say on the matter:

… (Maratabat) appears to be compounded with and intensified by the

indulgence of the entire family. The Maranao individual, therefore, carries
in his mind – and on his back – the self-esteem of the clan. In a manner
of speaking, he is not being proud only of himself but of his family, too.
And, even if he were not conscious of it, he would be… proud for them.29

Thus, the Maranao maratabat is no ordinary pride, honor and self-esteem of the
individual for it is not only linked with one’s social rank, status, prestige, power and
influence in relation to other individuals, but also one’s family, clan and tribe in relation
to other families, clans and tribes.30

Just like the Tagalog pakikisama, maratabat per se is neither good nor bad. It
becomes good only when the consequences of its manifestations are constructive; and
bad when its effects are destructive. Maratabat is good when it is shown to help needy
relatives and other poor people; reciprocating the goodness of one’s neighbor with an
even higher degree; showing bravery in protecting neighbors and community;
demonstrating leadership and conflict resolution skills by settling rido; et cetera.
Maratabat can be bad when it becomes unregulated and manifested waywardly. It is
certainly bad maratabat when the seemingly simple things (like a boy’s whistling at a
girl or wanting one’s car to follow immediately behind the bridal—or more exactly the
groom’s) car in a wedding motorcade could grow into full-blown rido. It is also bad
maratabat when one tries to “show-off” semblances of power beyond his means. It is
also bad maratabat when one looks down upon other people and becomes inaccessible
to them. Thus, maratabat has its own merits and demerits. On one extreme end, it can
probably cause the disintegration of Maranao society, yet, on the other, the same can
be directed also to uplift the said society to greater heights.

Thus maratabat does not only concern the individual. Rather, its complexities
involved as well the image of the family, clan or even tribe. This is the reason why

28
These definitions are shared by Tawagon, Saber, Mednick, and Riemer.
29
Raymond Llorca, Maratabat Society and the Non-Maranao The Technician Vol. 5, No. 1 (July 1986) p. 115
30
See Manuel R. Tawagon. The Pengampong: A Historical Study of the Multiple Sultanates of Lanao. A Research
funded by the Toyota Foundation in August 1987, p. 101.
 33

there are no beggars among the Maranaos for the affluent relatives make sure that the
poor members of the family or clan are supported. Otherwise, if the poor relatives
become beggars, the image of the family or clan is destroyed. In such a case, the
individual members’ and the family/clan’s maratabat would be blemished and the whole
kin group would lose “face”!

6.) What are some of the features of the natives’ indigenous religions prior to
the coming of Islam in Minsupala?

Even if many of the Moros and Lumads nowadays are already practicing Muslims and
Christians, elements of the pre-Islamic and pre-Christian beliefs are still discernible in
their belief systems. These elements would appear every now and then in the form of
superstitions that are no part of Islamic and Christian teachings. The combination of the
new and old religions resulted in what anthropologists call “folk Islam” and “folk
Christianity.”

Interestingly, even before the advent of monotheistic religions (i.e., Islam and
Christianity), which “introduced” the concept of God Almighty, the indigenous
populations had already a concept of a Supreme Being, who created and sustained
everything. They did not call Him Allah or God, but they had various names for Him:
Magbabaya among the Subanen, Higaunon, Bukidnon and Mansaka; Magbubuhat
among the Bisaya, Bathala or Maykapal among the Tagalog; Manama among the
Manobo, Mandarangan among the Bagobo, Taginiit among the Dibabawon, etc. Apart
from this Supreme Being, the natives also believed in other unseen others that lived in
caves, waterfalls, mountains, trees, rocks and other natural structures. For instance, the
Maranaos believed in the tonongs, which were thought to be benevolent unseen beings.
According to the Darangen epic of the Maranaos, the tonongs originated from the union
of Rajah Indarapatra with a karibang (water nymph) named Potri Rainalaut. They begot
two children: one was invisible (damipayag) and the other was an ordinary human
being. The invisible brother, who became the ancestor of the tonongs, promised to help
and protect his ordinary human brother, who became the ancestor of the Maranao.
Thus, the Maranao would invoke the tonong every time they were ill or in danger. They
also invoked the tonongs to protect their crops from pests, wild animals and natural
calamities. Moreover, they performed rituals (locally known as Kalilang sa Tonong) to
ask the unseen beings to grant them a good catch in fishing or hunting. This ceremony
would be done by offering chicken and other things along with the playing of musical
instruments such as gongs, the kulintang and debak usually along river banks or
lakeshore.

Among the Manobo, mountains, waterfalls, and even the land where crops are to be
planted are considered sacred. The natives believe that unseen spirits, both good and
bad, live in them. Thus, when stepping into uninhabited places, they are very careful
 34

not to make noise or any form of disturbance. When they open a field for planting, they
first carefully chose the area depending on omen or sign they get from the spirits that
guard the forests, trees, and farm site. One particular omen would be the sound of the
limukon (turtle dove), which, according to Manobo belief, is the messenger of Mother
Earth. 31

For the Subanen, the planting season is a communion with the spirits. Every year, they
set aside a quantity of seeds that would be used for a special ritual called pangasi. In
the pangasi, the Subanen does not plow the field or use bladed tools to till the soil.
They simply bore holes on the ground using a wooden dibber. They drop in the seeds
without covering the hole with loose soil. Subanens believe the stars and the guardians
of the crops will do the covering. Thus the pangasi is a ritual that makes human beings
work with the invisible spirits of the earth.

Other ethnic groups also have similar rituals that recognize invisible beings as guardians
of Mother Earth. Yet, in all the rituals, an important figure, a woman or a man, leads in
performing the ceremonies. She acts as mediator between the mortals and the spirit
world. She is believed to be capable of conveying messages to and from the visible and
invisible realms. She is also thought to have powers to foretell the future and see the
supernatural or the spirits. The natives turn to her for healing and protection. She is the
baylan.

IV. Lessons Learned and Peace Message

Pre-Islamic and pre-colonial history serves as the long lost connection to the same past
that present Filipinos came from. By looking back, present generations of Muslims,
Lumads and Christians are reminded that their ancestors at some point in history
shared more commonalities than differences. For modern Filipinos to see it, they only
need to retrace their steps into the past—presumably on Mindanao—and rekindle the
meaning of sandugo and sadiyandi that their ancestors shared.

Present leaders may follow the example of indigenous Mindanao tribal chieftains who,
despite the fact that they received no salary, served their people selflessly. Filipinos

31
According to Revo Masinaring on the Manobo planting ritual, Manobos decide on which portion of the land to till
during the stage called panlawag or panloyu, when the farmers call on the spirit of the plants, Kalayag, to send an
omen through the limukon (turtle dove) bird. Then, a portion of the site targeted for planting is cleaned. The call of
the limukon coming from the wrong direction is not a good sign and the cleaning, no matter how large the clearing
may have been, must be abandoned and the work on it stopped. If they insisted on continuing, an untoward
incident—a child getting sick and dying, perhaps—may happen. But they consider it a good sign when they hear
the sound of the limukon after they have spent a long time cutting grass and bushes. Once this happens, farmers
working together under a labor sharing system, which they call ak-khat, will immediately take part in a ritual
performed by a baylan. A chicken is killed, its blood poured down onto a small hole dug at the eastern direction of
the farm site.
 35

need not look for models from foreign lands; native ancestors had shown them how to
be real leaders!

The communalism that characterized the pre-Islamic/pre-colonial societies of our

ancestors may remind Filipino leaders that they have social obligations to their fellow
Filipinos. This attitude is the essence of the bayanihan, awidan and pagtambayayong
spirit, that precious value that brought the feeling of oneness and the sense of
belongingness among our ancestors in the old barangays. If Filipinos want their country
to remain intact, they all, regardless of ethnic and religious identity, should be given
equal opportunity to economic, political, educational and cultural advancement. Not
only that; no Filipino should be left behind in poverty and ignorance. This is the essence
of “walang iwanan” (i.e., no one should be left behind) be he Muslim, Lumad or
Christian!

The present generation of Filipinos could also take inspiration from the traditional
conflict resolution of our ancestors. They did not only seek justice by imposing
punishment; more importantly, they struggled to mend broken relationships and strived
to achieve reconciliation. The spirit of reconciliation (with bayanihan and walang
iwanan) is indeed very timely, especially in the light of the present peace process
between the MILF and the Philippine Government.

The ancestors’ reverence and respect for Mother Nature is also very instructive to the
present generation of Filipinos. The notion that Mother Earth is not some inanimate
object that can be owned is especially enlightening in the face of present challenges of
environmental degradation and climate change.

V. References and Recommended Readings

Bartolome, Claribel. Maratabat and Rido: Implication for Peace and National
Development. Monograph of research output during the said author’s
sabbatical leave from Mindanao State University, Marawi City, May 2001

Disoma, Esmail R. The Maranao: A Study of Their Practices and Beliefs . Office of the
Vice Chancellor for Research and Extension.MSU-Marawi.Marawi City. (n.d.)

Garvan, John M. The Manobos of Mindanao. Vol. XXII.United States Government

Printing Office. USA. 1929

Kadil, Ben J. History of the Moro and Indigenous Peoples of MINSUPALA. Office of the
Vice Chancellor for Research and Extension. Marawi City: MSU-Marawi. 2012
 36

Llorca, Raymond. Maratabat Society and the Non-Maranao The Technician Vol. 5,
No. 1, July 1986.

Masinaring, Manggob Revo N. Understanding the Lumad: A Closer Look at a

Misunderstood Culture (Tebtebba Foundation). Baguio City: Valley Printing
Specialist. 2011

Miller, Jeanne and Helen. Mamanwa Grammar. Institute of Linguistics. Huntington

Beach, California. 1976

Carlton Riemer. Maranao Maratabat and the Concepts of Pride, Honor and Self-
Esteem Dansalan Quarterly Vol. VIII, No. 4, July 1987

Rodil, Rudy et. al. Lumad Belief System. Episcopal Commission on Inter-religious
Dialogue (ECID) and Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process. 2000.

______________ A Story of Mindanao and Sulu in Question and Answer. MINCODE.

Davao City. 2003.

____________ The Minoritization of the Indigenous Communities of Mindanao and the

Sulu Archipelago. Davao City: Alternate Forum for Research in Mindanao Inc.,
2004.

____________ “An Exploratory Study of the Subanens of Zamboanga Peninsula.”

Typescript, 2002.

Mamitua Saber (et. al.) The Maratabat of the Maranao The Maranao (Solidaridad
Publishing House: Manila), 1975

Tawagon, Manuel R. The Pengampong: A Historical Study of the Multiple

Sultanates of Lanao. A Research funded by the Toyota Foundation in August
1987

Ty, Rey Ph.D. Muslim Perspectives on Peaceful Building in Mindanao, Philippines:

Community Resolution and Interfaith Peace Building. Claremont Lincoln.
University Center for Global Peace Building.

Vidal, Leah H. et. al. Lumadnong Pagkinabuhi Ngadto sa Kalinaw: Stories of Survival of
the Higaunon of Misamis Oriental and Bukidnon. Cagayan de Oro City: Kab-ot
Gahum, Resource Center for Empowerment and Development. 2009.

Wrigglesworth, Hazel J. Manobo Storytelling as Approximation to Drama. SIL Electronics

and Writing Papers 2011-001. 2011.