COURSE INFORMATION

Course Title : Cognitive Psychology

Course Code : PSY 110
Credit : 3 units
Course Instructor : Kenth June A. Genobis, RPm
Contact Details : 434-9661 local 212
Consultation Schedule : F 9:00 – 11:00 AM
Helplines : Guidance (4349661 local 313); DSA (4349661 local 
  312)

COURSE DESCRIPTION 
An introduction to research and knowledge in the psychological study of important cognitive abilities
including sensation and perception, attention, memory and representation, language and thinking.

Week 6: Memory Process

Here are some of the questions we will explore in this chapter:

1. What have cognitive psychologists discovered regarding how we encode information for storing it in
memory?
2. What affects our ability to retrieve information from memory?
3. How does what we know or what we learn affect what we remember?

As mentioned in the previous chapter, cognitive psychologists generally organize the main processes of
memory according to three common operations: encoding, storage, and retrieval.

Each one represents a stage in memory processing:

•Encoding refers to how you transform a physical, sensory input into a representation that can be
placed into memory.
• Storage refers to how you store (keep) encoded information in memory.
• Retrieval refers to how you gain access to information stored in memory.
Encoding and Transfer of Information

Before information can be stored in memory, it first needs to be encoded for storage. Even if the
information is held in our short-term memory, it is not always transferred to our long-term memory. So,
to remember events and facts over a long period of time, we need to encode and subsequently transfer
them from short-term to long-term storage. We will explore these processes in the forthcoming section.

Encoding, storage, and retrieval often are viewed as sequential stages. You first take in ininformation.
Then you hold it for a while. Later you pull it out. The processes, however, interact with each other and
are interdependent. For example, you may have found the Bransford and Johnson procedure difficult to
encode, thereby also making it hard to store and to retrieve the information. A verbal label, however,
can facilitate encoding and hence storage and retrieval.

Forms of Encoding

We encode our memories to store them. But do short-term and long-term storage use the same kind of
code to store information, or do their codes differ? Let us have a look at some research to answer this
question.

Short-Term Storage

When you encode information for temporary storage and use, what kind of code do you use? This is
what Conrad (1964) set out to discover with an experiment. Participants were visually presented with
several series of six letters at the rate of 0.75 seconds per letter.

The letters used in the various lists were B, C, F, M, N, P, S, T, V, and X. No vowels were included to
ensure that letter combinations did not result in any words or pronounceable combinations that could
be memorized more easily. Immediately after the letters were presented, participants were asked to
write down each list of six letters in the order given.

What kinds of errors did participants make? Despite the fact that letters were presented visually, errors
tended to be based on acoustic confusability. In other words, instead of recalling the letters they were
supposed to recall, participants substituted letters that sounded like the correct letters. Thus, they were
likely to confuse F for S, B for V, P for B, and so on.

Another group of participants simply listened to single letters in a setting that had noise in the
background. They then immediately reported each letter as they heard it. Participants showed the same
pattern of confusability in the listening task as in the visual memory task (Conrad, 1964). Thus, we seem
to encode visually presented letters by how they sound, not by how they look.
For short-term memory, an acoustic code is more important than a visual code, as shown in the Conrad
experiment. But the results do not rule out the possibility that other codes exist. One such code would
be a semantic code—one based on word meaning.

Baddeley (1966) argued that short-term memory relies primarily on an acoustic rather than a semantic
code. He gave his participants lists of words to read and compared recall performance for lists of
acoustically confusable words—such as map, cab, mad, man, and cap—with lists of acoustically distinct
words—such as cow, pit, day, rig, and bun. He found that performance was much worse for the visual
presentation of acoustically similar words, thus indicating that the acoustic code plays a significant role
in encoding. He also compared performance for lists of semantically similar words—such as big, long,
large, wide, and broad—with performance for lists of semantically dissimilar words—such as old, foul,
late, hot, and strong.

There was little difference in recall between the two lists. If performance for the semantically similar
words had been much worse, what would such a finding have meant? It would have indicated that
participants were confused by the semantic similarities and hence were processing the words
semantically. Performance, however, for the semantically similar words was only slightly worse than
that for the semantically dissimilar words, meaning that semantics did not matter much for processing.

Long-Term Storage

As mentioned, information stored temporarily in working memory is encoded primarily in acoustic form.
So, when we make errors in retrieving words from short-term memory, the errors tend to reflect
confusions in sound. How is information encoded into a form that can be transferred into storage and
available for subsequent retrieval?

Most information stored in long-term memory primarily is encoded semantically. In other words, it is
encoded by the meanings of words. Consider some relevant evidence.

Acoustic information—in addition to semantic and visual information—can be encoded in long-term

memory (Nelson & Rothbart, 1972). Thus, the way we store information that we retain for long periods
is usually quite flexible.
Transfer of Information from Short-Term Memory to Long-Term Memory

When we transfer information from short-term memory to long-term memory, we encounter two key
problems: interference and decay. When competing information interferes with our storing
information, we speak of interference. Imagine you have watched two crime movies with the same
actor. You then try to remember the story line of one of the movies but mix it up with the second movie.
You are experiencing interference. When we forget facts just because time passes, we speak of decay.

Given the problems of decay and interference, how do we move information from short-term memory
to long-term memory? How we move information depends on whether the information involves
declarative or nondeclarative memory. Remember that declarative memory refers to facts and
knowledge, whereas nondeclarative memory refers to procedural memories such as skills.

Some forms of nondeclarative memory are highly volatile and decay quickly. Examples are priming and
habituation. Let’s go back to our movie example and assume that one of the main protagonists in the
movie was Tom Cruise. After the movie, you overhear a conversation in which the word “cruise” is
mentioned. Automatically, Tom Cruise pops into your mind. If you hear the word “cruise” a few days
later, however, Tom Cruise may not be so accessible in your mind, and instead, you may think of a cruise
you recently took, or would like to take, in the Caribbean. Other nondeclarative forms are maintained
more readily, particularly as a result of repeated practice (of procedures) or repeated conditioning (of
responses).

Entrance into long-term declarative memory may occur through a variety of processes. One method of
accomplishing this goal is by deliberately attending to information to comprehend it. Another is by
making connections or associations between the new information and what we already know and
understand.

We make connections by integrating the new data into our existing schemas of stored information. This
process of integrating new information into stored information is called consolidation. In humans, the
process of consolidating declarative information into memory can continue for many years after the
initial experience (Squire, 1986).

Stress generally impairs the memory functioning. But, stress also can enhance the consolidation of
memory through the release of hormones (Park et al., 2008; Roozendaal, 2002, 2003).

We may use various metamemory strategies to preserve or enhance the integrity of memories during
consolidation (Metcalfe, 2000; Waters & Schneider, 2010).

Metamemory strategies involve reflecting on our own memory processes to improve our memory. Such
strategies are especially important when we are transferring new information to long-term memory by
rehearsing it. Metamemory strategies are just one component of metacognition, our ability to think
about and control our own processes of thought and ways of enhancing our thinking. Simply put,
metacognition is thinking about how we think.

Rehearsal

One technique people use for keeping information active is rehearsal, the repeated recitation of an
item. The effects of such rehearsal are termed practice effects. Rehearsal may be overt, in which case it
is usually aloud and obvious to anyone watching. Or it may be covert, in which case it is silent and
hidden.
Elaborative and Maintenance Rehearsal

To move information into long-term memory, an individual must engage in elaborative rehearsal. In
elaborative rehearsal, the individual somehow elaborates on the items to be remembered. Such
rehearsal makes the items either more meaningfully integrated into what the person already knows or
more meaningfully connected to one another and therefore more memorable.

In contrast, consider maintenance rehearsal. In maintenance rehearsal, the individual simply repeats the
items to be remembered. Such rehearsal temporarily maintains information in short-term memory
without transferring the information to long-term memory. Without any kind of elaboration, the
information cannot be organized and transferred (Tulving, 1962).

This finding is important when you study for an exam. If you want to transfer facts to your long-term
memory, you will need somehow to elaborate on the information and link it to what you already know.
For example, if you meet a new acquaintance, you might encode not just the acquaintance’s name but
also other connections you have with the person, such as being members of a particular club or taking a
particular course together. It will also be helpful to use mnemonic techniques like the ones discussed in
the next section, but repeating words over and over again is not enough to achieve effective rehearsal.

The Spacing Effect

What is the best way to organize your time for rehearsing new information?

Our memory for information depends on how we acquire it. More than a century ago, Hermann
Ebbinghaus (1885, cited in Schacter, 1989a; see also Chapter 1) noticed that the distribution of study
(memory rehearsal) sessions over time affects the consolidation of information in long-term memory;
more recently, research on people’s recall of foreign language vocabulary, facts, and names of visual
objects supports Ebbinghaus’s finding (Cepeda et al., 2009).

Our memories tend to be good when we use distributed practice, learning in which various sessions are
spaced over time. Our memories for information are not as good when the information is acquired
through massed practice, learning in which sessions are crammed together in a very short space of time
(for a review, see Delaney, Verkoeijen, & Spirgel, 2010).

The greater the distribution of learning trials over time, the more the participants remembered over
long periods. To maximize the effect on long-term recall, the spacing should ideally be distributed over
months, rather than days or weeks. This effect is termed the spacing effect.

The research in this area is used by companies producing consumer products and advertising
companies, among others. The goal of these companies is to anchor their products in your long-term
memory so that you will remember them when you are in need of a particular product. The spacing in
advertisements is varied to maximize the effect on your memory (Appleton-Knapp, Bjork, & Wickens,
2005). That means that a company will not place ads for the same product on several papers of a given
magazine, but rather that they will place one ad every month in that magazine.

The spacing effect is linked to the process by which memories are consolidated in long-term memory
(Glenberg, 1977, 1979; Leicht & Overton, 1987). That is, the spacing effect may occur because at each
learning session, the context for encoding may vary. The individuals may use alternative strategies and
cues for encoding. They thereby enrich and elaborate their schemas for the information.

The principle of the spacing effect is important to remember in studying. You will recall information
longer, on average, if you distribute your learning of subject matter over time and you vary the context
for encoding. Do not try to cram it all into a short period. Imagine studying for an exam in several short
sessions over a 2-week period. You will remember much of the material. If, however, you try to study all
the material in just one night, you will remember very little and the memory for this material will decay
relatively quickly.

Sleep and Memory Consolidation

Of particular importance to memory is the amount of rapid eye movement (REM) sleep a person
receives. REM sleep is the sleep stage characterized by dreaming and increased brainwave activity.
Specifically, disruptions in REM sleep patterns the night after learning reduced the amount of
improvement on a visual discrimination task that occurred relative to normal sleep. This lack of
improvement was not observed for disrupted stage-three or stage-four sleep patterns (Karni et al.,
1994). Other research also shows better learning with increases in the proportion of REM-stage sleep
after exposure to learning situations (Ellenbogen, Payne, & Stickgold, 2006; Smith, 1996). The positive
influence of sleep on memory consolidation is seen across age-groups (Hornung et al., 2007).
People who suffer from insomnia, a disorder that deprives the sufferer of much needed sleep, have
trouble with memory consolidation (Backhaus et al., 2006). Thus, many studies have confirmed that
REM sleeps aids us in the formation of memory (e.g., see Fischer et al., 2011). Research suggests that
memory processes in the hippocampus are influenced by the production and integration of new cells
into the neuronal network. REM sleep plays an important role in synaptic consolidation, whereby
memories are strengthened that previously were organized in slow-wave (deep) sleep.

Prolonged sleep deprivation seems to affect such cell development negatively (Diekelmann & Born,
2010; Meerlo et al., 2009). These findings highlight the importance of biological factors in the
consolidation of memory. Thus, a good night’s sleep, which includes plenty of REM-stage sleep, aids in
memory consolidation. REM sleep not only can help us remember things but also may play a role in
weakening memories of low value. Thus, REM sleep may help us not only to remember but also to
forget certain things (Oudiette et al., 2013).

Neuroscience and Memory Consolidation

Recall that the hippocampus has been found to be an important structure for memory. In studies of rat
hippocampal cells, researchers have found that cells of the hippocampus that were activated during
initial learning are reactivated during subsequent periods of sleep. It is as if they are replaying the initial
learning episode to achieve consolidation into long-term storage (Scaggs & McNaughton, 1996; Wilson
& McNaughton, 1994).

This effect also has been observed in humans. After learning routes within a virtual town, participants
slept. Increased hippocampal activity was seen during sleep after the person had learned the spatial
information. In the people with the most hippocampal activation, there was also an improvement in
performance when they needed to recall the routes (Peigneux et al., 2004).
During this increased activity, the hippocampus also shows extremely low levels of the neurotransmitter
acetylcholine. When patients were given acetylcholine during sleep, they showed impaired memory
consolidation, but only for declarative information. Procedural memory consolidation was not affected
by acetylcholine levels (Gais & Born, 2004).

Organization of Information

Stored memories are organized. One way to show how memories are organized is by measuring
subjective organization in free recall. This means that researchers measure the different ways that
individuals organize their memories. Researchers do this by giving participants a list of unrelated words
to recall in any order (free recall). Participants have multiple trials during which to learn to recall a list of
unrelated words in any order they choose.

Remember that if sets of test words can be divided into categories (e.g., names of fruits or types of
furniture), participants spontaneously will cluster their recall output by these categories. They do so
even if the order of presentation is random (Bousfield, 1953). Similarly, participants will tend to show
consistent patterns of word order in their recall, even if relations among words in the list are not
apparent (Tulving, 1962). In other words, participants create their own consistent organization and then
group their recall by the subjective units they create. Although most adults spontaneously tend to
cluster items into categories, categorical clustering also may be used intentionally as an aid to
memorization.

Mnemonic devices are specific techniques to help you organize and memorize information. These
devices are especially helpful in memorizing lists of words because such devices add meaning to
otherwise meaningless or arbitrary lists of items (Best, 2003). Even music can be used as a mnemonic
device when a well-known or easy melody is used and connected with the material that needs to be
learned. Music can serve as a retrieval cue. For example, if you want to learn vocabulary words in a
foreign language for body parts, sing those words to yourself in a melody that you like and know well
(e.g., see Moore et al., 2008).

Activity???

Processes of Forgetting and Memory Distortion

Why do we so easily and so quickly forget phone numbers we have just looked up or the names of
people whom we have just met? Several theories have been proposed as to why we forget information
stored in working memory. The two most well-known theories are interference theory and decay
theory. Interference occurs when competing information causes us to forget something; decay occurs
when the passage of time causes us to forget.

Interference Theory

Interference theory refers to forgetting that occurs because recall of certain words interferes
with recall of other words. Evidence for interference goes back many decades (Brown, 1958;
Peterson & Peterson, 1959). In one study, participants were asked to recall trigrams (strings of
three letters) at intervals of 3, 6, 9, 12, 15, or 18 seconds after the presentation of the last letter
(Peterson & Peterson, 1959).

At least two kinds of interference figure prominently in psychological theory and research:
retroactive interference and proactive interference. Retroactive interference (or retroactive
inhibition) occurs when newly acquired knowledge impedes the recall of older material. This
kind of interference is caused by activity occurring after we learn something but before we are
asked to recall that thing. The interference in the Brown- Peterson task appears to be
retroactive because counting backward by threes occurs after learning the trigram. It interferes
with our ability to remember information we learned previously.

Proactive interference (or proactive inhibition) occurs when material that was learned in the
past impedes the learning of new material. In this case, the interfering material occurs before,
rather than after, learning of the to-be-remembered material. If you have studied more than
one foreign language, you may have experienced this effect quite intensely. The author studied
French at school, and then started learning Spanish when she entered college. Unfortunately,
French words found their way into her Spanish essays unnoticed, and it took her a while to
eliminate those French words from her writing in Spanish (proactive interference). Later, she
studied Italian, and because she had not practiced Spanish in a few years, when she formulated
Spanish sentences in a conversation without much time to think, there was a good chance a
mixture of Italian and Spanish would emerge (retroactive interference).

Another method often used for determining the causes of forgetting involves the serial-position
curve. The serial-position curve represents the probability of recall of a given word, given its
serial position (order of presentation) in a list. If you are like most people, you will find that
your recall of words is best for items at and near the end of a list. Your recall will be second best
for items near the beginning of the list and poorest for items in the middle of the list.

The recency effect refers to superior recall of words at and near the end of a list. The primacy
effect refers to superior recall of words at and near the beginning of a list., Both the recency
effect and the primacy effect seem to influence recall. The serial-position curve makes sense in
terms of interference theory. Words at the end of the list are subject to proactive but not to
retroactive interference. Words at the beginning of the list are subject to retroactive but not to
proactive interference. And words in the middle of the list are subject to both types of
interference. Therefore, recall would be expected to be poorest in the middle of the list.
Indeed, it is poorest.
Primacy and recency effects can also be encountered in everyday life. Have you noticed that
when you meet someone and then get to know him or her better, it can sometimes be very
hard to get over your first impressions? This difficulty may be a result of a primacy effect, which
leads to your remembering your first impression particularly well. And if you are applying for a
job and are doing interviews, being one of the first or last candidates interviewed may benefit
you in the hope that your interviewers will remember you better and more clearly than the
candidates whose turns were in the middle.

Page 226 activity:

Get at least two or three friends or family members to help you with this experiment. Tell them
that you are going to read a list of words and as soon as you finish, they are to write down as
many words as they can remember in any order they wish. (Make sure everyone has paper and
a pencil.) Read the following words to them about 1 second apart:

book, peace, window, run, box, harmony, hat, voice, tree, begin, anchor, hollow, floor, area,
tomato, concept, arm, rule, lion, hope.

After giving them enough time to write down all of the words they can remember, total their
number of recollections in the following groups of four:

1. book, peace, window, run

2. box, harmony, hat, voice
3. tree, begin, anchor, hollow
4. floor, area, tomato, concept
5. arm, rule, lion, hope

Most likely, your friends and family will remember more words from groups 1 and 5 than from
groups 2, 3, and 4, with group 3 the least recalled group. This exercise demonstrates the serial
position curve. Save the results of this experiment for a demonstration in Chapter 7.

Primacy and Regency Effects

Say the following list of words once to yourself, and then, immediately try to recall all the
words, in any order, without looking back at them:

table, cloud, book, tree, shirt, cat, light, bench, chalk, flower, watch, bat, rug, soap, pillow.
If you are like most people, you will find that your recall of words is best for items at and near
the end of the list. Your recall will be second best for items near the beginning of the list and
poorest for items in the middle of the list.

Decay Theory

In addition to interference theory, another theory explains how we forget information— decay theory. Decay theory
asserts that information is forgotten because of the gradual disappearance, rather than displacement, of the memory
trace. Thus, decay theory views the original piece of information as gradually disappearing unless something is done
to keep it intact. This view contrasts with interference theory, in which one or more pieces of information block
recall of another.

Decay theory turns out to be exceedingly difficult to test because under normal circumstances, preventing
participants from rehearsing is difficult. Through rehearsal, participants maintain the to-be-remembered information
in memory. Usually, participants know that you are testing their memory. They may try to rehearse the information
or they may inadvertently rehearse it to perform well during testing. However, if you do prevent them from
rehearsing, the possibility of interference arises. The task you use to
prevent rehearsal may interfere retroactively with the original memory.

The Constructive Nature of Memory

Autobiographical Memory

Autobiographical memory refers to memory of an individual’s history. Autobiographical memory is

constructive. One remembers one’s construction or reconstruction of what happened rather than
exactly what happened. People’s autobiographical memories are generally quite good. Nevertheless,
they are subject to distortions (as will be discussed later). They are differentially good for different
periods of life. Middle-aged adults often remember events from their youthful and early adult periods
better than they remember events from their more recent past (Read & Connolly, 2007; Rubin, 1982,
1996).

One way of studying autobiographical memory is through diary studies. In such studies, individuals,
often researchers, keep detailed autobiographies (e.g., Linton, 1982; Wagenaar, 1986). One investigator,
for example, kept a diary for a 6-year period (Linton, 1982). She recorded at least two experiences per
day on index cards. Then, each month she chose two cards at random and tried to recall the events she
had written on the cards as well as the dates of the events.

An often-studied form of vivid memory is the flashbulb memory—a memory of an event so powerful
that the person remembers the event as vividly as if it were indelibly preserved on film (Brown & Kulik,
1977).

People old enough to recall the assassination of President John Kennedy may have flashbulb memories
of this event. Some people also have flashbulb memories for the destruction of the World Trade Center,
or momentous events in their personal lives.

The emotional intensity of an experience may enhance the likelihood that we will recall the particular
experience (over other experiences) ardently and perhaps accurately (Bohannon, 1988). A related view
is that a memory is most likely to become a flashbulb memory under three circumstances: The memory
trace is important to the individual, is surprising, and has an emotional effect on the individual (Conway,
1995).

Some investigators suggest that flashbulb memories may be more vividly recalled because of their
emotional intensity. Other investigators, however, suggest that the vividness of recall may be the result
of the effects of rehearsal.

Memory Distortions

People tend to distort their memories (Aminoff, Schacter, & Bar, 2008; Roediger & McDermott, 2000;
Schacter & Curran, 2000; Schnider, 2008). For example, just saying something has happened to you
makes you more likely to think it really happened. This is true whether the event happened or not (Ackil
& Zaragoza, 1998). These distortions tend to occur in seven specific ways, which Schacter (2001) refers
to as the “seven sins of memory.” Here are his seven sins:

1. Transience: Memory fades quickly. For example, although most people know that O. J. Simpson was
acquitted of criminal charges in the murder of his wife, they do not remember how they found out
about his acquittal. At one time they could have said, but they no longer can.
2. Absent-mindedness: People sometimes brush their teeth after already having brushed them or enter
a room looking for something only to discover that they have forgotten what they were seeking.

3. Blocking: People sometimes have something that they know they should remember, but they can’t.
It’s as though the information is on the tip of their tongue, but they cannot retrieve it (see also the
explanation of the tip-of-thetongue phenomenon in Chapter 4). For example, people may see someone
they know, but the person’s name escapes them; or they may try to think of a synonym for a word,
knowing that there is an obvious synonym, but are unable to recall it.

4. Misattribution: People often cannot remember where they heard what they heard or read what they
read. Sometimes people think they saw things they did not see or heard things they did not hear. For
example, eyewitness testimony is sometimes clouded by what we think we should have seen, rather
than what we actually saw.

5. Suggestibility: People are susceptible to suggestion, so if it is suggested to them that they saw
something, they may think they remember seeing it. For example, in one study, when asked whether
they had seen a television film of a plane crashing into an apartment building, many people said they
had seen it. There was no such film.

6. Bias: People often are biased in their recall. For example, people who currently are experiencing
chronic pain in their lives are more likely to remember pain in the past, whether or not they actually
experienced it. People who are not experiencing such pain are less likely to recall pain in the past, again
with little regard to their actual past experience.

7. Persistence: People sometimes remember things as consequential that, in a broad context, are
inconsequential. For example, someone with many successes but one notable failure may remember the
single failure better than the many successes.

Repressed Memories

Might you have been exposed to a traumatic event as a child but have been so traumatized by this event
that you now cannot remember it? Some psychotherapists have begun using hypnosis and related
techniques to elicit from people what are alleged to be repressed memories.

Repressed memories are memories that are alleged to have been pushed down into unconsciousness
because of the distress they cause. Such memories, according to the view of psychologists who believe
in their existence, are inaccessible, but they can be dredged up (Briere & Conte, 1993). Although people
may be able to forget terrible events that happened to them, the support is only dubious for the notion
that clients in psychotherapy often are unaware of their having been abused as a child (Loftus, 1996).
Do repressed memories actually exist? Many psychologists strongly doubt their existence (Ceci & Loftus,
1994; Roediger & McDermott, 1995, 2000; Patihis et al., 2014). Others are at least highly skeptical
(Bowers & Farvolden, 1996; Brenneis, 2000).

There are many reasons for this skepticism. First, some therapists may inadvertently plant ideas in their
clients’ heads. In this way, they may create false memories of events that never took place. Indeed,
creating false memories is relatively easy, even in people with no particular psychological problems.
Such memories can be implanted by using ordinary, nonemotional stimuli (see below; Roediger &
McDermott, 1995). Second, showing that implanted memories are false is often extremely hard to do.
Reported incidents often end up, as in the case of childhood sexual abuse, merely pitting one person’s
word against another (Schooler, 1994). At the present time, no compelling evidence points to the
existence of such memories. But psychologists also have not reached the point at which their existence
can be ruled out definitively. Therefore, no clear conclusion can be reached at this time.
Summary

1. What have cognitive psychologists discovered regarding how we encode information for
storing it in memory?

Encoding of information in short-term memory appears to be largely, although not exclusively,

acoustic in form. Information in short-term memory is susceptible to acoustic confusability—
that is, errors based on sounds of words. But there is some visual and semantic encoding of
information in short-term memory. Information in long-term memory appears to be encoded
primarily in a semantic form. Thus, confusion tends to occur in terms of meanings rather than in
terms of the sounds of words. In addition, some evidence points to the existence of visual
encoding, as well as of acoustic encoding, in long-term storage.

Transfer of information into long-term storage may be facilitated by several factors:

a. rehearsal of the information, particularly if the information is elaborated meaningfully;
b. organization, such as categorization of the information;
c. the use of mnemonic devices;
d. the use of external memory aids, such as writing lists or taking notes; and
e. knowledge acquisition through distributed practice across various study sessions, rather than
through massed practice.

The distribution of time during any given study session does not seem to affect transfer into
long-term memory. The effects of distributed practice may be due to a hippocampal-based
mechanism that results in rapid encoding of new information to be integrated with existing
memory systems over time, perhaps during sleep.

2. What affects our ability to retrieve information from memory?

Studying retrieval from long-term memory is difficult because of problems of differentiating

retrieval from other memory processes. It also is difficult to differentiate accessibility from
availability. Retrieval of information from short-term memory appears to be in the form of serial
exhaustive processing. This implies that a person always sequentially checks all information on a
list. Nevertheless, some data may be interpreted as allowing for the possibility of self-
terminating serial processing and even of parallel processing.

3. How does what we know or what we learn affect what we remember?

Two of the main theories of forgetting in short-term memory are decay theory and interference
theory. Interference theory distinguishes between retroactive interference and proactive
interference. Assessing the effects of decay, while ruling out both interference and rehearsal
effects, is much harder. However, some evidence of distinctive decay effects has been found.
 Interference also seems to influence long-term memory, at least during the period of
consolidation. This period may continue for several years after the initial memorable experience.

Memory appears to be not only reconstructive—a reproduction of what was learned, based on
recalled data and on inferences from only those data—but also constructive—influenced by
attitudes, subsequently acquired information, and schemas based on past knowledge. As shown
by the effects of existing schemas on the construction of memory, schemas affect memory
processes. So, however, do other internal contextual factors, such as emotional intensity of a
memorable experience, mood, and even state of consciousness. In addition, environmental
context cues during encoding seem to affect later retrieval. Encoding specificity refers to the fact
that what is recalled depends largely on what is encoded. How information is encoded at the
time of learning will greatly affect how it is later recalled.

One of the most effective means of enhancing recall is for the individual to generate meaningful
cues for subsequent retrieval.

Reference: Sternberg, R., & Sternberg, K. (2017). Cognitive Psychology (7th ed.). Cengage Learning.