Hegels Idea of A Criticsl Theory
Hegels Idea of A Criticsl Theory
Hegels Idea of A Criticsl Theory
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Political Theory
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HEGEL'S IDEA OF A
CRITICAL THEORY
STEVEN B. SMITH
Yale University
99
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100 Political Theory / February 1987
constraints that are at least partially imposed by the minds of the agen
to whom the theory is addressed. Hegel's argument depends upon the
assumption that human agents are driven by a powerful common
interest in freedom that persists through the interplay of their passions
and actions. This conception of an immanent telos in history, while
crucial to some later versions of critical theory, has also given rise to a
powerful countertrend pointing in exactly the opposite direction. For if
the Hegelian idea of a rational movement in history can no longer be
supported then we cannot be confident that the method of immanent
critique can foster absolute truth. The question remains then: What can
be salvaged of the project for human emancipation once our forms of
life are no longer believed to possess a stable ground of intelligibility?
The various successors to Hegel-Nietzschean aestheticism, Deweyan
pragmatism, Heideggerian deconstruction-have all been inspired by
what they regarded as Hegel's inability to resolve the dilemmas of a
critical theory.3
My aim in this article is to reconstruct Hegel's practice of critique
along four stages. First, I would like to examine Hegel's account of the
necessity for an immanent critique of historical forms of consciousness
in their own terms; second, his theory of determinate negation or the
moment of negativity where these forms of consciousness are shown to
contain incoherences, anomalies, and contradictions that undermine
their own certainty; third, his belief in a rational necessity or progressive
deepening and enrichment that the mind undergoes along the road to
higher and more adequate modes of reflection; and fourth, Hegel's claim
to have achieved Absolute Knowledge, the point at which all future
historical development would cease. To anticipate my conclusion, I
want to suggest that despite the failure of Hegel's teleology, his critique
of traditional epistemology remains a vital and important source for
reflection on some of the fundamental alternatives facing political
theory today.
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Smith / HEGELS IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 101
It is natural to suppose that, before philosophy enters upon its subject proper-
namely, the actual knowledge of what truly is-it is necessary to come first to an
understanding concerning knowledge, which is looked upon as the instrument by
which to take possession of the Absolute, or as the means through which to get a
sight of it.4
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102 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
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Smith / HEGEL'S IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 103
Meanwhile, if the fear of falling into error introduces an element of distrust into
science, which without any scruples of that sort goes to work and actually does
know, it is not easy to understand why, conversely, a distrust should not be placed
in this very distrust, and why we should not take care lest the fear of error is not just
the initial error. As a matter of fact, this fear presupposes something, indeed a great
deal, as truth, and supports its scruples and consequences on what should itself be
examined beforehand to see whether it is truth.'0
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104 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
The idea that knowledge can be tested against itself is obviously not a
translucent one. Hegel's point is that any such standard or "yardstick"
against which we judge knowledge is already a form of knowledge, that
is, something that has already been posited by consciousness. It is not a
matter of judging or comparing consciousness to something outside
itself for the simple reason that the distinction between subject and
object, inside and outside, is a distinction posited by consciousness.
There is no "out there" to which thought refers. Consciousness is all
there is. "Consciousness," Hegel writes, "furnishes its own criterion in
itself; and the inquiry will thereby be a comparison of itself with its own
self; for the distinction, just made, falls inside itself."'I1
The Phenomenology, as we shall see, charts the development of the
various modes or forms (Gestalten) of consciousness by a process of
internal self-examination and reflection. Beginning with rudimentary
"self-certainty" Hegel, too, wants to show how "science" ( Wissenschaft)
is possible. What he wants to show is the journey traversed by
consciousness both at the "macro" level of the species as well as the
"micro" level of the individual. In this sense, the work has been justly
compared not only to Rousseau's Emile with its pedagogical function of
leading a youth from an untutored "natural consciousness" to full adult
maturity but also to Goethe's Werther and the whole genre of the
Bildungsroman.I2 The Phenomenology is not only a theoretical but a
practical treatise whose terminus is complete not when our concepts
correspond to an independently existing objective world as with
empiricism, or when this objective world is filtered through the
transcendental structure of consciousness as with rationalism. Rather
the Bildungsprozess stands complete when consciousness corresponds
to itself, that is, when "knowledge is no longer compelled to go beyond
itself."'"3 Only when all traces of disharmony and dissonance have
disappeared will the Phenomenology of Mind be complete. When this
stage is reached we will have attained to science or what Hegel calls
Absolute Knowledge.
It is, then, "this dialectic process which consciousness executes on
itself" that Hegel terms experience or history. 14 By trying to present the
various forms of experience from within, as they have appeared in
history, Hegel feels himself able to avoid the problems of the theory of
knowledge. Since any form of experience will contain within it some
standard of adequacy, it is only necessary to compare it against itself to
see whether it is as it ought to be. Hegel even suggests that it is not "we,"
the philosophical onlookers, who do the testing to see whether the
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Smith / HEGEL'S IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 105
The essential fact, however, to be borne in mind throughout the whole inquiry is
that both these moments, notion and object, "being for another" and "being in
itself," themselves fall within that knowledge which we are examining. Conse-
quently, we do not require to bring standards with us, nor to apply our fancies and
thoughts in the inquiry . . . in this respect, too, since consciousness tests and
examines itself, all we are left to do is simply and solely to look on.'5
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106 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
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Smith / HEGEL'S IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 107
should be clearly marked off from Greek skepticism. Hume takes as the basis of
truth the empirical element, feeling and sensation, and proceeds to challenge
universal principles and laws, because they are not justified on the basis of sense-
perception. So far was the ancient skepticism from making feeling and sensation
the canon of truth, that it turned against the sensate first of all.24
The same attitude toward the inadequacies of common sense and the
rigid concepts of the understanding (Verstand) are found again in the
Phenomenology. The opening chapter of the text, the dialectic of sense
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108 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
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Smith / HEGEL'S IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 109
says there, consists in "the disappearance of all that is objective, all that
is held to be true, existent, or universal, all that is definite, all that is
affirmative."30 Ancient skepticism carries out this "annihilation" of the
existing world, however, through a purely subjective withholding of
assent, the refusal to affirm or deny any positive statement. Hegel even
cites the maxim of Sextus Empiricus to "determine nothing" for nothing
is either true or false in itself.3' All propositions are alike in trustworthi-
ness or untrustworthiness. The cast of mind that this skepticism
obviously recalls is not unlike that of modern nihilism, for when we lose
our certainty that the objective world is fixed, stable, or determinate, the
result is that "self-consciouness itself loses its equilibrium and becomes
driven hither and thither in unrest, fear, and anguish."32 The result of
this purely "subjective liberation" from the "unconscious servitude in
which the natural self-consciousness is confined" turns out to be the
affirmation of a kind of empty formalism in which thought is cured "of
having a content such as this established in thought."33
Yet, for all his respect for the ancient dialecticians and their
dissolution of the familiar, Hegel's praise should not be mistaken for
endorsement. The virtue of skepticism, we have seen, consists in its
"negative attitude," which means that it shakes up the complacency of
everyday empirical or commonsense thinking. The maxim "affirm
nothing" is a useful corrective to the "dogmatism" of the understanding
that identifies seeming with being or that takes what appears to be the
case with what is the case. But precisely because it remains a purely
"subjective liberation," the liberation engendered by skepticism remains
empty; it is productive of nothing positive. It is hardly surprising, then,
that the only virtue admired by the ancient skeptics was the purely
formal one of ataraxia, imperturbability in the face of experience. There
is, then, at the heart of skepticism a sort of inability to learn from
experience. "In skepticism," Hegel remarks, "we now really have an
abrogation of the two one-sided systems [i.e., Stoicism and Epicurean-
ism] that we have hitherto dealt with; but this negative remains a
negative only, and is incapable of passing into an affirmative."34 And
later on he adds that "skepticism deduces no result, nor does it express
its negation as anything positive."35
The problem with ancient skepticism was that it was insufficiently
developmental. It could destroy but it could not create. While Hegel
regards the purely negative, destructive view of skepticism as an advance
over the naivete of the natural consciousness, it is still an incomplete
advance. His own dialectic might be called by contrast a positive
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110 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
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Smith / HEGEL'S IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 111
RA TIONAL NECESSITY
The above, of course, raises one of the most difficult problems of the
entire Hegelian philosophy. Hegel speaks of the process of determinate
negation as embodying a certain "logic" or necessity.40 But what kind of
logic or what kind of necessity? This is a hotly disputed question. On one
account, when Hegel says that "the completeness of the forms of unreal
consciousness will be brought about precisely through ... the necessity
of their connection with the others,"'41 he means no more than a kind of
hermeneutic or logographic necessity in which "every part of the [text]
must be necessary for the whole" and "the place where each part occurs
is the place where it is necessary that it should occur."42 This is the
necessity formed by the hermeneutic circle in which one can only
understand a whole text in relation to its parts and its parts by reference
to the whole. Necessity should be taken here not in the strict sense of
logical necessity or causal necessity but in the relatively looser sense of
not arbitrary or not accidental. The whole can be said to be governed by
this kind of necessity if it makes sense or simply hangs together in the
broadest sense of the term. The fault here is that this sense of necessity is
too loose to satisfy Hegel's more stringent criteria.
This leads us to a second kind of necessity that may be called practical
necessity.43 Practical necessity is concerned with those events or states of
affairs that it is within our power either to produce or prevent. This sense
of the term is clearly tied to a much older usage where to discover the
cause of something meant to provide grounds for the ascription of
praise, blame, guilt, or responsibility as when we ask "Who was
responsible for the war?" On this account, to discover the necessity for
something means (a) to disclose the initial condition or state of things
known or believed to exist by some agent or group of agents, and (b) the
desire or will on the part of those agents to bring about a change in this
state of things on the basis of their intending or meaning to. If either of
these two conditions is absent, the necessity in question cannot be of the
practical sort. The crucial factor here is that which causes is under
human control. If it were not, as when we act in a hypnotic trance or
ascribe responsibility for our actions to "fate," "karma," or "destiny,"
then we are no longer speaking of a case of practical necessity. This is
one, to repeat, where a human agent chooses to bring about some state
of affairs different from what is on the basis of his understanding of his
situation and his forming an intention to change it.
There is, however, a third and more distinctively "Hegelian" sense of
the term that might be called rational or teleological necessity. By
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112 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
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Smith / HEGEL'S IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 113
It is not the general idea that is implicated in opposition and combat, and that is
exposed to danger. It remains in the background, untouched and uninjured. This
may be called the cunning of reason-that it sets the passions to work for itself,
while that which develops its existence through such impulsion pays the penalty,
and suffers the loss.53
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114 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
Passions, private aims, and the satisfaction of selfish desires are ... tremendous
wellsprings of action. Their power lies in the fact that they respect none of the
limitations which law and morality would impose on them; and that these natural
impulses are closer to the core of human nature than the artificial troublesome
discipline that tends toward order, self-restraint, law and morality.55
The paradox is not merely that good consequences can result from
selfish or self-serving actions; that actions have unintended conse-
quences had been explored already in the writings of Smith and de
Mandeville. The paradox is that even on Hegel's own terms, it is difficult
to see what comprehension of rational necessity is supposed to do for the
moral agent. On one level, it is supposed to enable the agent to believe
that his good efforts will not go for nought. On another, however,
Hegel's assurance that other people's selfish actions may unwittingly
turn out to have good results may only serve to undermine one's
confidence in the need for morality. One might be justifiably alarmed at
what appears to be such a blatant council of irresponsibility. Rather
than encouraging the virtuous to persist in their good efforts, Hegel's
belief in a rational necessity tends to absolve the agent of all moral
responsibility. The result is that as individual moral actors, Caesar and
Napoleon are blameworthy for the harm they cause, but as agents of
history, they are praiseworthy for helping to further a higher moral
purpose.
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Smith / HEGEL'S IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 115
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116 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
In pressing forward to its true form of existence, consciousness will come to a point
at which it lays aside its semblance of being hampered with what is foreign to it,
with what is only for it and exists as an other; it will reach a position where
appearance becomes identified with essence, where, in consequence, its exposition
coincides with just this very point, this very stage of the science proper of mind.
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Smith / HEGEL'S IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 117
And, finally, when it grasps this its own essence, it will connote the nature of
absolute knowledge itself.61
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118 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
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Smith / HEGEL'S IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 119
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120 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
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Smith / HEGEL'S IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 121
when philosophy paints its grey in grey, then has a shape of life grown old. By
philosophy's grey in grey it cannot be rejuvenated but only understood. The owl of
Minerva spreads its wings only with the falling of dusk.72
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122 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
Observing what was taking place around me and reflecting on what had taken place
in the world since the Battle of Jena, I understood that Hegel was right to see in this
battle the end of History properly so-called.... From the authentically historical
point of view, the two world wars with their retinue of large and small revolutions
had only the effect of bringing the backward civilizations of the peripheral
provinces into line with the most advanced ... European [i.e., Hegelian] historical
positions.79
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Smith / HEGELS IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 123
NOTES
1. For works acknowledging Hegel's importance for this literature, see Theodor
Adorno, Negative Dialectics, trans. by E. B. Ashton (New York: Seabury Press, 19730;
Drei Studien zu Hegel (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1974); Ernst Bloch, Subjekt-Objekt:
Erlauterungen zu Hegel(Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1972); Jurgen Habermas, Knowledge and
Human Interests, trans. by Jeremy Shapiro (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971); Herbert
Marcuse, Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory (Boston: Beacon
Press, 1955); Hegels Ontologie und die Theorie der Geschichtlichkeit (Frankfurt:
Klostermann, 1968); Michael Rosen, Hegel's Dialectic and its Criticism (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1982).
2. For excellent discussions of the concept of critique, see Reinhart Koselleck, Kritik
und Krise: Ein Beitrag zur Pathogenese der Burgerlichen Welt (Freiburg: Karl Abler,
1959); Kurt Rottgers, Kritik und Praxis: Zur Geschichte des Kritikbegriffs von Kant bis
Marx (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1975); see also the discussion in Paul Connerton, The
Tragedy of Enlightenment: An Essay on the Frankfurt School (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1980), 16-26.
3. See Richard J. Bernstein, Beyond Relativism and Objectivism (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 1983); Fred J. Dallmayr, 7he Twilight of Subjectivity:
Contributions to a Post-Individualist Theory of Politics (Amherst: University of
Massachusetts Press, 1981); Richard Rorty, Consequences of Pragmatism (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1982); I have also dealt with some of these issues in my
Reading Althusser: An Essay on Structural Marxism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,
1984).
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124 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
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Smith / HEGELS IDEA OF A CRITICAL THEORY 125
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126 POLITICAL THEORY / FEBRUARY 1987
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