Most are likely to identify ecstasy as the state or religious inspiration under which a prophet

prophecies in the name of a god in Israel’s case in the name of Yahweh. Again, most are likely to
refer to the frenzied activity of the Baal prophets in their contest with Elijah, perhaps contrasting
that with Elijah’s theophany of the ‘still small voice, also with Elijah’s ecstatic state in running
before Ahab’s chariot. Some might argue that ecstatic vision and ecstatic behaviour can be seen
most clearly in the early sons of the prophets, for example those associated with Samuel, and
Saul’s encounter with this group, the nature of which perhaps implies that prophetic ecstasy was
contagious. The prophetic word and vision operated during the prophet’s ecstatic state, and it
was believed that this gave the prophet access to Yahweh’s divine council from which the
prophetic word came. Some might refer to the prophetic formulae, thus says Yahweh, oracle of
Yahweh, which the prophet used to begin or end an inspired oracle. Other candidates might
perhaps identify ecstasy negatively, in association with the false prophets, perhaps on the basis of
the negative treatment of the Baal prophets in the Carmel narrative.

The meaning of the term 'ecstatic' has already been explored and little more needs to be said
here. It is most commonly used of the early prophets such as those in (1 Sam. 10:5, 10) and
refers to their abnormal psycho-physical state. Because these prophets appeared in communities,
it could well be that ecstasy was a state normally experienced by groups, though instances of
individual experiences are mentioned. Perhaps then it was characteristic. Further, since these
communities seem to have some connection with cultic sanctuaries (1 Sam.10:5), there could be
a close relation between ecstatic prophets and the cult. It is not surprising, therefore, that the
equation has been made between ecstatic and cultic prophets. These, in turn, have been equated
with institutional prophets and so already we encounter the difficulty of labelling prophets as if
they fell into neat divisions. The term 'ecstatic' should then, in the first instance, be used of
prophets who experienced ecstasy, and it may be that institutional or independent, true o£ false
prophets might have this experience. Whether or not the canonical prophets can be described as
ecstatic largely depends, as we have seen, on how we understand the word ecstasy. Thus ecstasy
denotes primarily a kind of prophetic experience and in itself is of little help in defining the
prophetic office or function. The situation is quite different, however, so far as the second type is
concerned, and this will now be considered.
It is interesting that in his Theology of the Old Testament, makes a clear differentiation between
the official leaders in Israel and the charismatic leaders. In the first category he places priest and
king and in the second he places prophets, irrespective of type and period. If the matter were
really so simple, however, there would hardly be cause for discussing the term institutional in
relation to the prophets, for all prophets would be indeed pendent, which is surely the antithesis
of institutional. The fact is that to call all the early prophets’ independent is not entirely accurate
as they appear to be related to the court and the cult and so to be, in some degree, dependent on
the institution of monarchy. Moreover, it is this relationship of the early prophets to the court and
the king's sanctuaries which has led recent scholars to speculate about the relationship of the
canonical prophets to the cult and, in some cases, to speak of a prophetic office within the cult. It
should be emphasised that not all talk about the prophetic office involves the notion of an
official, cultic position. For the term office can be defined very widely as a specific task or
function attached to a particular position or commission. When office is used in this way, it is
obvious that every prophet in the Old Testament has an office. Whether it is great or small,
important or unimportant, recognised or unrecognised, each prophet will have an office at least
one. There is, however, another way of understanding the term and it is here that official and
'institutional' become virtually synonymous.
According to this understanding, office is not conceived of as any task, not even as a task
attached to a particular position or post, but more precisely as the task expected and required of a
person who has been given a position by king, state, or public body. If this definition be
followed, then it is far less obvious that the early prophet in ancient Israel has an office, and the
question of whether or not he has becomes important. The question then is there evidence in the
Old Testament for prophets who were undeniably official? If such prophets are to be found, the
primary place will naturally be the court, and the main areas to be explored will be the relation of
the prophet to the king, and the relation of the prophet to the priest. It is said that the first reliable
information we have about Israelite prophecy is in the period of the early monarchy. Certainly, it
is here that we encounter the first outstanding figure in Samuel. In considering the presentation
of Samuel as a prophet and the question of institution or office, it is vital to take account of the
fact that there are two main traditions to be found in 1 Samuel. In the first, as found, for instance,
in1Samuel 8;10:17-27a; 12, we have a picture of Samuel as a national figure, ruler of the people,
the last of those judges who were raised up by God to save his people.
Men have sought communication from their god by various means. One is by ecstatic frenzy. In
ecstatic frenzy the subject seeks to withdraw his mind from conscious participation in the world
so that it may be open to the reception of the divine word. To achieve this ecstatic state,
poisonous gas may be employed a rhythmic dance, or even narcotics. The desire is to lose all
rational contact with the world and so make possible a rapport with the spirit realm. This manner
of seeking divine communication was prevalent in Asia Minor in the second millennium, B.C.,
and, during the last half of that time, moved from there into Greece on the west and Syria on the
east and South. It is believed that the Canaanites thus came to know and adopt the practice and
make it a part to their religious service. Those who do believe accordingly that Israel's early
prophets were typical ecstatics of the day seeking revelational, contact with their God quite as
those of Canaan and Asia Minor. These persons are pictured as moving through the land in rather
wild bands, chanting in loud voices, and making ecstatic inquiry for people upon request. The
people are thought to have accepted them as holy because they did conduct themselves in this
manner, considering their ability to achieve the ecstatic state a badge of their authority.

Already before Israel's conquest of Palestine, Moses calls himself a prophet and states that a
prophet like himself would arise after him (Deut. 18: 15-22). He uses the singular, in reference to
this one, and so is correctly taken to mean Christ as the supreme Prophet thus to arise, but the
context shows that he has reference in a secondary sense also to prophets generally who should
appear in later history. Moses himself clearly was not an ecstatic. Hence, if prophets to follow
him were to be like him, neither would they be ecstatic. Further, in this same passage, Moses
warns the people specifically against following revelational practices of surrounding nations,
stating that in contrast, God's Word through these prophets would be the approved way for
revelation in Israel.
This means that ecstatic frenzy, which was practiced by surrounding nations, was officially
disallowed. Looking now at prophets who did follow Moses, the Biblical picture of them is in
keeping with Moses' words. Joshua, though not called a still does the work of a in that he
receives and gives forth the Divine communication, and Joshua was in no way an ecstatic.
Deborah is called a prophetess and she displays similar behavior as, along with Barak, she leads
against the Canaanite foe Sisera. Samuel is repeatedly portrayed, and never shows ecstatic traits.
Indeed scholars who hold to the ecstatic idea for other prophets, readily assert that Samuel was
of another type, the seer. Seers, in contrast to prophets, are said to have been quiet persons,
waiting for inquirers to come to them. But moving through history further, we find the same,
non-ecstatic manner of prophecy with Nathan (II Sam. 7:2; 12:25), Gad (II Sam. 24:11), Ahijah
(I Kgs. 11:29; 14:2-18), and others. Though not much is stated regarding anyone of them, never
are they depicted in a way to suggest any kind of irrational, ecstatic behavior to their prophetic
activities.
Discussion of prophecy and its social implications in the Old and New Testament and in the
Church in the first two Centuries must start with its origin among the Israelite people. Prophecy
represents a phase in the religious history of Israel. Prophecy appears in many religions and
cultures, not least those of ancient Near Bast. Though evidence is scanty, due to the fact that
prophets proclaimed their message orally, some scattered traditions have survived about Near
Eastern prophets which indicate its existence from early times. Two groups of individuals having
prophetic, powers are recorded, namely Seers (roeh) and Nabii ecstatic prophets. Among the
nomads of ancient, Near East, the figure of a Seer played an important role. While there are few
specific allusions in the early period, persistency of the nomadic institution of the Bedouin world
makes it likely that men of God or inspired persons appeared as Seers among the nomads
proclaiming divine instructions on the basis of dreams and presentiments. Thus the Patriarchs of
Balaam (Numbers 22 - 24) may correspond to Arabic Kahim. The Seer was not necessarily
associated with the sanctuary, but there was no opposition between the Seer and the Sanctuary
attendants because sometimes both these activities can be found in one person. In the early
nomadic culture the activities of priest, magician and the clan leader might coincide with those of
a. Seer in a single person held to be inspired. The Seers primary contact with the other higher,
world was through the sense of vision; hearing played a lesser role.

Oracles were usually based on what came into view, and what the Seer observed. This was true
of Balaam, who had to see the Israelites before he could curse them. Another form of prophecy
had its root in the settled area of the ancient Near East and was linked with stimulating
vegetation and fertility cults. This is called the ecstatic prophecy in the Sanctuary or Royal
Courts who are best designated by the Old Testament nabi. We are not going to delve into the
etymology of the word, but it is enough to say that some medieval Jewish commentators
understood the root meaning of the Nabii to come from the. Akkadian word meaning call. The
Old Testament itself mentions the ecstatic prophets of the god and presupposes the existence of
prophets as an internationally known phenomenon. In the 18th Century BC a letter from Aleppo,
an ambassador of Zimrilin, King of Mari, mentions Apilum “Answerer” who had a female
counterpart and normally performed his duty in the Sanctuary. From around 1700 BC a series of
letters from Mari on the middle of Euphrates testifies to the appearance of male and female
prophets termed, apilum or Muhhum and Muhhutum. They belonged to a class of men and
women who received mandates from the deity with whose temple they are associated through
omens, dreams, or visions and ecstatic experiences which they transmitted in the form of oracles.
In the following period also they were in Babylon priests and priestess who supported the King
with spoken dreams. In Assyria, there was another type of ecstatic prophecy exercised by
priestess known by name, especially those associated with Ishtar temple at Arbela.

In Egypt, there is no certain evidence for the appearance of prophets. The Mari letters tell in each
case how a man or woman came without being summoned to a governor or other high official of
the King bringing a demand or message from the deity to be transmitted to the King. The letters
frequently state that ecstatics received the instructions of the deity in a dream. No distinction is
made between dreams and visions which are also mentioned. The requirements, of the deity were
addressed to the King and referred to quite diverse matters the deity’s instructions about the
strategic situation when the King was at war, the construction of a city gate, the provision of
sacrificial animals and the observance of a sacrificial occasion. From what has been said, it is
clear that, prophecy was not a unique phenomenon to the religion of Israel. The parallels of the
prophecies in the ancient Near East to the Israelite prophecy are unmistakable. The apilum or
mahhum correspond to the nabi; like the nabi, he used the form of the short prophetical saying.
He demanded that the divine command be transmitted to the King without regard for whether it
pleased the King. He criticised the King’s conduct without regard to the fact that the vassals of
the King learned of his criticism. He delivered admonitions and warnings. If a promise was
conditional, he expected the King to obey the divine command, but he could also promise
unconditionally. All in all, this is like the professional prophecy of Israel. The fact that in Israel
there existed the form of prophecy found in ancient Near East is evident in (I Samuel 9 vs9). He
who is called a prophet (nabi) was formerly a freer. This shows that nomadic Israelites brought
with them to Palestine the institution of a freer as represented by patriarchs in the pre-Yahwistic
period and found the institution of the nabi (prophet) in Palestine and borrowed it. The same
passage shows furthermore that the two distinct forms began to coalesce and something new was
coming into being.

Old Testament prophecy transformed what it had borrowed adapting it to the requirements of
Jewish monotheism. Influence of Yahwism made a crucial contribution to the existing elements,
even more marked than in other aspects of Hebrew religion. Thus began a long and complicated
process that was still in full swing about 1000 BC. In this period Yahwistic Seers (Nathan) and
Nabis (I Samuel 10 s 5) still existed side by side as representatives of separate phenomena. Their
gradual coalescence produced the Old Testament prophecy in the strict sense, first in transitional
forms that are hard to make out, more clearly in Elijah and Elisha. Following the practice of the
seers, such prophets could make their appearance as individual figures independent of Sanctuary
and Cult and without ecstatic experiences. In Israel as in other parts of Near East, prophetic
ecstasy in the absence of bureaucratization remained a force to reckon with. In the times of war,
these ecstatics were bound up with national movements. In this aspect really, the Israelite nebiim
was net different from those found elsewhere. They were recruited according to personal
charisma, they pursued their common exercises in special habitats, Mention is made of nebiim,
in such Israelite towns as Gibeah, Rama, Gilgal, Bethel and music and dances were means of
evoking ecstasy (II Kings 3 vs 15). Their activities also included acts of frenzy which was to
acquire magical powers. The miracle with which Elisha in (II Kings 4 vs 15) is associated with is
typical of professional sorcery. This allows us to confirm that the nebiim were sought after as
medicine men. As war prophets, the Yahweh nebiim appeared in the Northern Kingdom at the
beginning of the national wars. At first this had nothing to do with prediction. Its business was
the incitement to crusade, promise of victory-magic. There is no proof of relationship, between
ecstatic war prophecy of individuals and the later school of nebiim ecstasy. Obviously there must
have been a relationship because the war ecstasy was in no way confined to individual’s ecstasy
of charismatic, and war prophets of the earlier times and mass ecstasy of the dervish bands of
later times of the peasant army.

When the peasant army got well organised, there was no longer any need for the nebiim. In the
time of the Yahwistic revolt of Jehu against the Omrid dynasty the ecstatic nebiim under the
leadership of Elisha once more appeared as a political factor. The Nebiim of Elisha differed from
that of Saul and Samuel in that they constituted a school. Strictly speaking, these free prophets
had no national Israelite character. Under given conditions they made their services available to
non-Israelites. Their confirmed employment in both parts of the Kingdom was attested by the
sharp, words of the so called writing prophets who saw them as lying prophets. It would seem
that the present version of prophecy no longer distinguishes between Roeh and Nabi. It maintains
the Roeh was an older name for Nabi - we can dispute this. Roeh originally meant a man who
gave oracles on the basis of dreams, in short narrating the mind of Yahweh; he could have
visions and be able to interpret them. The Nabi employs an ecstatic frenzy and utter words, later
they came to be in a group. As the division between Roeh and Nabi in Israel gradually tended to
disappear, there gradually arose a group representing the dominant state of prophecy. There
developed cultic prophets who were participating in the cultic observances of the Sanctuaries
alongside the priests and the levites. Discourses of these are found in the verses of the Q Is alms,
and the prophetical books of Nahum and Habakkuk. There were also Court prophets who
exercised their ministry at the Royal Court and probably around the vicinity of other important
national figures. They promised the King his desired victory before a military campaign (I Kings
22) or like Hanniah supported the King's policies against dissenters, (Jeremiah 28). All these
groups include those condemned as false prophets. The Israelites now thought primarily of the
professional prophets as prophetic class alongside whom individual prophets made their
appearance. These were regarded as extra. These individual prophets however, include the names
of those who were accepted as true servants of Yahweh. Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, Micah, Zephaniah,
Jeremiah, Ezekiel and some part of Deutro-Isaiah. From Babylonian exile beginning in 586 BC
the pattern of Israelite thought about the prophets began to change. There was a gradual
realisation that the individual prophets, though few, were right and their court rivals had been
proved wrong. In the post exilic times, cult prophecy more and more lost its importance, while
the discourses] and accounts of the great individual prophets were collected and gradually took
the character of a Holy writ. The individual prophets were concerned with the covenant relation
between the members of the Israelite Community. Oppression and extortion were denounced as
abominable to God. The Covenant included social idealism. Prophecy itself tended to coalesce in
a single message pronounced by one who was acknowledged to have been called to God. What
then were the experiences of those prophets? Here we consider the phenomena common to all
prophets. The ministry began with the Call experience. This is persistent whether the message is
accepted or not. The next is the proclamation. Here the prophet performed some public acts but
he also had a deep personal contact with God in which the Spirit of. Yahweh comes to him. They
had a secret experience which was at first doubted by the prophets. The experience was
obviously accompanied by ecstatic experiences. Ezekiel is a case in hand. The next is the
prophets, interpretation of his experience. This is aided by the prophet's life and is followed by
rational interpretation or processing of his experience. This is followed by the reduction of his
message to artistic form. Let us now have a look at some of the individual prophets and the
general outline of their, teaching. Hera we do not intend to be exhaustive but it, still suffices to
have a bird's eye view of what the prophets taught.
REFERENCES

Lindblom. J. 1973. Prophecy in ancient Israel. London.