The art Task 1 

: What is politics and how do you qualify political systems ?

Readings
- Heywood Textbook Chapter 1 “What is Politics;” and Chapter 5 “Regimes of the Modern World.”
- Leftwich Adrian
- Additional source : Burnham and Co
Notes
“Man is by nature a political animal: it is his nature to live in a state.” –Aristotle
“All politics is local.”–Former Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives Tip O’Neill
“Disagreement about the nature of political activity is matched by controversy about the nature of politics as
an academic discipline. One of the most ancient spheres of intellectual enquiry, politics was originally seen as
an arm of philosophy, history or law...From the late nineteenth century onwards, however, this philosophical
emphasis was gradually displaced by an attempt to turn politics into a scientific discipline.”–Andrew Heywood

In the fourth century B.C., Aristotle looked around at the Greek city-states and devised a system of
classification that attempted to reflect the reality of their rule. He considered 158 Greek city-states then in
existence. Aristotle reasoned that political systems could be categorized on the basis of two questions: “who
rules” and “who benefits from rule?” This led him to identify six different forms of political systems.

19th and early 20th centuries more emphasis on the institutional features of political rule.
FE: parliamentary systems were distinguished from presidential ones, unitary systems were
distinguished from federal arrangements + more attention paid to the relationship between the
various branches of government.
20th century —> new forms of authoritarianism SO the world was eventually divided up into either
democratic or totalitarian systems.
Postwar era —> classifications were more multifaceted.
FE: the “three-world” classification that takes into account economic and ideological dimensions.
BUT
Today, “three world” approach appears dated.
WHY ?
The Newly Industrialized States of S-E-A, the oil-rich Middle East states, the advance of democracy
and capitalism into much of the former “second world” as well as the revolutions in parts of North
Africa, all make the “three world” classification less relevant.

Chapter 1: WHAT IS POLITICS?

I. DEFINING POLITICS
 Aristotle: politics is the master science, the activity through which humans attempt to
improve their lives and create a good society
 It is a social activity, a dialogue and not a monologue
 Disagreement on what makes social interaction « political », Is it because of where it takes
place (government, the state) OR Is it because of the type of activity it involves (peaceful
resolving or exercising control over less powerful groups)
 Globalizing tendencies have questioned the disciplinary divide between politics and IR
KEY ISSUES
1. What are the defining features of politics as an activity?
2. How has ‘politics’ been understood by various thinkers and traditions?
 3. What are the main approaches to the study of politics as an academic discipline?
4. Can the study of politics be scientific?
5. What roles do concepts, models and theories play in political analysis?
6. How have globalizing trends affected the relationship between politics and international relations?
Definition
Politics: The activity through which people make, preserve and amend the general rules under which
they live. The academic Politics is the study of this activity.
Thus, it is linked to the phenomena of conflict and cooperation.
Conflict: Competition btw opposing forces, reflecting s diversity of opinions, preferences, needs or
interests.
Cooperation: Working together: achieving goals through collective action.
It is a process of conflict resolution, in which rival views or competing interests are reconciled with
one another. —> diversity and scarcity (there is never enough to go around) ensures that politics is
an inevitable feature of human condition.
 2 major problems to define « politics »
o The mass of association: it is a loaded term, many ppl come to politics with
preconceptions (think that the politic teacher is biased), it is seen as a « dirty » word
(think about images of trouble)
 Johnson « nothing more than a means of rising in the world »
 Adams « the systematic organization of hatred »
o No agreement on what the subject is about
 Defined in diff ways which creates problems
 Does it refer to a particular way in which rules are made, preserved or
amended, or to all such processes?
 Is it practiced in all social contexts and institutions, or only in certain ones?
 CONCLUSION: Politics may be treated as an ‘essentially contested’ concept, en gros : that
the term has a number of acceptable or legitimate meanings
 These diff views may simply consist of contrasting conceptions of the same, if necessarily
vague, concept.
 2 broad approaches to defining politics:
o Location or arena: in which behavior becomes political, bc of where it takes place
o Process or mechanism: in which « political » behavior is one that has distinct
characteristics or qualities and thus can take place in any social context

1- POLITICS AS THE ART OF GOVERNMENT

 Bismarck thought the art of government, the exercise of control within society though the
making and enforcement of collective decisions
 Polis meaning city-state, Ancient Greek society was divided into a collection of independent
city-states which each possessed its own system of government.
 Thus here it is understood as « what concerns the polis » or « what
concerns the state »
Polis: Greek = City-state; classically understood to imply the highest or most desirable form of social
organization
 David Easton - « authoritative allocation of values » to define politics
 o He means that politics include the various processes through which the gov.
responds to pressure by allocating benefits, rewards and penalties.
o « authoritative values » are those accepted by society and thus bind the citizens
 THUS, here, politics is associated with policy
o Authority
 Defined as ‘legitimate power’. Whereas power is the ability to influence the
behavior of others, authority is the right to do so.
 It based on an acknowledged duty to obey rather than on any form of
coercion or manipulation.
 THUS authority is power cloaked in legitimacy or rightfulness.
 Weber distinguished between three kinds of authority, based on the
different grounds on which obedience can be established: traditional
authority is rooted in history; charismatic authority stems from
personality; and legal–rational authority is grounded in a set of
impersonal rules.
 Politics is what takes place within a polity: A society organized through the exercise of
political authority; for Aristotle, rule by the many in the interests of all
o It is thus practiced in particular areas (legislative chambers, cabinet rooms,..)
o And is limited to a specific group of people (politicians, civil servants,…)
 THUS this implies that most people, institutions and social activities are
« outside political » and families, community groups are « non-political »
 This ignores the international and global influences
 Link btw politics and affairs of the state explains the negative image of politics
o In the popular mind ppl associate politics with politicians and as self-seeking
hypocrites, more common perception now because of more intense media exposure
which has brought to light examples of dishonesty and corruption which gives rise to:
anti-politics: a view of politics as self-serving, 2-faced and unprincipled activity,
defined as: disillusionment with formal or established political processes, reflected in
non-participation, support for anti-system parties, or the use of direct action
 Machiavelli – Italian politician, developed an account of politics that drew
attention to the use by political leaders of cunning, cruelty and manipulation.
 Lord Acton - « Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely »
 THUS, it is important to ensure that politics is conducted within a framework of checks and
constraints that guarantee that governmental power is not abused
 Power : In politics, it is usually the ability to influence the behavior of others in a manner not
of their choosing —> « power over » ppl, associated with the ability to punish or reward

2- POLITICS AS PUBLIC AFFAIRS

 No more distinction btw the political and the non-political

 Aristotle - « the man is by nature a political animal » here politics is an ethical activity
which is concerned with creating a « just society » What he called the « master science »
 Line btw public life and private life ???
 Usually conforms to the division btw state (public) and civil society (private, set up and
funded by individual citizens to satisfy their own interests)
 So politics is restricted to the activities of the state itself THUS the areas of life that
individuals can and do manage for themselves (economic, social, domestic, …) are « non-
political »
 ARISTOTLE
o Greek philosopher, student of Plato, established his own school : his peripatetic
school, Politics is his best-known political work, in which he portrays the city-state as
 the basis for the virtue and well-being and argued that democracy is preferable to
oligarchy
 Civil society: used to describe institutions that are private, meaning that they are
independent from the gov. and organized by individuals in pursuit of their own ends
o Refers to a realm of autonomous groups and associations: businesses, interest
groups, clubs, families, …
o The term « global civil society » means of referring to non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) and transnational social movements
 The notion that politics should exclude « the personal » has been challenged by feminists.
 For them , the public sphere of life has been the preserve of men, while women have
confined to the private spheres (families, domestic responsibilities)
o THUS if politics takes place only within the public sphere, the role of women and the
question of gender equality are issues of little or no political importance

 Hannah Arendt - « politics is the most important form of human activity because it involves
interaction amongst free and equal citizens. It thus gives meaning to life and affirms the
uniqueness of each individual »
o German political theorist and philosopher
 Rousseau and Mill who portrayed political participation as a good in itself have had similar
conclusions
o Rousseau - « only through the direct and continuous participation of all citizens in
political life can the state be bound to the common good, or what he called the
‘general will’ ».
o Mill’s view, involvement in ‘public’ affairs is educational, in that it promotes the
personal, moral and intellectual development of the individual.
CONTRAST WITH
 Politics as public activity is also unwanted, mainly liberal theorists have exhibited a
preference for civil society over the state on the grounds that « private » life is a realm of
choice, personal freedom and individual responsibility
o Demonstrated by attempts and wishes to « keep politics out of » private activities
such as business sport etc
o From this point of view, politics prevents ppl acting as they choose
3- POLITICS AS COMPROMISE AND CONSENSUS

 Politics is conducted to the way in which decisions are made

 Consensus: Means particular agreement, 1. it is a broad agreement, the terms of which are
accepted by a wide range of individuals or groups, 2. An agreement about fundamental or
underlying principles as opposed to a precise or exact agreement
o In other words, a consensus permits disagreement on matters of emphasis or detail.
A procedural consensus is a willingness to make decisions through a process of
consultation and bargaining. A substantive consensus is an overlap of ideological
positions that reflect agreement about broad policy goals.
 Aristotle’s belief that « polity » is the ideal system of government as it is mixed » in the sense
that it combines aristocratic and democratic features
 Bernard Crick - « Politics [is] the activity by which differing interests within a given unit of rule
are conciliated by giving them a share in power in proportion to their importance to the
welfare and the survival of the whole community. »
o THUS, here politics is a wide dispersal of power
o He accepts that conflict is inevitable and argues that when social groups and
interests possess power they must be conciliated (mediated)
o THUS, this is based on resolute faith in the efficacy of debate and discussion
 CRITICS ON CRICK
o Say that Crick’s conception of politics is biased towards the form of politics of
Western pluralist democracies: he equates politics with electoral choice and party
competition —> does NOT define one party states or military regimes
 This view of politics is not utopian as compromise means concessions (not everyone is
satisfied) but is preferable to bloodshed and brutality
o THUS, here politics can be seen as a civilized and civilizing force
o Counter argument showing compromise as difficult, leading to disenchantment with
democratic politics and expressed in —> the rise of populism and the emergence of
politics that disdain compromise and consensus and places more emphasis on
conflict EX: The election of Trump has often been said to illustrate this trend

4- POLITICS AS POWER

 The broadest and most radical definition, this view sees politics at work in all social activities
and in every corner of human existence
 Leftwich - « politics is at the heart of all collective and social activity, formal and informal,
public and private, in all human groups, institutions and societies »
 THUS, here politics takes place at every level of social interaction
o BUT what differentiates it form any other form of social behavior ?
  Politics is in essence power: the ability to achieve a desired outcome, through whatever
means.
 Lasswell’s book: essential ingredient of politics is scarcity: the simple fact that, while human
needs and desires are infinite, the resources available to satisfy them are always limited.
o Politics can therefore be seen as a struggle over scarce resources, and power can be
seen as the means through which this struggle is conducted.
 Advocates of the view of politics as power include feminists and Marxists.
 Feminists
o Have sought to expand the arenas in which politics can see to take place « the
personal is the political », the also viewed politics as a process, related to the
exercise of power over others
 Marxists
o Used the term in 2 senses
 1. In a conventional sense to refer to the apparatus of the state, Communist
Manifesto: « merely the organized power of one class for oppressing
another »
 For him politics (law and culture) is distinct from the economic base that is
the real foundation of social life, but did not see them as entirely separate
 In this view, political power is thus rooted in the class system
 Lenin - « politics is the most concentrated form of economics)
o Marxists can be said to believe that ‘the economic is political’
o Civil society characterized by class struggle for Marxists, is the the very heart of
politics
 These views are negative terms of politics:
o about oppression and subjugation
 Radical feminists hold that society is patriarchal, women subjected to male
power
 Marxists argued that politics in a capitalist society is characterized by the
exploitation of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie
 BUT Can be balanced as the fact that politics is also seen as an emancipating force
o Injustice and domination can be challenged
 Marx: class exploitation would be overthrown by a proletarian revolution,
and radical feminists proclaim the need for gender relations to be reordered
through a sexual revolution
 Marxists believe that ‘class politics’ will end with the establishment of a
classless communist society. This, in turn, will eventually lead to the
‘withering away’ of the state, —> bringing politics in the conventional sense
to an end
II. STUDYING POLITICS
 Science: field of study that aims to develop reliable explanations of phenomena through
repeatable experiments, observation and deduction.
o Karl Popper suggested that science can only falsify hypotheses, since ‘facts’ may
always be disproved by later experiments.
1. APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF POLITICS
 Controversy about the nature of politics as an academic discipline
 Politics was originally seen as an arm of philosophy, history or law —> central purpose was to
uncover the principles on which human society should be based
 Late 19th century, an attempt to turn politics into a scientific discipline
 The ‘traditional’ search for universal values acceptable to everyone has largely been
abandoned, so has the insistence that science alone provides a means of disclosing truth
THE PHILOSOPHICAL TRADITION
 « political philosophy » ancient Greece political analysis
o Involving Normative questions : The prescription of values and standards of conduct;
what ‘should be’ rather than what ‘is’.
 It is prescriptive
 Plato and Aristotle are seen as the founding fathers of this tradition
 Plato attempted to describe the nature of the ideal society, which in his view
took the form of a benign dictatorship dominated by a class of philosopher
kings
 This approach has the character of literary analysis: it is interested primarily
in examining what major thinkers said, how they developed or justified their
views, and the intellectual context within which they worked.
 Questions like: ‘Why should I obey the state?’, ‘How should rewards be
distributed?’, and ‘What should the limits of individual freedom be?’ it
cannot be objective
 Objective: External to the observer, demonstrable; untainted by feelings,
values or bias
o Plato: follower of Socrates, taught that the material world consists of imperfect
copies of abstract and eternal ‘ideas’. His political philosophy, he describes the ideal
state in terms of a theory of justice. Both works are decidedly authoritarian and pay
no attention to individual liberty, believing that power should be vested in the hands
of an educated elite, the philosopher kings. He was therefore a firm critic of
democracy. Plato’s work has exerted wide influence on Christianity and on European
culture in general.
THE EMPIRICAL TRADITION
 Can be seen in Aristotle’s attempt to classify constitutions, Machiavelli’s realistic account of
statecraft and Montesquieu’s sociological theory of government and law
 Empirical approach : Based on observation and experiment; empirical knowledge id derived
from sense data and experience
 It is descriptive
 Descriptive political analysis has become more philosophical due to empiricism (from the
17th century onwards through theorists such as Locke and Hume
 Positivism (test theories by a process of observation), Auguste Comte
o Science was seen as the only reliable means of finding truth, develop a science of
politics became irresistible
 Positivism: The theory that social, and indeed all forms of, enquiry should adhere strictly to
the methods of the natural sciences.
BEHAVIORALISM
 Behavioralism: The belief that social theories should be constructed only on the basis of
observable behavior, providing quantifiable data for research.
 Emergence in 1950s and 1960s of a form of analysis that drew heavily on behavioralism
o Provided objective and quantifiable data against which hypotheses could be tested
 David Easton proclaimed politics could adopt the methodology of the natural sciences, gave
rise to quantitative research methods such as :
o Voting behavior
o Behavior of legislators, municipal politicians and lobbyists
 The rise of behavioralism gave major impetus to the systemic study of comparative politics
 Comparative politics: involves identifying and exploring similarities and differences between
political units (usually states) in order to develop ‘grounded theories’, test hypotheses, infer
causal relationships, and produce reliable generalizations.
 o Sometimes seen as the most feasible technique for developing scientific knowledge
of politics
 Behavioralism under pressure —> inclined a generation of political scientists to turn their
backs on the entire tradition of normative political thought —> liberty, equality and rights
were discredited bc not verifiable entities
RATIONAL-CHOICE THEORY
 Provides a useful analytical device, which may provide insights into the actions of voters,
lobbyists, bureaucrats and politicians, as well as into the behavior of states within the
international system
 This approach has had its broadest impact on political analysis in the form of what is called
‘institutional public-choice theory
 Has been applied in the form of game-theory : the use of first principles to analyze puzzles
about individual behavior
 Game-theory: A way of exploring problems of conflict or collaboration by explaining how one
actor’s choice of strategy affects another’s best choice and vice versa
o Prisoner’s dilemma : 2 ppl in a separate cell 3 option 1 confesses, both confess or
nobody confesses, shows that rational behavior can result in the least favorable
outcome (see book)
o G-T used by IR theorists to explain why states find it difficult to prevent, the
overfishing of the seas, or the sale of arms to undesirable regimes…
 Rational-choice theory pays insufficient attention to social and historical factors
 Constructivism: approach to analysis that is based on the belief that there is no objective
social or political reality independent of our understanding of it. Constructivists do not,
therefore, regard the social world as something ‘out there’, in the sense of an external world
of concrete objects; instead, it exists only ‘inside’, as a kind of inter- subjective awareness. In
the final analysis, people, whether acting as individuals or as social groups, ‘construct’ the
world according to those constructions.
NEW INSTITUTIONALISM
 Until the 1950s the study of politics largely involved the study of institutions
 The old one focused on the rules, procedures and formal organization of government (same
method as used in law and history)
 Then : Behavioral revolution marginalized institutionalism (1960s-70s)
 Interest in Institutionalism revived in 1980s by the emergence of « new institutionalism »
o N-I revised our understanding of what constitutes an institution
o Institution: A well-established body with a formal role and status; more broadly, a set
of rules that ensure regular and predictable behavior, the ‘rules of the game’.
 CHANGED, political institutions no longer = political organizations but as sets of rules, which
guide the behavior of individual actors
 Rules are as likely to be formal or informal (unwritten conventions)
o Explains why it is difficult to reform, transform or replace institutions
o The N-I emphasize that institutions are « embedded » in a particular normative and
historical context
o Thus, just as actors within an institutional setting are socialized to accept key rules
and procedures, the institution itself operates within a larger and more fundamental
body of assumptions and practice
 Critics say political actors are viewed as « prisoners » of the institutional contexts in which
they operate
CRITICAL APPROACHES
 Marxism => principal alternative to mainstream political science
 1st to describe politics in scientific terms
  Using his « materialist conception of history », he seemed to understand the driving force of
historical dev.
 Enabled him to make predictions about the future based on laws, which had the same
status in terms of proof as the natural science
 BUT Modern political analysis has become more diverse with new critical perspectives:
feminism, critical theory, green ideology, constructivism, poststructuralism and post-
colonialism
 POSTMODERNISM: highlights the shift away from societies structured by industrialization
and class solidarity to increasingly fragmented and pluralistic ‘information’ societies, where
individuals are transformed from producers to consumers and individualism replaces class,
religious and ethnic loyalties + POSTMODERNIST argue that there is no such thing as
certainty, universal truth must be discarded
THE LINKED CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CRITICAL APPROACHES
 Each of them, thus, seeks to uncover inequalities and asymmetries that mainstream
approaches tend to ignore
o FE: feminism, critical theory (has extended the notion of critique to all social
practices, drawing on a wide range of influences), green ideology or ecologism (has
challenged the anthropocentric (human-centred) emphasis of established political
and social theory, and championed holistic approaches to political and social
understanding)
 They have tried to go beyond the positivism of mainstream political science, emphasizing
instead the role of consciousness in shaping social conduct and, therefore, the political
world => POST-POSITIVIST approaches
o Post-positivism : An approach to knowledge that questions the idea of an ‘objective’
reality, emphasizing instead the extent to which people conceive, or ‘construct’, the
world in which they live
 Can be seen in relation to constructivism, which has had more impact on IR than Political
Science
 Constructivists have thrown mainstream political analysis’s claim to objectivity into question
o FE, as subjective entities, political actors have no fixed or objective interests or
identities; rather, these are fashioned (and can be re-fashioned) through the
traditions, values and sentiments that prevail at any time
 POSTMODERNISM AND POSTSTRUCTURALISM have emerged alongside each other
 POSTSTRUCTURALISM: emphasizes that all ideas and concepts are expressed in language
which itself is enmeshed in complex relations of power
 Poststructuralist’s have drawn attention to the link between power and systems of thought
using the idea of discourse, or ‘discourses of power’. Implying that knowledge is power.
 BOTH reject the idea of truth
 BUT Poststructuralist’s argue: it is possible to expose hidden meanings in particular
concepts, theories and interpretations through a process of deconstruction
 Discourse: Human interaction, especially communication; discourse may disclose or
illustrate power relations
 Deconstruction: A close reading of philosophical or other texts with an eye to their various
blind spots and/or

2. CONCEPTS, MODELS AND THEORIES

Concepts, models and theories are the tools of political analysis

CONCEPT
 Concept : is a general idea about something, usually expressed in a single word or a short
phrase
 o FE: the concept of a cat = the idea of a cat
It is an IDEA, which is composed of various attributes that give the cat a distinctive character
 Ideal type : is a mental construct in which an attempt is made to draw out meaning from an
otherwise almost infinitely complex reality through the presentation of a logical extreme.
Ideal types are explanatory tools, not approximations of reality; they neither ‘exhaust reality’
nor offer an ethical ideal
o FE : perfect competition in economics
 Concepts are the tools with which we think, criticize, argue, explain and analyze
 BUT PROBLEM : the political reality we seek to understand is constantly shifting and is highly
complex
o FE: the concept of democracy or human rights will be more rounded and coherent
than the unshapely realities they seek to describe
 Max Weber tried overcoming this problem by recognizing concepts as « ideal types »
 Mean that we single out some features, some features will be ignored
o FE: revolution as process of fundamental, and usually violent, political change
 Here we could use it to make sense of the French revolution and Eastern
European revolution BUT be careful when using this concept as it also
conceals vital differences (ideological and social character of the revolution)
 ANOTHER PROBLEM : Political concepts are often the subject of deep ideological controversy
o FE: « freedom » has different meanings to diff ppl
o How could we define true freedom : we CANNOT
o Just as we cannot define « politics » there are competing versions of many political
concepts —> contested concepts
o A single term can represent a number of rival concepts none of which are TRUE
 Essentially contested concept: A concept about which controversy is so deep that no settled
or neutral definition can ever be developed.

MODEL
 Model: A theoretical representation of empirical data that aims to advance understanding by
highlighting significant relationships and interactions.
 They are broader, compromise a range of ideas rather than a single one
 The model is to resemble the original object as faithfully as possible
 Conceptual models do not need to resemble an object FE a computer model of the economy
should bear a physical resemblance to the economy itself
 They are rather analytical tools
o One of the most influential models in political analysis is the model of the political
system developed by David Easton
o Example in the book (should students of politics seek to be objective and politically
neutral?) link to science in politics !!
 The political system model
Seeks to explain the entire political process, as well as the function of
major political actors, through the application of what is called systems
analysis. Here a linkage exists between what Easton calls ‘inputs’ and
‘outputs’.
Inputs into the political system consist of demands (higher living
standards) and supports (ways in which the public contributes to the
political system ex : paying taxes) from the general public.
Outputs consist of the decisions and actions of government, making of
policy or the passing of laws or the imposition of taxes. These outputs
generate « feedback » which in turn shapes further demands and supports
The key insight offered by Easton’s model is that the political system tends
towards long-term equilibrium or political stability, as its survival depends
on outputs being brought into line with inputs.
THEORY
 A theory is a proposition, It offers a systematic explanation of a body of empirical data
 Contrast with a model that is merely an explanatory device
 So in politics theories can be more or less true and models can be more or less useful
 But models and theories are often interlinked : broad political theories may be explained in
terms of a series of models
 Theory: A systematic explanation of empirical data, usually (unlike a hypothesis) presented
as reliable knowledge
Paradigm : in general meaning = a pattern or model that highlights relevant features of a particular
phenomenon.
By Kuhn, it is an intellectual framework comprising interrelated values, theories and assumptions,
within which the search for knowledge is conducted.
- FE: ‘Normal’ science is therefore conducted within the established paradigm, while
‘revolutionary’ science attempts to replace an old paradigm with a new one. The radical
implication of this theory is that ‘truth’ and ‘falsehood’ are only provisional judgements.
CRITICS
 However, virtually all conceptual devices, theories and models contain hidden values or
implicit assumptions. This is why it is difficult to construct theories that are purely empirical;
values and normative beliefs invariably intrude.
 THUS, there is a sense in which analytical devices, such as models and micro-theories, are
constructed on the basis of broader macro-theories
 Kuhn, the natural sciences are dominated at any time by a single paradigm; science develops
through a series of ‘revolutions’ in which an old paradigm is replaced by a new one.
 BUT Political and social enquiry is, however, different, in that it is a battleground of
contending and competing paradigms.
o These paradigms take the form of broad social philosophies, usually called ‘political
ideologies’: liberalism, conservatism, socialism, fascism, feminism, …
o Levels of conceptual analysis :

3. POLITICS IN A GLOBAL AGE

Beyond the domestic/international divide ?
 Politics as an academic discipline has focused on the state and its governmental apparatus
(where power lies within it, how decisions are made etc)
 State-based paradigm, is one in which politics has a distinct spatial or territorial character
(borders matter)
 This applies in the distinction of domestic politics (concerned with the state’s role in
maintaining order and carrying out regulation within its own borders) and international
politics (concerned with relations between or among states)
 Sovereignty (the authority of the state) divides the inside politics from the outside
 Inside and outside also separates what have been seen as 2 diff spheres of political
interaction
 The inside has an orderly character compared to the outside which has an anarchic character
(the fact that there is no authority)
 Thus the divisions of IR => (tended to treat states as micro-level actors within the larger
international arena) and political science => (tended to view states as macro-level actors
within the larger international arena)
  State-based paradigm has changed due to globalization, In particular, there has been a
substantial growth in cross-border, or transnational, flows and transactions – movements of
people, goods, money, information and ideas
 The division has become more difficult to sustain
 Some even say the division should be dissolved -Hay
 Transnational: Configuration, which may apply to events, people, groups or organizations,
that takes little or no account of national governments or state border
 THUS, Politics is perhaps best understood in terms of overlaps and interrelationships
between and amongst a number of spheres – the global, the regional, the national and the
local

SO we have to take into account the relationship btw these various sphere in political analysis
 It is difficult to argue that the 2 division domestic and international is meaningless

!!!! political science views the state as a macro-level actor, while IR views it as a micro-level actor !!!!
 Globalization, climate change, multilevel governance, security and crime are only some of the
issues that confound the traditional domestic/international divide, and perhaps suggest that
rigid disciplinary or sub-disciplinary fault lines should be dispensed with (Hay, 2002)

Questions to ask yourself

1. If politics is essentially social, why is not all social activity political?

2. Should politics be thought of as an arena or a process?
3. What are the implications of viewing politics as a strictly
‘public’ activity?
4. How and why has there been debate about the parameters of
the public/private divide?
5. Is compromise and consensus the very stuff of politics, or a
rejection of politics?
6. Why has power so often been thought of as the defining feature of politics?
7. Why has the term ‘politics’ so often carried negative and associations?
8. On what grounds can politics be defended?
9. Is politics inevitable? Could politics ever be brought to an
end?
10. What are the strengths and weaknesses of rational-choice
theory?
11. How do mainstream and critical approaches to the study of
politics differ?
12. Why and how have attempts been made to construct a
science of politics?
13. Is it possible to study politics objectively and without bias?
14. Is the distinction between domestic and international realms
of politics still sustainable?

LECTURE NOTES
Modern state
1999 Gérard shulter –The introduction of the euro is maybe the most important step of the European
integration process this will require us to bury some ideas of erroneous ideas of sovereignty
2003 The Economist – if you mentioned the word « national sovereignty » you would likely get a pity
look

Origins of the modern state :

Origins of the state – Lies in the shift from nomadic system hunger gatherers to more agrarian
societies with increasingly organized agriculture
Initial organisations were despotic and cohersive over a population, people lived in farms and did not
care so much about the world beyond
 CHAPTER 5 : REGIMES OF THE MODERN WORLD

 Some view that liberal democracy is natural and inevitable

 Others view that modern world is becoming more diffuse and fragmented —> alternative
regimes (illiberal democracy and authoritarian systems) are proving to be more successful
 What is the difference between governments, political systems and regimes?
 What is the purpose of classifying systems of government? On what basis have, and should,
regimes be classified? What are the systems of rule in the modern world?
 Does the future belong to democracy or authoritarianism?

1. TRADITIONAL SYSTEMS OF REGIME CLASSIFICATIONS

Why do we classify ?
What is « government » how does it differ to political systems or regimes ?
 Government : institutional processes through which collective and usually binding decisions
are made, The core functions of government are, thus, to make law (legislation), implement
law (execution) and interpret law (adjudication). In some cases, the political executive alone
is referred to as ‘the government’.
 INVERSE : political system and regimes => broader terms that encompasses not only the
mechanisms of government and the institutions of the state, BUT also the structures and
processes through which these interact with the larger society
 Political system : A network of relationships through which government generates ‘outputs’
(policies) in response to ‘inputs’ (demands or support) from the general public, there are
interrelationships
 Political regime is a system or « rule » that endures with government coming and going
 NOT like Governments which can be changed by elections, dynastic succession or coup
d’état…

 Regime : A set of arrangements and procedures for government, outlining the location of
authority and the nature of the policy process
 Coup d’état : A sudden and forcible seizure of government power through illegal and
unconstitutional action
WHY DO WE CLASSIFY ?
1. Classification is an essential aid to understand politics and gov. (by comparison, enables us to
develop theories, hypotheses and concepts, to test them) SO classification is a device for
making the process of comparison more methodical and systematic
o FE : impossible to devise experiments to test if US would be less susceptible to
institutional government gridlock if it abandoned its separation of powers
 Government gridlock: Paralysis resulting from institutional rivalry within government, or the
attempt to respond to conflicting public demands.
2. To facilitate evaluation, rather than analysis
CRITICS
o Comparitive analysis is hampered by the constant danger of ethnocentricism
 Ethnocentrism: The application of values and theories drawn from one’s own culture to
other groups and peoples; ethnocentrism implies bias or distortion
o Value biases tend to intrude in classification processes
  This can be seen in the tendency to classify communist and fascist regimes as
‘totalitarian’, implying that Western liberal democracies were fighting the
same enemy in the Cold War as they had done in World War II
o All systems of classification are state-bound, they treat individual countries as
coherent or independent entities in their own right NOW viewed as incomplete bc of
globalization
 Utopianism : a style of political theorizing that develops a critique of the existing order by
constructing a model of an ideal or perfect alternative. However, the term is often used in a
pejorative sense to imply deluded or fanciful thinking, a belief in an impossible goal.
CLASSICAL TYPOLOGIES
ARISTOTLE —>
 1st = Aristotle’s city-states analysis : who benefits ?, who rules ? => 6 forms of gov.
o Tyranny, Oligarchy, Democracy, Monarchy, Aristocracy, Polity
o Evaluate forms of gov. on normative grounds to find the « ideal » contsitution he
preferred the last 3 bc in these the individual, small groups and masses, governed in
the interests of all
o Tyranny for him is the worst => reduced citizens to the status of slaves
o Monarchy and Aristorcracy were imparactical as they were based on God-like
willingness to place the good of community before the ruler’s own interests
o Polity = rule by the many in the interests of all => most practicable
o A criticized popular rule on the grounds that the masses would resent the wealth of
the few, leading to demagogue
 Advocates a mix btw aristocracy and democracy, and left the gov in the
hands of the « middle class »
 Demagogue : A political leader whose control over the masses is based on the ability to whip
up hysterical enthusiasm
 Absolutism : absolute monarchy, possesses unfettered power, government cannot be
constrained by a body external to itsel
HOBBES AND BODIN
 Concerned about sovereignty, viewed as the basis of all stable political regimes, « most
highest power »
 Bodin nevertheless argued that absolute monarchs were constrained by the existence of
higher law in the form of the will of God or natural law
 Hobbes portrayed sovereignty as a monopoly of coercive power, implying that the sovereign
was entirely unconstrained
LOCKE AND MONTESQUIEU
 Championed the cause of constitutional gov
 Locke : sovereignty resides with the people not the monarch, limited gov to protect natural
rights : right to life, liberty and property
 Montesquieu : « scientific » study of human society, best constitution to protect individual
liberty, proposed a system of checks and balances in the form of « separation of powers »
legislative, executive and judicial —> later feature of liberal democratic gov
Changes
 Republicanism after US war of independence, democratic radicalism after French revolution,
parliamentary gov in the UK —> all showed it was more complex
 Thus, growing emphasis on constructional and institutional features of political rule =
relationship btw the various branches of gov (Montesquieu)
 Monarchies were distinguished from republics, parliamentary government was distinguished
from presidential government, and unitary systems were distinguished from federal systems
 Republicanism : The principle that political authority stems ultimately from the consent of
the people; the rejection of monarchical and dynastic principles.
  Totalitarianism : Totalitarianism differs from autocracy and authoritarianism, Totalitarian
regimes are sometimes identified through a ‘six-point syndrome’ (Friedrich and Brzezinski)
(1) an official ideology; (2) a one-party state, usually led by an all- powerful leader; (3) a
system of terroristic policing; (4) a monopoly of the means of mass communication; (5) a
monopoly of the means of armed combat; and (6) state control of all aspects of economic
life.
THE 3 WORLD TYPOLOGY
 View that the world was divided in 2 kinds of regimes : democratic states and totalitarian
states
 Cold War : led to 3 world approach : 1. a capitalist ‘first world’ 2. a communist ‘second world’
3. a developing ‘third world’ (most authoritarian, gov by monarchs, dictators or military)
o Based on GDP as 1st countries were 63% of the world’s GDP
 Gross domestic product: The total financial value of final goods and services produced in an
economy over one year
 1st and 2nd had strong ideological diff : 1 = ‘capitalist’ principles, such as the desirability of
private enterprise, material incentives and the free market; 2 = was committed to
‘communist’ values such as social equality, collective endeavour and the need for centralized
planning
NOW
 the oil-rich states of the Middle East and the newly industrialized states of East Asia,
Southeast Asia and, to some extent, Latin America
 poverty more entrenched in Sub-Saharan Africa (4th world)
 democratization in Asia, Latin America and Africa, especially during the 1980s and 1990s, has
meant that third-world regimes are no longer uniformly authoritarian
 term changed to : developing world
 Most significant to this 3-world = fall of the USSR
 Fukayama end of history = liberal democracy

2. MODERN SYSTEMS OF POLITICAL RULE

 Image of the liberal-democratic triumphalism reflected the Western-centric point of view
Critics
 The failure to recognize the significance of Islamic and Confucian political forms tended to be
dismissed as mere aberrations, insufficient attention to resurgence of authoritarism
 Francis Fukuyama (born 1952)
o US social analyst and political commentator
o The end of history ? The end of history and the last man = works claimed that the
history of ideas had ended with the recognition of liberal democracy as ‘the final
form of human government’
 Difficulty to establish new system of classification is that there is no consensus on the criteria
on which a system should be based
 BUT particular systems have tended to prioritize different sets of criteria :
- Who rules? Is political participation confined to an elite body or privileged group, or does it encompass
the entire population?
- How is compliance achieved? Is government obeyed as a result of the exercise or threat of force, or
through bargaining and compromise?
- Is government power centralized or fragmented? What kinds of checks and balances operate in the
political system?
- How is government power acquired and transferred? Is a regime open and competitive, or is it
monolithic?
- What is the balance between the state and the individual? What is the distribution of rights and
responsibilities between government and citizens?
 - What is the level of material development? How materially affluent is the society, and how equally is
wealth distributed?
- How is economic life organized? Is the economy geared to the market or to planning, and what
economic role does government play?
- How stable is a regime? Has the regime survived over time, and does it have the capacity to respond to
new demands and challenges?
(1)CONSTITUTIONAL-INSTITUTIONAL APPROACH adopted in 19th and early 20th century
(2)STRUCTURAL-FUNCTIONAL APPROACH adopted out of systems theory, in 1950s and 60s
 Concerned less with institutional arrangements than with : how political systems work in
practice, and especially with how they translate ‘inputs’ into ‘outputs
 3-world approach was (3)ECONOMIC-IDEOLOGICAL in orientation
(4) this approach takes into account the 3 features of a regime : its political, economic and cultural
aspects
 Here it is that regimes are characterized by the way in which all 3 features interlock in
practice, For instance, multiparty elections and a market economy may have very different
implications in Western liberal societies than they do in non-Western ones.

5 TYPES OF REGIMES
1. Western liberal democracies
2. Illiberal democracies
3. East Asian regimes
4. Islamic regimes
5. Military regimes

WESTERN LIBERAL DEMOCRACY

- Regimes categorized as « polyarchies » or « democracies »
- Europe, North America and Australasia
- Huntington – those regimes are product of 2 waves, 1. 1828 -1926 USA, France and the UK 2.
1943-62 WG, Italy, Japan and India
- Although polyarchies have, in large part, evolved through moves towards democratization
and liberalization, the term polyarchy is preferred to liberal democracy 2 reasons :
o Liberal demo is a political ideal
o Polyarchy accepts the fact that theses regimes fall short of the goal of democracy
 Liberalization : The introduction of internal and external checks on government power
and/or shifts towards private enterprise and the market
 Polyarchy : refers to the institutions and political processes of modern representative
democracy. It is a crude approximation of democracy, in that it operates through institutions
that force rulers to consider public’s wishes. Its central features are (Dahl): (1) government is
based on election; (2) elections are free and fair; (3) practically all adults have the right to
vote; (4) the right to run for office is unrestricted; (5) there is free expression and a right to
criticize and protest; (6) citizens have access to alternative sources of information; and (7)
groups and associations enjoy at least relative independence from government
 2 features of polyarchical liberal democratic regimes
o High tolerance of opposition, checks gov inclination
o Opportunities to participate in politics should be sufficiently widespread to
guarantee responsiveness, competitive elections
 Western democracies : representative democracy, capitalist economic organization BUT
ALSO by cultural and ideological orientation that is derived by western liberalism —> the
most important being th acceptance of liberal individualism
 Not all alike however, some in favor of centralization ans majority rule and others
fragmentation and pluralism —> Lijphart distinguished majority and consensus democracies
 o Majority : organized along parliamentary lines according to the so-called
‘Westminster model’. FE : UK system, could say : Canada, Australia, India…
o Westminster model : A system of government in which the executive is drawn from,
and (in theory) accountable to, the assembly or parliament
 They have the following features :
 single-party government
 a fusion of powers between the executive and the assembly
 an assembly that is either unicameral or weakly bicameral
 a two-party system
 a single-member plurality, or first-past-the-post, electoral system
 unitary and centralized government
 an uncodified constitution and a sovereign assembly
o Each democratic regime is unique and exceptional (US exceptionalism FE)
 Trump as president could be seen as part of a larger populist upsurge that
has affected many « new » democracies in recent yrs
 Exceptionalism: The features of a political system that are unique or particular to it, and
thus restrict the application of broader categories.
 New democracies: Regimes in which the process of democratic consolidation is incomplete;
democracy is not yet the ‘only game in town’ (Przeworski, 1991)
Huntington - (3) wave of democratization started in 1974, he overthrow of dictatorships and teh fall
of communism
DECLINE OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY
 Some, have argued that democracy may have fallen into crisis (Papadopoulos)
 Democracy reached its high-water mark in 2006-08 (failure of Arab-springs)
 States in which democratization process has been stalled (elites)
o Particular problems in this respect may confront postcommunist states, sometimes
dubbed ‘transition countries’ or ‘new’ democracies
o The shock from the economic transition from central planning to laissez-faire
capitalism unleashed deep insecurity and social inequality
o We could see those regimes as illiberal democracies
 Transition countries: Former Soviet Bloc countries that are in the process of transition from
central planning to market capitalism.
 Democratization : process of transition from authoritarianism to liberal democracy. 3
processes. (1) The break-down of the old regime; this usually involves a loss of legitimacy and
the faltering loyalty of the police and military. (2) ‘Democratic transition’ witnesses the
construction of new liberal-democratic structures and processes. (3) ‘Democratic
consolidation’ sees these new structures and processes becoming so embedded in the minds
of elites and the masses that democracy becomes ‘the only game in town’ (Przeworski)

ILLIBERAL DEMOCRACIES (ELECTORAL AUTHORITARIANISM)

 Authoritarianism : a belief or practice, in which authority is exerciced regardless of popular
consent, Authoritarian regimes emphasize the claims of authority over those of individual
liberty, associated with monarchical absolutism, traditional dictatorships and most forms of
military rule, seeks to exclude the masses from politics rather than abolish civil society
 Blends democracy with authoritarianism —> btw dictatorships and democracies
o Features :
 A system of regular elections that are sufficiently free and fair to contribute,
albeit within limits, to the maintenance of legitimacy. (Regimes that employ
widespread repression or indulge in routine, crude ballot-rigging cannot be
classified as illiberal democracies.)
  The political process is typically characterized by personalized leadership, a
strong state, weak opposition, and emaciated checks and balances.
 Political and civil rights are selectively suppressed, especially in relation to
the media, although no attempt is made to control every aspect of human
life.
 A disposition towards majoritarianism is reflected in a general intolerance of
pluralism and, maybe, hostility towards ethnic, cultural or religious
minorities
 No single model of illiberal democracy but a spectrum depending on the balancée btw
illiberalism and democracy
o FE : Venezuela, Hungary, Singapore, Honduras, Bangladesh and Pakistan
o Turkey under Erdogan is used as the classic example
o BUT, perhaps the most significant cluster of lliberal democracies is found in Central
and Eastern Europe. —> Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Serbia and, most
clearly, in Viktor Orban’s Hungary, a revolt against liberalism has been evident in the
rise of populist nationalist politicians and political parties
 Majoritarianism : rule of decision-making in which the preferences of the majority overrule
those of the minority, although it is unclear whether this refers to an ‘absolute’ or ‘simple’
majority

EAST ASIAN REGIMES

 The rise of East Asia, shift of the balance of teh world’s economy from the West to the East
 Some say modernization means Westernization, implies that industrial capitalism is always
accompanied by liberal democracy —> FE : Japan, Thailand, SK and Taiwan
 BUT fails to recognize the difference in which those polyarchical institutions operate and
ignores the difference btw cultures Confucian values and those by liberal individualism
 Asian values : Values that supposedly reflect the history, culture and religious backgrounds
of Asian societies; examples include social harmony, respect for authority, and a belief in the
family
 Is liberal democracy the only ‘normal’ political regime? See book good debate
 Politics in action Putin
 Asian regimes tend to have similar characteristics
o More economic goal oriented than political
 They want to boost growth and deliver prosperity rather than individual
freedom —> evident in tiger economies and China
o Support for a strong government, powerful ruling parties and respect for the state
o General disposition to respect leaders bc of the Confucian stress on loyalty, discipline
and duty —> West sees this as authoritarian
o Great emphasis on community and social cohesion, embodied in the central role
accorder to the family —> West thinks that restricts the possibility for ideas of
individualism and human rights
 Confucian : Confucian thought has concerned itself with the twin themes of human relations
and the cultivation of the self. The emphasis on ren (humanity or love) has usually been
interpreted as implying support for traditional ideas and values; notably, filial piety, respect,
loyalty and benevolence. The stress on junzi (the virtuous person) suggests a capacity for
human development and potential for perfection realized, in particular, through education.
 ALSO difference with East asian regimes
 China and North Korea are in economic and political terms reconstructed communist regimes
in which a monopolistic communist party still dominates the state machine
 Contrast with Japan’s electoral democracy
  E-A regimes become more industrialized and increasingly urbanized (BUT China still has a
significant agricultural sector)
 Taiwan and Singapore rely on technological innovation whereas China continues to rely on
massive rural pop
 Culural contrats, btw China states, Taiwan, Japan and mixed states such as Singapore and
Malaysia
o FE plans to introduce Confucian principles in Singapore schools were dropped
 Theocracy : religious authority should prevail over political authority, a regime in which
government posts are filled on the basis of the person’s position in the religious hierarchy. It
is illiberal in 2 senses.
o it violates the public/private divide, in that it takes religious rules and precepts to be
the guiding principles of both personal life and political conduct.
o It invests political authority with potentially unlimited power, because, as temporal
power is derived from spiritual wisdom, it cannot be based on popular consent, or be
properly constrained within a constitutional framework
ISALAMIC REGIMES

MILITARY REGIMES
Task 1: What is politics and how do you classify political systems?
What are the defining features of politics as an activity?
Politics is a ‘loaded’ term and can be seen as an ‘essentially contested’ concept, which is why there are multiple
legitimate meanings.

 Aristotle: politics is an activity through which human beings attempt to improve their lives and create
the Good Society. It is always a dialogue, never a monologue. Solitary individuals cannot engage in
politics until someone else does as well.
 “Politics is the activity through which people make, preserve and amend the general social rules under
which they live.”
 Politics is linked to conflict and cooperation, and therefore politics can function as conflict resolution
 Diversity and scarcity ensure politics

There are two broad approaches to politics: (1) the association of politics with location, meaning that behavior
becomes ‘political’ because of where it takes place and that politics is an activity that can only be found in
certain kinds of societies, institutional sites and the processes within those, and (2) viewing politics as a process
or mechanism, meaning that ‘political’ behavior has certain characteristics and that it is a generalized and
universal process that is a characteristic and necessary feature of all societies, and therefore it has always been
and always will be, in stateless societies too.
We need both views because politics is a contested concept and to know in which context it is going to be
discussed. Arena tends to put agency over agents; process is about the procedures and patterns.

(1) Politics as an arena: the art of government, public affairs.

Politics as the art of government: “Politics is not a science, it is an art” (Bismarck)  the political is restricted to
state actors who are consciously motivated by ideological beliefs and who seek to advance them through
memberships of a formal organization. Individuals are self-interested  those in power could exploit their
position for personal advantage  we have to ensure politics is conducted within a framework of checks and
constraints, because without it we would disintegrate into a civil war.
Politics as public affairs: moves politics beyond government to ‘public life’ and makes a division between public
and private life. The activities of the state and public bodies are political; the economic, social, domestic,
personal, cultural and artistic areas that individuals manage for themselves are non-political. This division is also
described by ‘the political’ and ‘the personal’. Politics then shouldn’t violate ‘personal’ affairs and institutions.
Liberal theorists view the ‘private’ life as a realm of choice, personal freedom and individual responsibility.

(2) Politics as a process: compromise and consensus, power and distribution of resources.
Politics as compromise and consensus: politics is a means of resolving conflict and the way in which decisions
are made; compromise, conciliation and negotiation. The key to politics then is a wide distribution of power.
This view is based on faith in the efficacy of debate and discussion and the belief that society is characterized by
consensus rather than conflict.
Politics as power: the broadest and most radical definition, saying that politics is at work in all social activities
and in every corner of human existence, so also between families and friends. Politics then concerns the
production, distribution and use of resources in the course of social existence, and political power is the ability to
achieve a desired outcome through whatever means ( diversity, conflict and scarcity). Feminism stimulated
more radical thinking about the nature of the political: they expand the arenas in which politics take place and
view politics as a process of exercising power. Marxists see politics as the state apparatus and as part of a
superstructure along with law and culture, based on the economy  “the economic is political”  civil society
and the class struggle are at the heart of politics. Feminist look to an end of ‘sexual politics’ achieved through the
construction of a non-sexist society, Marxists believe that ‘class politics’ will end with the establishment of a
classless communist society.

What are the defining features of politics as a field of study?

Because politics as an activity already is a ‘contested’ subject, there is a disagreement about the nature of politics
as an academic discipline. Debates about what the composition of the academic subject should be are political
themselves, and therefore it embraces a range of theoretical approaches and a variety of schools of analysis.
Aristotle: politics is a ‘master science’. The study of politics is a social activity.
“Politics is the activity through which people make, preserve and amend the general social rules under which
they live.”  the academic subject is the study of this activity.

Politics was originally seen as a study of philosophy, history and law, with the purpose to uncover the principles
on which human society should be based. This philosophical tradition, now called political philosophy, was
the analytical study of ideas and doctrines that have been central to political thought. It is literary analysis: what
have major thinkers said; how did they develop or justify their views; within which intellectual context did they
work. This study of politics can’t be objective because it deals with normative (the prescription of values and
standards of conducts; what ‘should be’ instead of what ‘is’) questions. However, the study of politics has
always had an empirical tradition too, seen in Aristotle’s attempt to classify constitutions, Machiavelli’s
account of statecraft and Montesquieu’s sociological theory of government and law. This has resulted in
comparative government, the political analysis that aims to give a dispassionate and impartial account of
political reality. Thus, the philosophical tradition is normative, and therefore prescriptive: it makes judgments
and offers recommendations, whereas the empirical tradition is descriptive and seeks to analyze and explain.
Locke and Hume spread the doctrine of empiricism: belief that experience is the only basis of knowledge and all
hypotheses and theories should be tested through observation.

This led to the rise of positivism in the 19th century (e.g. Comte), which contained that all social sciences should
adhere to the methods of natural sciences. Then, attempts were made to turn politics into a scientific discipline,
which were at the highest point during the 1950s and 1960s with the rise of behavioralism. This contained that
politics could adopt the methodology of natural sciences. Behavioralists (e.g. Easton) disregarded concepts such
as liberty, equality, justice and rights because they aren’t empirically verifiable. There was dissatisfaction with
this approach, leading to renewed recognition of the importance of political values, normative theories and
historical context and the revival of the normative approach since the 1970s  new institutionalism and
critical approaches.

Other fields in the study of politics are micro-politics, macro-politics, and the study of rules and regulations
that shape the distribution and control of power, the global vision of power. What unites political analysts is a
concern with the source, forms, distribution, use, control, consequences and analysis of political power, what
divides them is their focus and levels and frameworks of analysis.

Just like politics as an activity, the study of politics can be approached as politics as (1) an arena and (2) as a
process.

(1) Politics as an arena: behavioralism, rational-choice theory, and new institutionalism. These three paradigms
have, according to Burnham, shaped post-war political science.
The rational choice theory (formal political theory; public-choice theory, political economy) states that people
pursue their interests to maximize their benefits and minimize their costs. The analysis draws on economic
theory in building up models based on procedural rules (e.g. game theory and prisoner’s dilemma). Critics of this
approach say that it overestimates human rationality.
Traditional/old institutionalism focused on the rules, procedures and formal organization of government 
1980s: new institutionalism states that political structures shape political behavior (just like traditional/old
institutionalism that focused on the rules, procedures and formal organization of government), but distinguishes
political institutions with political organizations by viewing institutions as sets of ‘rules’, both informal and
formal and policy-making processes. It helps understand why institutions are difficult to reform, transform or
replace and emphasizes that institutions are embedded rather than independent entities, and therefore depend on
the normative and historical context.

(2) Politics as a process: critical approaches

Critical approaches, also deconstructive theories, are Marxism, feminism, critical theory, green ideology,
constructivism, poststructuralism, post-positivism and postcolonialism. All (1) go against the political status quo
and (2) emphasize the conscious shaping of the social construct.
Feminism stimulated more radical thinking about the nature of the political. They expand the area as in which
politics takes place and view politics as a process of exercising power. Feminists look to an end of ‘sexual
politics’ achieved through the construction of a non-sexist society.
Marxists see politics as the state apparatus and as part of a superstructure along with law and culture, based on
the economy. According to them, civil society and the class struggle are the heart of politics. Marxists believe
that ‘class politics’ will end with the establishment of a classless communist society, and that therefore there will
be no politics when there are no classes.
Constructivism is an approach based on the belief that there is no objective social or political reality
independent of our understanding of it, and that therefore individuals and social groups construct the world
according to their awareness.
Postmodernism describes experimental movements in Western arts, architecture and cultural development that
shifted away from the societies structured by industrialization and class solidarity to fragmented and pluralistic
‘information’ societies.
Critical theory critiques all social practices.
Green ideology (ecologism) challenges the anthropocentric emphasis of established political and social theory.
Poststructuralism emphasizes that all ideas and concepts are expressed in language which itself is enmeshed in
complex relations of power. Post-positivism entails that the objective reality is fabricated and that you can never
get there.

> Leftwich:

 Politics can also be studied extensive or limited.

o Limited: in high-end institutions
o Extensive: within the family, politics of gender etc.
 Lastly, politics can be studied as science or interpretation
o Science: quantitative and statistical; believe that there are general patterns; behavioralism
o Interpretation: belief in uniqueness of political episodes; historical context, judgments, qualitative
evaluation, empathetic understanding.
 Leftwich’ article also gives the governing approach, which is wider than government. Whereas government
implies formal institutions of government, governing is also done by other organizations. The governing
approach is based on the notion that institutions are fundamental in shaping political (and other) behavior in
societies, both formal and informal.
 Because of globalization (amongst other reasons), the state-based paradigm of politics has come under
pressure. The ‘inside/outside’ divide has become difficult to sustain, resulting in contrasting models of
spatial politics. Politics can take place in global, regional, national and local spheres and through the
relationships between these spheres  study topics such as elections, political parties, constitutions,
assemblies alongside war and peace, terrorism, poverty and development, IOs etc.  sovereignty is a ‘soft
shell’
Why should we classify political systems?
Classifying forms of governments is a principal concern of political analysis. Government is the institutional
processes through which collective and usually binding decisions are made. The government makes, implements
and interprets law. The political system is a network of relationships through which government generates
outputs in response to inputs. A regime is a set of arrangements and procedures for government, outlining of
authority and the nature of the policy procedures. Governments can be changed by elections, dynastic succession
and coup d’état; regimes can only be changed by military intervention or revolution.

 Helps understanding of politics and governments

o Enables comparison  enables development of concepts, theories and models
o A device to make the process of comparison methodical and systematic
 Facilitates evaluation, rather than analysis
o Normative judgments in relation to political structures and governmental forms
 Aristotle: the purpose was to evaluate forms of government to identify the ‘ideal’ constitution.

What are the major classifications in the modern world?

Classifications of political systems according to Aristotle:
1) Tyranny: 1 person rules, the ruler benefits
2) Oligarchy: the few rule, the rulers benefit
3) Democracy: the many rule, the rulers benefit
4) Monarchy: 1 person rules, all benefit
5) Aristocracy: the few rule, all benefit
6) Polity: the many rule, all benefit
This has been called the most influential system of classification. Aristotle criticized popular rule because it
encourages demagogues (political leaders whose control over the masses is based on the ability to whip up
hysterical enthusiasm)  Aristotle saw a mix of democracy and aristocracy as ideal.
16th century: Hobbes and Bodin developed the Aristotelian system and were mainly concerned with the principle
of sovereignty, which they viewed as the basis of all stable political regimes. Bodin saw absolutism as ideal;
Hobbes portrayed sovereignty as a monopoly of coercive power.

17th century: Locke and Montesquieu revised these ideas. Locke argued that sovereignty resided with the people,
not the government. Montesquieu sought to protect individual liberty and was a critic of absolutism.

All these classifications are covered by classical classification or classical typology. They were proved
redundant by the development of modern constitutional systems from the late 18th century onwards
(constitutional republicanism in the US, democratic radicalism in France and parliamentary government in the
UK). This created complex political realities, resulting in a growing emphasis on constitutional and institutional
features of political rule, and the relationships between branches of government. From the 18th century onwards,
monarchies were distinguished from republics, parliamentary government from presidential government, unitary
systems from federal systems and autocratic regimes from constitutional regimes. This pattern of growing
emphasis on the institutional features of political rule within classifications continued through the 19 th century
and early 20th century.

20th century: the ‘three worlds’ classification. During the interwar period, there was a clear distinction between
democracy and totalitarianism, resulting in an image of world politics dominated by the struggle between
democracy and totalitarianism. During the Cold War, there was a clear economic, ideological, political and
strategic distinction between the capitalist first world, communist second world and developing third world. This
resulted in the ‘three world’ classification.

Now, several factors have shown that this view is outdated: (1) the collapse of communism and Eastern
European Revolutions, (2) the rise of East Asia, and in general the economic development in the third world, (3)
the emergence of political Islam, (4) the potential fourth world (very poor African countries) and (5)
democratization in the third world

These developments led to the theory of the ‘end of history’ and liberal-democratic triumphalism, both of which
show West-centered views. Values such as individualism, rights and choice don’t always go together with
Islamic and Confucian political forms. On top of that, populism and authoritarianism are rising. The difficulty of
establishing a new system of classification lays in the fact that there is no consensus about the criteria on which
such a system should be based (see LG 5). However, there is a classification of modern world regimes. The key
regime features that are taken into account are the political, economic and cultural aspects and how these
interlock in practice. The emphasis lays on the degree to which formal political and economic arrangements may
operate differently depending on their cultural context. According to the modern classification, there are 5 types
of regimes: Western liberal democracies, illiberal democracies, East Asian regimes, Islamic regimes and military
regimes.

1) Western liberal democracies: product of the first two ‘waves’ of democratization: between 1828 and 1926 and
between 1943 and 1962. The term polyarchy is sometimes preferred over liberal democracy because it
acknowledges that is not necessarily the political ideal and that these regimes fall short of the goal of democracy
in important ways. In the Western liberal democracies, government is based on elections that are regular, free
and fair, all adults have the right to vote, the right to run for office is unrestricted, there is free expression and a
right to criticize and protest, citizens have access to alternative sources of information and groups are relatively
independent from government. Therefore, there is a relatively high tolerance of opposition and the opportunity to
participate in politics is widespread. Examples are: the UK, US, New Zealand, Australia, Canada, Western
Europe. There are differences within this group: some focus on centralization and majority rule, others on
fragmentation and pluralism  ‘majority’ democracies based on the Westminster model, and ‘consensus’
democracies, both the US model of pluralist democracy and the party system in Europe, also called
consociational democracy, which is appropriate for societies that are divided by religious, ideological, regional,
cultural or other differences. Consociational democracy operates through power sharing and a close association
amongst a number of parties or political formations.
> ‘Democratic winter’, peak in 2006-2008. Islamic radicalism, terrorist groups, armed militias, local warlords
and military. Transition countries/new democracies where democratization has stalled.

2) Illiberal democracies: blend democracy with authoritarianism. These are democratically elected regimes that
ignore constitutional limits of their power and deprive citizens of their freedom. Characteristics are personalized
leadership, strong state, weak opposition and a general intolerance of pluralism. In some cases there is hostility
towards ethnic, cultural or religious minorities. Examples are: Turkey, Venezuela, Hungary, Singapore,
Honduras, Bangladesh, Pakistan and the ‘transition’ countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
> This is evident in the rise of populism.
> The rise of authoritarianism: one-party systems, dictatorships, dynastic monarchies, totalitarian states and
illiberal democracies all give expression to the authoritarian impulse. On top of that, authoritarian regimes
recently obtained the capacity to compete with the economic performance of liberal democracies.

3) East Asian regimes: the balance of the world’s economy has shifted from the West to the East. These regimes
therefore are more orientated on economic than political goals. They boost growth and deliver prosperity.
Therefore, there is a broad support for strong government, respect for the state and a general disposition to
respect leaders because of the Confucian stress on loyalty, discipline and duty. In these state, there are low taxes
and relatively low public spending, showing the difference with the Western model of the welfare state. The
emphasis lays on community and social cohesion, which is different from the Western emphasis on
individualism and human rights. Examples are: China, North-Korea, Japan, and tiger economies.
> Confucianism is a system of ethics that emphasizes ren (humanity or love) and supports traditional ideas and
values such as filial piety, respect, loyalty and benevolence, and stresses junzi (the virtuous person), suggesting a
capacity for human development and potential for perfection (realized through education)
> Differences between East Asian regimes: China and North-Korea are communist, Japan is an electoral
democracy, and most East-Asian regimes are industrialized and urbanized, whereas China has a significant
agricultural sector. There are also cultural differences between Chinese states (China and Taiwan), ethnically
mixed states (Singapore and Malaysia) and Japan.

4) Islamic regimes: these are theocracies, meaning that they are based on the principle that religious authority
should prevail over political authority, meaning that government posts are filled based on a person’s position in
the religious hierarchy. Examples are: Iraq, Malaysia North African countries, Middle Eastern countries some
parts of Asia. The fundamentalist Islam is associated with the Iranian system of government: all legislation is
ratified by the Council for the Protection of the Constitution, resulting in the Shari’a law.
> Malaysia is evidence that Islam is compatible with political pluralism.

5) Military regimes: these are dictatorships. A military seizes power when there is economic underdevelopment,
the legitimacy of the existing institutions and ruling elite is challenged, the military wants to enforce new values
on society and the international climate allows them to. Examples are: Latin America, Middle East, Africa and
Southeast Asia, but also post-1945 Spain, Portugal and Greece.
> Different types: Junta regimes (direct control of government, council of officers), military-backed personalized
dictatorships, military regimes with a distinction between political and military offices and personnel.

What are the problems with classifications?

 Simplification
 A phenomenon can have different meanings in different contexts  ethnocentrism
 Value bias
 State-bound
 “The difficulty of establishing a new system of classification lays in the fact that there is no consensus
about the criteria on which such a system should be based”  the most used parameters are:
o Who rules?
o How is compliance achieved?
o Is government power centralized or fragmented?
o How is government power acquired and transferred?
o What is the balance between the state and the individual?
o What is the level of material development?
o How is economic life organized?
o How stable is a regime?
This has led to three approaches:
o Constitutional-institutional approach to classification: influenced by ‘classical’ typologies,
adopted in the 19th and early 20th centuries  highlighted differences between codified and
uncodified institutions, parliamentary and presidential systems and federal and unitary systems
o Structural-functional approach: developed out of the systems theory, adopted in 1950s and
1960s  highlighted the political systems in practice
 o Economic-ideological approach: systems level of material development and ideological
orientation

Other notes
Authority = ‘legitimate power’, the right to influence the behavior of others. Authority is based on a duty to
obey rather than on coercion of manipulation  Weber: traditional, charismatic and legal-rational authority.
Policy = formal or authoritative decisions that establish a plan of action for the community
Polity = a society organized through the exercise of political authority; for Aristotle, rule by the many in the
interests of all
Anti-politics = disillusionment with formal or established political processes, reflected in non-participation,
support for anti-system parties, or the use of direct action.
Civil society = institutions that are ‘private’  businesses, interest groups, clubs, families etc. Although civil
society can be distinguished from the state, it contains a range of institutions that are thought of as public.
Consensus = agreement accepted by a wide range of individual groups about fundamental principles.

Tools of political analysis: concepts, models and theories

Concept = a general idea about something, the mental construct of the ideal type.
> Problem: essentially contested concepts; controversy is so deep that no settled or neutral definition can ever be
developed
Model = a theoretical representation of empirical data  compromises a range of ideas
Theory = a proposition, a systematic explanation

Liberalization = the introduction of internal and external checks on government power and/or shifts towards
private enterprise and the market

What are the values of the different traditions/approaches?

Comparative government = grounding
Behavioralism = search for the truth, testing, causality
Empiricism has laid the groundwork, along with positivism: from description to explanation
The prisoner’s dilemma: we act irrationally because we operate in a realm of rationality; we consciously make
irrational decisions
Post-positivism: objective reality is fabricated, you can never get there

How do we study politics today?

All of them; there are critical schools, you can do political philosophy and the rational actor model (rational-
choice theory)