An Analysis of the Aristocratic Material Culture Described in the Old English Epic Beowulf

Rachel Munson

Senior Honors Thesis

Bemidji State University
Professor Larry Swain, Ph.D
2015
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Understanding the past creates a better understanding of the present, and those who study

history act as the bridge between the past and the future, ensuring that knowledge of the past is

considered in the action of the future. I study history because I have a need to understand the

world from which I came, and I want to understand the world that existed before my own

existence. Archaeology and the study of artifacts are key in the understanding of the past as they

were often created to represent the world in which they were made. Literature is essentially

archaeology preserved within words. It is an avenue that leads to a better understanding of

history. Studying the words and descriptions within texts reveals a plethora of information to the

historian studying the word. In turn, historians are able to develop a cultural history that

surrounds any given artifact or text. This necessitates examination of historical communities and

analysis of contemporary documents, considering in particular the intersection of the textual and

the artifactual. Through a close analysis of the descriptive language within the Old English poem,

Beowulf, it becomes clear that the poem’s words surround the aristocratic material culture best

aligns with artifacts of the sixth and seventh centuries. Make note that this paper was born within

an arena of vexed scholarship. The Beowulf poem has unclear origins, setting, and date. Thus,

scholars are left to determine the dating of the poem through analysis of the text and contextual

clues. In turn, this has led to much debate in the world of Beowulf scholarship. This thesis argues

that the artistocratic material culture, as described by the Beowulf poet, was meant to represent

the sixth and seventh centuries of Northern Europe.

“Hwaet, we Gar-Dena in geardagum, peodcyninga brym gefrunon, hu 6a zpelingas ellen

fremedon” spoke the Beowulf scop, demanding the attention of his audience. “Listen! We have

heard of the glory in bygone days of the folk-kings of the spear-Danes, how those noble lords did

lofty deeds”.' These opening lines of the Old English epic, Beowulf, introduce the reader to an
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essential character of the poem who is often overlooked, but without whom historians would

have no record of the infamous epic - the poet. Both the Beowulf oral composer and the writer

remain unknown. However, through a rich analysis of what we do have of the poem- the text -

historians are able to extract real and necessary indications of when, in the evolution of the

literary work, the aristocratic material culture is best associated.

The epic is set in sixth century Daneland (modern day Denmark), but was written into a

singular manuscript in the late tenth - early eleventh century, making the manuscript (Cotton

Vitellius A. XV) approximately a thousand years old. Due to the age of the poem and the late

date of its composition into manuscript form, the poem most likely underwent significant

alterations for several hundred years before it was physically documented. Prior to the literary

tradition that overwhelmed the late early to high middle ages, oral story telling was the principal

medium of entertainment and sharing stories. In fact the medieval scop, the oral poet in medieval

society, was a vital component of society as he entertained warriors and the kingdom’s royal

family in the central gathering vessel of medieval culture, the hall. Luizza claims that the scop

“would have worked from a collection of traditional stories improvised in performance from a

repertoire of formulaic elements, groups of words that met the demands of meter and sense and

could be used and reused according to the needs of the poem.”” Thus, after centuries of sharing

and re-telling, the medieval scop’s poem would have been a work of constant change and

modification, reflecting the culture that existed throughout its composition. The aristocratic

material culture in the descriptive language of Beowulf best aligns with archaeological materials

of the sixth and seventh centuries (the Late Migration period) from south and east Scandinavia.

Regardless of when the Beowulf poem was initially composed, it is important to recognize

the culture that its words represent. Developing a tangible world around Beowulf is key to
\ tase
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understanding the culture that then existed and in turn is necessary to understanding the poem

itself. The descriptions of the hall and helmet-art within the poem allow modern historians to

compare relevant artifacts of the preceding and congruent periods. By comparing the

descriptions of King Hrothgar’s hall, Heorot, and the ceremonial helmet-ware within Beowulf to

archaeological findings in the Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian worlds, it becomes clear that the

poem’s material culture is most appropriately matched with the era of Late Migration/Vendel

periods. Luizza claims that the role of the medieval poet was to contextualize his performance

and oral composition within a “world long vanished, imaginatively bringing its textures and

values to life; his own complex sense of the past prevents us from reading his work either as a

transhistorical and transcultural fragment of primordial myth or as a transparent window onto the

cultural or material conditions of a lost heroic age”.’ Instead, the reader must use the work’s text

to deduct the myths and realities therein. Beowulf is a fine representation of the worlds in which

it was composed regardless of the fantastical elements it holds. To this day there is no physical

evidence suggesting or proving that the Beowulf poem is true, but through extensive analysis of

the poetic descriptions of the hall, funereal practices, and war-gear, the modern reader is able to

visualize the material culture of the time period founded in concurrent archaeological findings.

The poem begins with an allusion to the founding of the Scylding dynasty and the mysterious

origins of Scyld Shefing, the father of the Scyldings.

Syd6an erest weard

feasceaft funden, he pes frofre gebad —
weox under wolenum weordmyndum pah,
06 pet him zeghwyle para ymbsittendra
ofer hronrade hyran scolde,
gomban gyldan; pzet wees god cyning.

(He first was found a waif, he awaited solace for that he grew under heaven and prospered in

honor until every one of the encircling nations over the whale’s-riding had to obey him, grant
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him tribute. That was a good king!)* After a few short lines of establishing Scyld’s dominance

over Daneland, the poet shifts to the funeral procession of this great king. The description of the

ship-burial is indicative of a funereal custom of the sixth or seventh centuries in which the

deceased was entombed with an outfitted ship. The ornate descriptions of the burial are also

symptomatic with the importance of the Skylding dynasty as ship burials were often reserved for

powerful individuals of strong dynasties. The poem then jumps forward to Hrothgar, the Danish

King and descendent of Scyld Scefing. King Hrothgar is the chieftain of Daneland who erected

and resides within Heorot, the horn-gabled hall that represented the most prestigious hall of the

Scandinavian world. At line 86, the poem’s main antagonist is presented. “Da se ellengzest

earfodlice/ brage gepolode, se pe in bystrum bad,” (A bold demon who waited in darkness,

wretchedly suffered all the while).° The monstrous Grendel, a descendent of Cain, has been

terrorizing Heorot and severely disrupting the state of the Danish kingdom, causing the warriors

and the royal family to avoid occupying Heorot for fear of death. By establishing Grendel as a

descended of Cain, the poet is referencing the biblical tale of Cain and Abel where Cain kills his

brother Abel and as a consequence is banished from Heaven. Grendel is also said to have lived

among the giants (jétnarr). The poem indicates that Grendel, being vexed by the “joyful din” of

the great hall, would attack when it was occupied.

Upon hearing of the grim state in Daneland, Beowulf, son of Ecgtheow and a Geatish

thane of King Hygelac, enters the epic. It is later revealed to the reader that Beowulf submerges

himself in the conflict between Grendel and the Danes in efforts to fulfill the weregild of his

father. He arrives in Daneland with a band of fourteen men. Weregild refers to the revenge cycle

that was a common theme in medieval society and literature. Beowulf’s father had an

outstanding debt to King Hrothgar but died before he could fulfill his weregild. To repay the
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Danish King and fulfill his honor, Beowulf decided to purify the Danish Kingdom of the

adversary. “We synt gumcynnes geata leode ond Higelaces heorégeneatas...Ic pees Hrodgar meg

purh rumn sefan raed geleeran, hu he frond ond god feond oferswydep” (We are men of the

Geatish nation and Hygelac’s hearth companions... With generous spirit I can counsel Hrothgar,

advise him how, wise old king, he may overcome this fiend).® In acceptance of the weregild,

King Hrothgar welcomes the Geatish assistance and upon the first night of Heorot’s Geatish

occupation, an unsuspecting Grendel attacks the hall and is greeted by Beowulf. In a heroic

demonstration, Beowulf chooses to fight the monster in the same way that the demon fights —

without weaponry. The two fight and Beowulf manages to rip the arm off of the villain. Grendel

then recedes to his lair and dies of the Beowulf-inflicted wound.

To award the brave deeds of Beowulf, King Hrothgar and his Queen, Wealtheow, present

the hero with many gifts including the blade of Healfdene named Hrunting, a helmet and a

byrnie.” Wealtheow, further gifts Beowulf the Brosinga Necklace, said to have been worn by the

Norse Goddess Freyja. However, as the Geats and Danes celebrate the victory over Grendel,

another fate awaited them. Following the Germanic tradition of weregild, Grendel’s mother

approached Heorot, where drunken thanes slept, and avenged her son. “Beorgan, ba heo

ondunden wees; hrade heo zpelinga anne heefde fzeste befangen, pa heo to fenne gang” (She

quickly seized, fast in her clutches, one nobleman when she went to the fens).'° It is often argued

that Grendel’s mother poses a more competent and dangerous challenge to Beowulf than Grendel.

Further, she may be the single character within Beowulf who fulfills the medieval heroic ethos

completely.

As a result of Grendel’s mother’s revenge, both the Danish and Geatish thanes were

distraught. Beowulf then vows to avenge the tragedy and seeks to find the lair of the monstrous
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woman! '. which he and his thanes discover in a lake full of sea-monsters and sea-serpents.

Beowulf geared-up in his boar-ornamented war-gear and swam, alone, to the underwater lair of

Grendel’s mother. There, he met the monstrous woman where, after Hrunting failed him he

seized a large sword amongst other treasures in the lair and killed her. Again, Beowulf arose as

the lone Geatish hero and was awarded many treasures from King Hrothgar and Queen

Wealtheow, which he brought back to Geatland and presented to King Hygelac.

The epic then shifts to when Beowulf inherits the Geatish Kingdom and becomes King of

the Geats. He has lived a successful and heroic life with a lifetime of brave deeds when a large

dragon whose treasure hoard is disturbed by a greedy Geat attacks his kingdom. Beowulf, now in

his old age, makes his final heroic vow to save his kingdom. In an act of vainglory, Beowulf

seeks out and fights the dragon where he becomes wounded. In his time of need, he is abandoned

by all of his thanes but one, called Wiglaf. Wiglaf and Beowulf defeat the dragon, and shortly

thereafter Beowulf dies. In his death he is awarded a funeral pyre and is regarded as a great hero

of the Geats.

After establishing the line of dynasties in the poem, the Beowulf author presents the

conflict between the Scyldings and the monster, Grendel. From the reader’s perspective,

Grendel’s attacks on Heorot were unprovoked and brute. “When night descended he went to seek

out the high house, to see how the Ring-Danes had bedded down after their beer-drinking...The

unholy creature grim and ravenous, was ready at once, ruthless and cruel, and took from their

rest thirty thanes.”” During the late Germanic Iron Age, halls were considered the center of the

universe to those who surrounded them.!? In the Christian world, churches and cathedrals were

considered to be central to the worshippers; the hall would have acted as similar place of

communion in Northern Europe and medieval Scandinavia. “A central place with sacred
 8 | Munson

functions represents the whole universe in symbolic form; it is deliberately constructed as the

centre of the universe.”'* In Iron Age Scandinavia where the hall was the heart of medieval

culture, it would serve as a sacred component to the society to which it belonged. Attacks on the

hall or home were thus one of the highest insults to Iron Age Scandinavian society,'° which is

why they frequently appear in the world of sagas and story telling. The inclusion of the cultural

taboo in the sagas and epics indicates the importance of maintaining an ordered society, free of

attacks on the center of their universe. In Beowulf, Grendel’s attack on Heorot represents the

severest form of disrespect and dishonor to the world for which the poem was written.

The majority of the Beowulf poem was set in the land of the Danes in Hrothgar’s hall

Heorot.

Him on mod bearn

beet healreced atan wolde,
meodozern micel men gewyrcean
Pone yldo bearn efre gefrunon
one peer on innan eall gedzelan
geogum one ealdum, swylc him God sealed,
buton folcscare one feorum gumena...
scop him Heort naman.

(It came to his mind that she should order a hall-building, have men make a great mead-house

which the sons of men should remember forever, and there within he would share everything

with young and old that God have given him, except for the common land and the lives of

men...he gave it the name “Heorot.”)'® Many medieval scholars believe that the great site of

Heorot existed in Lejre, Zealand; an island in East Denmark that was the home of the Skjéldung

Dynasty. Hrothgar, the Danish king in Beowulf, is the grandson of, Scyld Scefing who was the

founder of the Scyldings. The Skjéldings and the Scefings are universally acknowledged as

equivalents’’ and though Lejre is not explicitly mentioned in Beowulf, the apparent similarity

between the dynasties suggests that the site is an adequate stage to set the Beowulf poem. The
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etymology of both dynasties can be traced back to meaning, “shield,” and both are understood to

have miraculous origin. In the introduction of the Penguin Classic, The Saga of Hrolf Kraki, Dr.

Jesse Byock, professor of Viking Studies at the University of California: Los Angelos, further

encourages the equivalency of the Skjéldungs and Scefings by claiming that “the differing

medieval interpretations of the origin of the family are [merely] evidence of embryonic national

sentiment.” Hrolf Kraki was a Skjéldung. The differing pronunciations are the result of

geographic location and telephone effect due to the original oral nature of the legend. Before the

action of Beowulf begins, the royal Danish line is established; In Beowulf and Leijre, John D.

Niles describes these as “consist[ing] of Scyld Scefing (Skjold) and Healfdene (Half-dan),

together with their sons Hrothgar (Roar) and Halga (Helge)...the similarity in names among the

kings of Lejre mentioned in the Danish chronicles, the Scyldings of Beowulf, and the Hunnish

kings of the Age of Migrations is striking.”

The descriptive language surrounding Heorot in Beowulf reveals that this aspect of the

poem is most closely associated with halls of the Germanic Iron Age. These halls were wooden,

called long-houses, and housed local dynasties while simultaneously serving as a place of great

feasts, parties, and business. The hall was an integral part of the heroic society that existed in

Scandinavia during the Germanic Iron Age, Iron Age Scandinavia, the Migration Period, and

even through the Viking periods as it acted as the central gathering vessel within society.

Viewing the descriptions of the hall reveals the Beowulf poet’s intent for the audience to

understand Heorot as part of the long tradition of Germanic Age Halls.

In regards to the archaeological discovery of remains of a sixth century hall at Lejre,

Beowulf scholar John D. Niles claims:

The discovery, as a result of excavations undertaken in 1986-1988 and 2004-2005, of the

remains of a succession of at least three great halls at Lejre dating from the mid-sixth
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century to the late tenth century A.D. provided hard evidence that the Beowulf poet’s
narrative, however fanciful it may be, is indeed grounded in that locale. e

Further, the discovery of a tenth century hall proved to be an interesting find in the world of

Beowulf scholarship - not wholly compatible due to its late date — whereas the unearthing of the

second hall, built circa 550 C.E. is more congruent to the setting of the Beowulf poem. However,

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separated by
halls are similar in construction, even though they have been
Figure 1- A topical site plan of the Lejre, bothViking
several centuries. Remains of the ninth century Age site are depicted in grey, whereas the earlier seventh century hall sits
below and is indicated in black.

when, as we reconstruct the physical evidence, it can be seen that the physicality of both halls

match the descriptive language of the Beowulf text. Figure 1 depicts a topical site plan of the

Lejre, and though archaeologists have only well preserved in the later hall, we must assume that

both halls possessed exterior walls. The row following the red arrow represents pillars that were

used in the construction of both the sixth and tenth century halls. The development of two halls is

compatible with the Beowulf poem as the text references the eventual destruction of Heorot.

Sele hlifade,
heah ond horngeap, headowylma bad,
ladan liges; ne wes hit lenge pa gen,
\ z pzet se [e]cghete apumsw[eor]um,
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zefter weelnide weecnan scolde.

(The hall towered high and horn-gabled — it awaited hostile fires, the surges of war; the time was

not yet at hand when the sword-hate of sworn in-laws should arise after ruthless violence).'” The

construction of a second hall in the same locale as the sixth century hall indicates the possibility

of the destruction or disintegration of the first, an implication that coincides with the Beowulf

text. Scholar John D. Niles states that “when the Beowulf poet alludes to the future destruction of

the Scylding’s hall as a result of the feud involving Hrothgar’s son-in-law Ingeld, he does so in

an oblique manner that suggests that his audience was already familiar with the gist of this

feud.””° The author, via the text, assumes that the audience is familiar with the Ingeld episode,

which further strengthens the poem’s original compatibility with a sixth or seventh century,

Germanic Iron Age date, but by the time it was written into manuscript form the author wrote in

commemoration of Heorot’s greatness to a knowledgeable audience. Further, the Old English

poem Widsith, foand in the tenth century Exeter Book, also mentions the tragic fate of Hrothgar

and his hall. “Hrothulf and Hrothgar held peace together for a long time, uncle and nephew, after

they had driven off the race of Vikings and humbled Ingeld’s battle-array, hacked down at

Heorot the pride of the Heothobards.””! Ingeld was a Heathobard (i.e. Headobard), and also the

son-in-law of Hrothgar. The Ingeld episode in Beowulf, and the mentioning of the fall of Heorot

acts as foreshadowing. Thus, the audience’s assumed familiarity with the Skjélding Dynasty and

the mentioning of Heorot’s downfall in Beowulf and the Widsith poem strengthens the possibility

that the Beowulf nae was set in Leijre, ealand: It also enlaces the assumption that the

Scylding and Skjéldung dynasties are one in the same.

From the twelfth century forward, historians have identified Hleidr with the village of

Leijre, a site that is surrounded with Stone and Bronze Age mounds with indications of Iron Age
 12 | Munson

habitation. Dr. Jesse Byock refers to Hleidr as the location of the Beowulf poem.” “There is little

doubt that in the early Middle Ages Hleidr was a centre of power, and, although there is no sure

proof, it has often been surmised that it was the site of Heorot, the Danish Hall to which Beowulf

came.””> When comparing the two halls found at Lejre, the viewer will find that both halls are

similar in construction, even though they have been separated by several centuries. The original

hall that was erected in the sixth century Germanic tradition had exterior walls that warrior men

would have placed their war-gear against upon waiting for entrance into the hall.

Setto seemepe side scyldas,

ronda regnbearde wi6 pz recedes weal;
bugon pa to bence — byran hringdon
gudsearo gumena; garas stodon,
seenabba searo samod ztgzedere,
eescholt ufan greeg; weese irenpreat
Wweepnum gewurpad

(Sea-weary, they set their broad shields, wonderously-hard boards, against the buildin’s wall;

they sat on a bench — their byrnies rand out, their soldiers’ war-gear; their spears stood, the gear

of the seamen all together, a gray forest of ash. That iron troop was worthy of its weapons.)

Inside the hall, there would be a central hearth with sporadic benches, some serving as places of

seating and some equipped with pillows and mattresses for sleeping.”> Though the Beowulf poet

hardly uses a diagrammatic approach, it can be deduced that Heorot — as described in the poem —

was most likely an Iron Age hall built in the Germanic tradition, that is much similar to

archaeological discoveries of Germanic Iron Age halls, including the halls excavated at the Lejre

site.”° As often found, the ninth century hall used some of the foundational framework of the

seventh century hall.

In Beowulf the greatness of Heorot is made abundantly clear. “The jewel-adorned hall”

“the timbered hall, splendid and gold-adorned — the most famous building among men under the
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heavens — where the high king waited; its light shone over many lands.”** Heorot would have

made an impression to any onlooker, for not only would it have been massive in size, but it was

also “high and horn-gabled,””® described a literally shining with gold. The poem describes

Heorot as “...men’s golden house, finely adorned...[with a] steep roof plated with gold.”°” Due

to the poorly preserved state in which the Lejres halls were found, it is difficult to tell whether

the hall would have been painted or accurately gold-adorned. A virtual reconstruction of the

Figure The virtual reconstruction of what the hall at Lejre would have looked like in the 6' century C.E. The
coloring of the below image, found in Niles’ Beowulf and Lejre, was a highly controversial issue throughout the
process of virtual reconstruction.

Lejre hall (see Figure 2) reveals the golden attributes that Heorot would have had.

The Descriptive language within Beowulf heavily references the gold adorned quality that

the sixth century Danish Kingdom possessed. Thus, Heorot may have been more ornately

decorated with gold than this reconstruction suggests. However, the golden door and entrance

undoubtedly represent the prestige that this location held during its occupation.
14 | Munson

Figure 3 - Digital reconstruction of the tenth century hall at Lejre.

The rhetoric describing Heorot in Beowulf supports this supposition by describing the

great hall as the finest hall in middle-earth and any great structure would have been decorated

ornately and to the standards of the time period. Rosemary Cramp (Professor of Archaeology at

Durham University in England) states that given the fine nature of gold and its ability to be

beaten into extreme thinness, supplies that it is not impossible that “the timbered hall, splendid

and gold adorned...”°' could have been embellished in such a way, decorated extensively, or

covered with, gold.

Additionally, it is imperative to consider the large amount of gold in circulation

throughout and around Scandinavia during the fifth and sixth centuries C.E. and that the nature

of using gold for displaying wealth was expected and utilized in the decoration of both society

and material culture. The circulation of gold plate in medieval Scandinavia is witnessed in the

extensive amount of artifacts that were plated with gold. The Beowulf poem does not describe

any such ornate physical details in regards to Heorot nor was any gold discovered at the Lejre

site, but due to the significance of the Scylding dynasty in Heorot would surely have been
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lavishly decorated, corroborating its descriptions in the poem and the Leijre halls. Beyond their

impressive cultural history, the halls at Lejre are striking in their size standing at 47 meters and

48.5 meters in length.” When looking at Germanic Iron and Viking Age Halls, archaeologists

have found several halls that are comparable both to Leijre and to Beowulf.

Two impressive comparisons near Denmark are the halls of Gudme on the Island of

Funen, approximately 47 meters in length, and the great hall of Tiss, near the west coast of

Zealand, circa 48 meters in length. Though the hall of Gudme is dated to 350 — 500 C.E. and

Tiss@ is dated to the tenth century, these impressive halls are excellent comparisons to Heorot as

they are large in size and housed powerful regional dynasties.

Figure 4 — Cut away reconstruction of Gudme Hall

The Beowulf text describes Heorot as “the biggest of halls”*?, “the high house”,*““the best

of halls’®> and “one that the children of men have heard of ever since.” It is safe to assume that

these words would have resonated some truth with the Beowulf audience. Thus, there are several

eminent Germanic — Age halls in Scandinavia that should be ‘ited as contemporary a

comparable to Heorot in Beowulf. Though the halls at Lejre, with their history of Skjélding

occupation, are often considered more appropriately homologous to the Beowulf poem, the

descriptions of Heorot within the text generally describe a Germanic Iron Age hall and thus |
 16 | Munson

cannot solidly place Heorot in one locale.

Figure 5 — Excavations at Tisso

Due to its descriptions in the poem, the audience of Beowulf would have been familiar

with the location of Heorot amidst a warren of kingdoms throughout medieval Scandinavia.

Further, the builders of great halls would have aspired to meet the ideals of the legendary ones.

Thus, the audiences of the Beowulf work would continue to identify with the ideals within the

poem. The Danish halls uncovered at Gudme and Tisse are fine examples of great Germanic Iron

Age halls and comparable to Heit both in size and fecoonition: By Soiipaliie the halls found

at Gudme and Tissg to Heorot, the reader is able to witness the enduring form of the Germanic

Hall throughout Medieval Scandinavia as Gudme is a Migration Period hall that represents an

earlier form of the Germanic Iron Age hall where Tisso is a later, Viking Age hall that also
=,
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represents elements of the Germanic tradition. The purpose of this thesis is not to determine the

locale of the Beowulf work, but rather to show the audience artifacts that assist in lodging the

poem in the most appropriate century. Perhaps the most notable comparison to Lejre is the

archaeological excavations of two Germanic Iron Age halls located in Denmark’s Scandinavian

sister-country, Norway. These are the halls of Borg on the Lofoten Island of Vestvagey, a

northern island off the Norwegian coast discovered in 1981. In fact, the great hall at Borg was

discovered by accident while a Norwegian farmer was tilling his land; little did historians know

that this discovery would prove to be one of the most impressive Iron Age discoveries of the

twentieth century. From 1986-89, a Nordic research project was launched and conducted by the

Institute of Archaeology at the University of Tromsg and the Tromse University Museum.

Through extensive research it was discovered that the layout of the Borg site was similar

to the discoveries made at Lejre in Denmark — exhibiting one hall built atop the other, separated

by only a few centuries. Figure 6 layers the archeological comparisons of the two halls

uncovered at Borg. The earlier Borg hall was erected in the fifth - sixth centuries of the Common

Era and stood at 67 meters in length. Archaeologists discovered that in the eigth century, the

early Borg hall was redeveloped to harbor a larger, 83 meters long by 9.5 meters wide hall. In its

earliest construction, the 67 meter-long hall at Borg significantly out-sized all of its

contemporary Iron-Age halls discovered to this day, making the second construction a significant

development in medieval Norway and was thus was a substantial discovery in the world of

medieval archueology:

Through archaeological excavations it became clear that Borg is not only the largest

Scandinavian Germanic Iron-Age hall but was also a location of great wealth and importance as
18 | Munson

it accommodated for a complete renovation in the duration of its occupation.

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Figure 6 — Excavation plans at Borg, the oldest hall is located below the earlier hall.

Due to the great wealth that was poured into the development of the halls at Bérg, it is

clear that the occupying dynasty was important. According to the Landnamabok, a chieftain at

Bérg was Olav Tvennumbruni, of the Lofotr dynasty. Olav Tevennumbruni is specifically

connected to Lofotr.
 BSU | 19
Munson

Olafur tvennumbrini hét madur; hann fr af Lofét til sands; hann nam Skeid ll milli bjérsar
(og Hvitar og) til Sandleekjar. (There was a man named Olav Tvennumbruni. He travelled from

Lofotr to Iceland. He took the whole area of Skeid between Tjorsé to Sandlekiar.)*’ Through the

unknown authorship and unclear conception of the Ldndndmabok, connecting Borg to Beowulf

through the Lofotr dynasty is built on a loose foundation, but the possibility of planting the

Beowulf poem in this locale via the Landndmabok is noteworthy. Icelandic settlement began in

the late ninth — early tenth centuries and was partially sparked by religious conflict in Norway.

The Landnamabok does not detail the motivation behind Olav Tvennumbruni’s travel to Iceland,

but religious pressure is one theory that is evidenced by the lack of Christian paraphernalia at

Borg.*® “It is not believed that the people at Borg were Christians. On the other hand, they would

certainly have been acquainted with Christian culture, which they would have encountered

through their long-distance connections.””® This aspect of the remains uncovered at Bérg is

compatible with the Beowulf poem as it is unclear whether the scop was Christian or pagan, as

the epic contains elements of both.

Figure 7 is an on-site reconstructed hall that now houses the Lofotr Museum. It was built

to accurately represent the eighth century Borg Hall. Though Beowulf is set in sixth century

Denmark and is thus more obviously attributable to earlier excavations, it is important to

understand the Nordic culture in which it was orally transmitted, formally documented, and

culturally set. Save for the golden adornment and stylistic coloring of the Lejre reconstruction,

the two halls are re similar in eéastracticn:

As mentioned, the Germanic hall tradition was consistent both before and after the period

in which the Beowulf epic is thought to be set. The descriptive language within the poem

generally describes that of a Germanic hall and thus comparing various Scandinavian halls is
 20 | Munson

necessary to understanding the Beowulf as a whole. The great hall discovery at Borg serves as a

prime comparison to Heorot, as it is the largest Iron Age hall in Scandinavia that exists to this

day. Borg would have held the same esteem in the sixth century that Heorot would have held not

only to its viewers but also to any who would have heard of its size.

Figure 7 - The modern day Lofotr Museum stands in the same locale and was constructed in the same manner as the
original hall

Beowulf serves as a melting pot of cultural identity. These attributes allow claim to the

poem to be made by the Danes, the Swedes, and the English. Due to its Old English composition,

a Northumbrian comparison to the great hall of Heorot is the Anglo Saxon Hall of Yeavering

(previously known as Ad Gefrin) located the Glendale Valley of England. The Gefrin Trust

claims that:

For over 5000 years, people have been drawn to the prominent plateau of sand and
gravel lying between the foot of the largest hillfort in Northumberland, Yeavering Bell,
and the River Glen. They came for religious ceremonies, to live and bury their dead and
to meet their rulers.“”

The Yeavering site has a wealth of historical activity, including a series of seventh century

timbered buildings and a burial site, called Grave AX. These facts alone provide a comfortable
se
 BSU |} 21
Munson

comparison to the Beowulf poem, however when looking deeper at the Yeavering site and the

hall-descriptions within the poem, its compatibility to the text grows stronger. Yeavering is

representative of an Anglo Saxon/Germanic Iron Age hall, and is very similar to the Danish and

Norwegian halls previously mentioned. Further, the site represents the conversation between the

Germanic tradition of the hall and the growing Christian world that was developing in Anglo

Saxon England during the seventh century. Activity in the Yeavering vicinity has been traced

back to the Mesolithic, Neolithic, and Bronze Age Periods by flint flakes discovered by

archaeologists making the locale one of historical prestige. Though North-East Northumberland

holds an impressive history of settlement, perhaps most impressive was the seventh century

Yeavering development of a great hall under the reign of King Edwin of Bernica and his

successor, Oswald. Between 1953 - 1964, archaeological excavations made by archaeologist,

historian, and Cambridge scholar, Brian Hope-Taylor, revealed a complex layout of various halls

and buildings at the site of Ad Gefrin; more complex than congruent Scandinavian halls. Ad

Gefrin is the earlier name of Yeavering.

The series of halls that were constructed at Ad Gefrin stood at various — but grand —

heights. Over 16 buildings have been excavated at Yeavering thus far, and there is an assortment

of other possible-buildings that are still being uncovered and debated to this day. The wealth of

buildings discovered at Yeavering indicates the reputation that the location would have held

regionally during the seventh century. Historians and archaeologist alike refer to this locale as

Ad Gefrin.

The first reference to the great hall at Ad Gefrin was in textual form circa 627 C.E. the

venerable Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People: Book II chapter XIV.

So great was then the fervour of the faith, as is reported, and the desire for the laver of
salvation among the nation of the Northumbrians, that Paulinus at a certain time coming
22 | Munson

with the king and queen to the royal township, which is called Ad Gefrin, stayed there
with them thirty-six days, fully occupied in catechizing and baptizing; during which days,
from morning till night, he did nothing else but instruct the people resorting from all
villages and places, in Christ's saving Word; and when they were instructed, he washed
them with the water of absolution in the river Glen, which is close by. This township,
under the following kings, was abandoned, and another was built instead of it, at the
place called Maelmin.*!

Bede did not explicitly reveal the location of Ad Gefrin in his work, but it was clear to

seventeeth century English historians that Ad Gefrin had come to be known as Yeavering.

; (Wwe coo
f Ne } ie — =
Nepoow

Se = oe

Po
Oe yy Hf f

A A, Se De Oe

Figure 8 — Aerial view of the Yeavering ground layout, Brian Hope-Taylor

In his 1695 post-mortem publication of Britannia Newly Translated, sixteenth century author

William Camden claimed that “‘Soon after, Till is encreas'd by the river of Glen; which gives the

name Glendale of Glen to the Valley through which it runs. Of this rivulet Bede gives us the

following account; Paulinus coming with King and Queen to the Royal Manour of Ad-gefrin (‘tis
 BSU | 23
Munson

now call'd Yeverin).”””” This quote can not be substantiated, but the Gefrin Trust publicized

Camden’s quote in their publication Yeavering; Rediscovering the Landscape of the

Northumbrian Kings.

Excavations in 1953 — 1962 made by Brian Hope-Taylor at Yeavering revealed remnants

of a great hall that was presumably in operation circa 550 C.E. and was abandoned sometime

before 700 C.E. “Because of Hope-Taylor’s convincing interpretation of the distinctive

rectangular crop marks at Yeavering, it is possible to recognize these forms as characteristic of

early Anglo Saxon settlement.””’ The site at Yeavering is expansive, reflecting not only a main

hall, but also several outlier halls in the perimeter and a grandstand. The inclusion of a

grandstand was not typical in the Germanic tradition, but a main hall and several outlier halls are

congruent with other Germanic Iron Age halls. The grandstand would have acted as some type of

outdoor theatre; perhaps a suitable location for the Beowulf poet to recite his epic. During the

sixth century of Medieval Scandinavia, Anglo Saxons were seeking to expand north, and along

with their geographical expansion, they simultaneously sought to expand their settlement

capabilities. Hope-Taylor argues that the ornate and extensive settlement practices are indicative

of the growing Anglo Saxon cultural sentiment. Meaning that the Anglo Saxons were attempting

to create settlements unique to their societies.

The site at Yeavering is much more expansive

than other Germanic Iron Age settlements, with

its various halls and arenas, Figure 9 is a virtual

reconstruction of the site that is very similar to

the actual reconstructions of the aforementioned

congruent halls.
Figure 9 - Virtual reconstruction of the settlement at
Yeavering
24 | Munson

When the Beowulf manuscript came to the forefront of medieval literary scholarship in

the sixteenth and ninteenth centuries, it was subject to extensive claim and debate. The Beowulf

poem is connected to a welter of Northern European culture and communities, possessing a tenth

- eleventh century Anglo-Saxon writer, a Danish setting, and Geatish hero. Due to the fact that

the poem was written in Old English, it is entirely possible that the elements of fact within

Beowulf occurred at Yeavering in Northumberland. Due to its regional prestige and massive size,

the Yeavering halls serve as fine comparisons to Heorot, holding the largest Anglo-Saxon Iron-

Age hall yet discovered in England and acting as an influential royal, religious, cultural, and

historical center.

In relation to the Beowulf poem, all of the above mentioned halls suffered damage or

underwent reconstruction of some sort, which is compatible with the text as Heorot “towered

high and horn-gabled — [and] awaited hostile fires.”“4 Though the Beowulf poet does not give any

indication of the reconstruction of Heorot, contextually during the medieval period any location

of great power would have been rebuilt. The enduring form of the traditional Germanic hall

explains the enduring reception and cultivation of Heorot and the Beowulf poem.

When examining the construction of the Germanic Iron Age hall, it is imperative to

understand that there was a standard of construction that swept throughout Northern Europe and

Scandinavia during the sixth and seventh centuries. There was intentional design to Heorot and

other Iron Age halls as they were meant to represent the center of the medieval worldview.

Further, in medieval culture it was common for communities to replicate the matter of the hall in

funereal practices as a means of showing respect to the dead. Because halls play a significant

role in the Beowulf text, the ship burial representing the hall also warrants acknowledgement.

“The fact that ships were used in such elaborate ways implies that they had considerable
 BSU | 25
Munson

symbolic significance in their respective societies.” As mentioned, the poem begins with Scyld

Scefing. In the epic, when Scyld passed away, he was adorned with a ship burial which consisted

of placing the deceased, accompanied with luxury and treasure, into a decorated ship and either

burying the ship or sending the ship out to sea. In Beowulf;

Him 6a Scyld gewat to gesceephwile

felahror feran on Frean were;
hi hyne ba etbzeron to brimes farode,
sweese gesipas, swa he selfa beed,
penden wordum weold wine Scyldinga---
leof landfruma lange ahte.
beer zet hyde stod hringedstefna
isig ond utfus, ebelinges feer;
aledon pa leofne peoden,
beaga bryttan on bearm scipes,
meerne be meeste.

Sy (Scyld passed away at his appointed hour,

the mighty lord went into the Lord’s

keeping; they bore him down to the

brimming sea, his dear comrades, as he

himself had commanded while the friend of

the Scyldings wielded speech - that dear

land-ruler had long held power. In the

RAT = <a AN 4

Figure 10 — Oseberg Ship Burial in ground harbor stood a ring-prowed ship, ice,

outbound, a nobleman’s vessel; there they

laid down their dear lord, dispenser of rings, in the bosom of the ship, glorious, by the mast).“°

Beowulf scholars have no physical evidence of ship burials that were sent to sea, like that of

- Scylds burial, nor could they; however cremation burials with war-gear were common in
26 | Munson

medieval Scandinavia. The Beowulf audience serves as witness to two funereal customs within

the poem. The first is that of Scyld Scefings, and the second is Beowulf’s. Beowulf did not

receive a ship burial, but instead was given the common practice of a funeral pyre, in which the

man was cremated with all of his belongings.

Though historians cannot have evidence of cremated

practices, a common practice within Medieval

Scandinavia was burying ships in the ground in earth

graves. Perhaps the most commonly known ship burial

is the one found in Tonsberg, Norway — the Oseberg

ship burial. The Oseberg is a luxury coastal vessel

meant for decorative presentation. The burial mound of

Oseberg measured approximately 40 meters long by 6.5

meters high and due to the dendrochronological analysis

of the artifacts and ship itself, the burial was entombed

Figure 11 — Oseberg Ship prow in circa 834 C.E. The adornment of the Oseberg ship

indicates that the ship burial would have held someone

of great power, and though it outdates the composition of the Beowulf poem, it serves as a

praiseworthy comparison to the ship that would have served as Scyld’s grave hall. The intricate

interlacing of Germanic forms carved into the wood of the ship’s prow indicates the care and

detail that was put into the wonstrustion of the ship. Medieval ship burials not ship included the

burial of the departed, but also the burial of many worldly possessions that were thought to assist

in the afterlife. A compelling fact about the Oseberg ship burial is that it housed the remains of

two female bodies and one of the only ship burial discoveries that contained the remains of
 BSU | 27
Munson

women. The burial also held two oxen, four dogs, 13 horses, a bed, sleds and wagons, textiles

and a vertical loom. As evidenced by the artifacts contained at Oseberg, ship burials were

outfitted to represent the sex of the inhabitants. Though the Oseberg ship’s exterior design is

compatible with the Scyld’s ship grave, the interior contents would have differed greatly. In

regards to Scyld Scefing’s ship burial, the epic continues to say

beer wees madma fela

of feorwegum fretwa gelzeded;
ne hyrde ic cymlicor ceol gegyrwan
hildeweepnum ond headoweedum,
billum ond byrnum;him on bearme leg
madma meenigo, pa him mid scoldon
on flodes zeht feor gewitan.
Nales hi hine leessan lacum teodan,
peodgestreonum.

(There were many treasures loaded there, adornments from distant lands; I have never heard of a

more lovely ship bedecked with battle-weapons and war-gear, blades and byrnies. In its bosom

lay many treasures, which were to travel far with him into the keeping of the flood. With no

fewer gifts fid they furnish him there, the wealth of nations...).” As the text implicates, the

burial of Scyld Scefing would have been intentionally accessorized with compatible artifacts that

were meant to represent the chieftain’s wealth, power, and status. The fact that ship burials were

almost always reserved for great chieftains further implies that ship burials and their decorative

nature were meant to represent a burial hall. A typical ship burial would feature the

compartmentalization of interior and exterior artifacts.** To any onlooker, the entire burial would

appear to be prepared for sea-departure, complete with oars, anchor, mast, and ropes.
Nea
28 | Munson

In addition to the practical accompaniments ships have, a ship burial would also include a

grave chamber situated in the center of the precipice.” This central grave chamber was to

represent the hall of the deceased. In efforts to connect ship burials to a Germanic hall, Frands

Chénb
ii
rhe :
ies TOP fa
re ‘ ‘ ‘ :
oi ‘3 $ ' as + . .
Se ‘ * MES ow
a u* hey sch

Kitchen Chamber “storages Lower hall Upper hall

Figure 12 — Herschend’s layout comparison between Lejre and a Vendel period Ship burial

Herschend compares a Vendel period ship burial found in Sweden to the Lejre halls of Denmark.

The installation in Valsgarde, Grave 8 represented one end of a hall building consisted of
a chamber and the upper part of the hall room. It is tempting to compare this layout to
that of the hall, e.g. the one in Lejre. Making the connection Valsgarde-Lejre is no doubt
the tentative interpretation, inasmuch as we have little exact knowledge about the room
function in large halls.*°

It is clear that there was a very precise and intelligent design to ship graves in comparison to the

standard hall configuration. Though the Oseberg ship burial is an impressive piece of work, the

artifacts-contained are not relevant to and cannot directly be applied to the Beowulf poem.

A more appropriate ship burial comparison to the Beowulf epic is that of Sutton Hoo

excavated in 1938 in Suffolk, England. It is here that one of the most influential discoveries

regarding Beowulf was made. The archaeological team of Basil Brown uncovered remains of a

27 meters long, 6" century ship grave that held a plethora of medieval artifacts that have been
 BSU | 29
Munson

dated to the sixth and early seventh centuries C.E. Unfortunately, due to the highly acidic

conditions of the soil the Sutton Hoo ship was disintegrated, leaving only imprints in the ground.

However, the ship’s oak planks that once lined this earth-grave have disintegrated leaving only

the shape of the ship and divot impressions in the sand and from the imprints it has been

concluded that the Sutton Hoo ship is the largest Anglo-Saxon ship grave that has yet been

bias Need
Figure 13 —Sutton Hoo Ship Buria Tae

unearthed. The ship was built to hold 40 men, possessing 40 oar slots along the sides, and Brown

and his team discovered indications that the ship had undergone a series of repairs during its

lifetime, which indicates that the ship was not built primarily for burial, but rather existed as a

sea-faring ship before it was entombed. From the artifactual evidence, it is clear that the Sutton

Hoo Ship burial was meant for a prestigious chieftain, like Scyld. The ornate war-gear and

numerous gold artifacts meant for pomp and circumstance are perspicuous indications that the

deceased was a man of not only great wealth, but also great power. Creating a burial for

chieftains that was suitable and representative of the roles they played in society while alive was
30 | Munson

important to the society and culture that existed in medieval Scandinavia during the sixth and

seventh centuries. The ship burial as grave hall was a crucial and significant representation of the

power of the deceased. Thus, ship burials were often intentionally built and organized to

represent an atmosphere that would carry the deceased into the afterlife (see Figure 12).

Additionally, they were adorned with artifacts that were meant to represent the prestige of the

deceased and with which the graves inhabitants were to possess in their death.

Many artifacts were excavated at the Sutton Hoo ship burial site, some of which hold

great significance in relation to the Beowulf poem. A prominently recurring artifact within

Beowulf is the war-helmet — more specifically the image of a boar-ornamented helmet. In the

epic, as Beowulf and his men arrive in Daneland, “Eoforlic scionon ofer hleorbe[g]ran gehroden

golde, fah ond fyrheard , ferhwearde heold. gupmod gr[i]mmon.” (Boar-figures shone over gold-

plated cheek guards, gleaming, fire-hardened; they guarded the lives of the grim battle-

minded.)*! The first time the reader encounters Beowulf it is with this image of a boar-

ornamented warrior. Not only does the mere mention of the boar in the description of the war-

gear imply the importance of such an image, but the poetic description also implies that the boar

images acted as guardians to the warriors. The helmet excavated at the Sutton Hoo ship burial is

popularly attributed to the Beowulf poem as it features one of the most distinct and intricately

carved boar-images. In contrast to the disintegration of the actual Sutton Hoo ship, the artifacts

found at the site remarkably withstood the perils of the sandy grave.

The Sutton Hoo helmet is world-renowned. When discovered the helmet was in

fragmentary condition, but underwent marvelous replicated using comparative techniques, thus

the helmet replication depicts the pertinent late sixth - seventh century Style II interlacing animal

ornamentation. Style II of medieval Scandinavian art exemplifies interlacing tendrils leading to a

 BSU | 31
Munson

central or several sporadic zoomorphic gripping-beasts figures. Lotte Hedeagar claims “From the

Migration Period to the Viking Age depictions of humans in animal form can be found, primarily

attached to the helmets from the rich warrior graves in Vendel, Valsgarde in Uppland and the

Sutton Hoo grave from East Anglia... The majority of this anthropomorphic artistic motif took

the form of either wolf-human warriors or boar-human warriors.””” Further, Hedeager asserts the

anatomy of the helmet in relation to the images (see Figure 14).

On the crest sit the wild boar and the bird of prey...The animal figures are, however, to a
greater extent part of the helmet’s composition. On the Sutton Hoo helmet, for example,
the snakes lie like a crest from the neck to the bridge of the nose, whilst the bird protects
the face in front, it’s beak reinforcing the protection of the bridge of the nose. Its wings
make up the helmet’s eyebrow arches, and the wing tips rest on the temples, where the
most vulnerable part of the face is located. And here we find two wild boar heads.

The boar is a sacred icon within Germanic mythology. Hedeagar claims, “from the beginning to

the end [of animalistic artistry in medieval Scandinavia] the animal styles were an inseparable

part of the elite’s material identity.”** In Beowulf, the descriptions of the helmet-ware display the

standard aristocratic material culture of the Late Migration periods described by Hedeagar. In

medieval culture, animalistic art styles were directly related to the world that they were a part,

and thus the boar — being intricately woven into medieval society — was a typical animal

ornament that is found on many sixth - seventh century artifacts.

Nordic animal ornamentation does not only incorporate animals, it is animals — that is, it
is entirely a paraphrasing of a many-faceting repertoire of animal motifs: whole and half
animals, small animals and large animals, animal fragments and anatomically complete
animals, along with animal heads without bodies and animals bodies without heads.”

In Beowulf, the image of the boar is most frequent when describing the aristocratic material

culture - namely the helmets.

When Beowulf arrives in Denmark with this fourteen men, he and his men “set off — their

vessel stood still, the roomy ship rested in its riggings, fast at anchor. Boar-figures shone over
32 | Munson

Figure 14 — Sutton Hoo Helmet, replica

very:similar to the
gold plated cheek-guards, gleaming, fire-hardened.”*° This description is
within the Beowulf
anatomy and detail of the Sutton Hoo helmet. The descriptions of the armor
on. When
poem imply the mystical powers the boar image holds as a symbol of great protecti
, “He ordered to be borne
Hrothgar commissions armor for Beowulf before his return to Geatland

ed sword.”*’ The
in the boar standard, the helmet towering in battle, the gray byrnie, the decorat
 BSU | 33
Munson

boar standard credits the impenetrable quality of armor to the boar and thus heightens the

protective powers of the image.

Figure 15 — Sutton Hoo Helmet, reconstruction

Pan-Germanic archaeological findings, particularly those of armor and war-related

artifacts, often carried riddling features meant to symbolize a cultural belief relevant to their

medieval worldview. Meaning that the image often carried underlying significance that would

have resonated strongly with the poems original audience. This characteristic allows for the Style

II descriptions of the helmet-ware in the poem, with zoomorphic and interlacing detailing, to

hold weighted implications to the Beowulf audience.

Early Anglo-Saxon metalwork abounds in visual riddles — images which can be read in
more that one way. On the head plate of some sixth-century square-headed brooches of
34 | Munson

Kentish type, for example, the animals can be read as crouching beasts, or, by rotating the
view, as human profiled heads attached to animal bodies; alternatively two of the profiled
human heads can together make an animal mask. *°

In recognition of the incredible artistic abilities for medieval metalworkers, the fact that the

images act in multi-faceted ways indicates the greatness of those associated with such an artifact

and further, the formidable impact it would have had on the audience. Symbolic zoomorphism is

not absent from the Anglo-Saxon Sutton Hoo helmet. Perhaps the most intriguing aspect of the

Sutton Hoo helmet is the facemask (see Figure 13). It is equipped with eye-sockets, eyebrows

and a nose, which has two small holes cut in it, which would have allowed the wearer to breathe

freely. The bronze eyebrows are inlaid with silver wire and garnets and each end in a gilt-bronze

boars-head. Here again, the viewer is witness to the image of the boar, which was a great

symbol of strength and courage.

Though there is no existing evidence of the Beowulf poem’s historical accuracy, there is a

plethora of contemporary artifacts that resemble the paraphernalia as described by the text. For

example;

Beowulf geared up in his warrior’s clothing...the broad war-shirt, woven by hand,

cunningly made, had to test the mere - it knew well how to protect his bone-house... The
shining helmet protected his head, set to stir up the sea depths, seek that troubled water,
decorated with treasure, encircled with a splendid band, as a weapon-smith in days of old
had crafted it with wonders, set boar images, so that afterwards no blade or battle-sword
might ever bite it.©°

The Sutton Hoo helmet, and the other pieces of armor within Beowulf, engraved with boar

imagery, were said to be impenetrable. In Beowulf, this wonder is exemplified by the fact that no

hero is struck, or “bit,” while wearing boar-ornamented protective coverings. Due to the poem’s

ambiguous nature, modern historians are left to make assumptions regarding almost all aspects of

the poem. One such assumption that has been popularized among Beowulf scholars is that the

Sutton Hoo helmet best fits the descriptions of helmets in the poem. However, though it is a
 BSU | 35
Munson

of the
the po em ’s mat eri al culture, the descriptions
compare wit h
prime example to surely
uted to the
ul f do not all ow for a specific artifact to be attrib
hin Beow
aristocratic material art wit
h archaeological
ica te tha t the he lm et -ware is best matched wit
ptions ind
poem. Instead, the descri
cts.
century pan-Germanic artifa
findings of sixth - seventh
——<— Another Anglo Saxon helmet-
ee —_— —————
ptive
comparison to the descri
Benty
language in Beowulf is the
ure 16),
Grange helmet (see Fig
Thomas
discovered in 1848 by
haeologist,
Bateman, an English arc
igger. The
antiquary, and barrow-d
the most
Benty Grange helmet is
Anglo
obviously boar-decorated
this day. The
Saxon helmet found to
the Benty
helmet was uncovered on
rn region
Grange farm in the southe
England
of the Monyash parish in
tely 650
and is dated to approxima
the English
C.E., during the heart of
met
Figure 16 — Benty Grange Hel
ly
llo w ele vat ion and the center held a single — lavish
barrow is of sha
Anglo Saxon period. The
westward
as Ba te ma n’ s res ear ch journal,” “proceeding
rding to Thom
decorated — body. Acco
ch, being
arr ive d at a lar ge mas s of oxidized iron, whi
six feet, we
from the head for about
bly broken, now
hav ing bee n sin ce repaired, were unavoida
care, and
removed with the utmost
36 | Munson

presents a mass of chain work, and the frame of a helmet.” Bateman’s discovery featured an

iron band that would have been wrapped around the deceased skull and protruded upward to the

cusp of the helmet. According to Bateman’s research journal, the impressions left on the iron

band indicate that the helmet had a layer of horn inlayed diagonally so as to display a herring-

bone pattern. These horn plates were secured to the iron with silver ornamental rivets. The front

of the helmet features an extension of one of the core ribs of iron, which would have been

included for nasal protection. This “T” shape on medieval helmets was standard during the

Anglo-Saxon period. On the nasal plate was inlayed a silver cross that was embellished with

beading.

Figure 17 — Benty Grange Boar

The inclusion of the cross on the helmet is most likely indicative of Christian influence

that infiltrated the aristocratic material culture during the seventh century. However, the helmet
 BSU | 37
Munson

also features very clear pagan qualities. The most fascinating feature of the Benty Grange helmet

is the crown (see Figure 17). “On the crown of the helmet is an elliptical bronze plate supporting

the figure of an animal carved in iron, with bronze eyes, now much corroded, but perfectly

distinct as there presentation of a hog.”® In addition to the perceived protective qualities of the

boar stated above that existed in medieval Scandinavia during the sixth and seventh centuries, it

was also considered sacred by the Norse fertility Goddess, Freyja. Saxon settlement of what is

now England began at the decline of the Roman Empire in the fifth century, when paganism was

rich in the Saxon communities. In the famed Prose Edda, Icelander Snorri Sturluson explains

Norse Mythology during the Medieval Period. He explains that Freyja lives in Sessrumnir (land

of many seats) in Folkvangar (the warriors’ fields); she was a Valkyrie of sorts, having the first

choice of the dead after a battle. Valkyrie is an adaptation of the Old Norse “valkyrja” which

translates to “chooser of the slain.” Valkyries are who, during battle, would select which of the

warriors would live and which would die mythological female character. The legend claims that

after a battle and in preparation of Ragnarok, Freyja would claim half the dead and Odin would

get the other half.™ In some myths Freyja possesses a pig-companion named Hildisvini, battle-

boar, who would accompany her into battle. The sacredness of the Hildisvini to Freyja matched

with the perceived protective powers of the boar would surely infiltrate the weapon art of

Medieval Scandinavia and England during the Late Migration and Anglo Saxon periods, as

paganism was the dominant religion of the region during the sixth and seventh centuries. The

boar figurine on the Benty Grange helmet would have been an obvious and symbolic ainbol for

any onlooker — not only in its striking construction, but also in its well-known protective

endowment. The helmet uncovered at Benty Grange would have been worn by a prestigious

warrior, perceived to carry significant power — much like Beowulf. The iron-boar that rests atop
38 | Munson

the crown is composed of an iron body with gold inlays and garnet eyes. The inclusion of such

an intense and deliberate image would have been a high honor during the time of its approximate

creation in the seventh century.

Apart from the boar-figure on the Benty Grange helmet, another compelling aspect of the

piece is the inclusion of the silver cross on the nasal extension. In 597 St. Augustine was sent by

Pope Gregory the Great to convert King Aethelberht and his Kingdom of Kent to Christianity.

Though this was not the first time England had been exposed to Roman Christianity, it would be

centuries until the new religion took root in society. During the Benty Grange helmet’s

construction circa 650 C.E., its makers would have existed in a time of great religious influx,

hence the inclusion of both pagan and Christian elements on the famous Anglo Saxon artifact.

Similarly, the Beowulf poem was subject to the interplay between paganism and

Christianity and this is evidenced throughout the poem. The literary work possesses extensive

pagan imagery and themes that pre-date Christian influences in medieval Scandinavia, but it also

@ ~@ carries many Christian motifs. Though this is the case

throughout the Beowulf poem, the reader is never given explicit

descriptions or implications of Christian imagery on the

weapon art. Instead the text reveals descriptions of the war gear

featuring “boar-ornamented” characterization. The fact that the

Benty Grange helmet straddles the worlds of paganism and

Christianity in its construction implies its compatibility with the

Beowulf poem as the poem too straddles these two worlds.

However, because the reader is offered numerous descriptions

of boar-ornamented artifacts it is more appropriately matched

Figure 18 — Benty Grange Cross
 BSU | 39
Munson

with the Late Migration period, when paganism was rich in Northern Europe. Due to their

obvious boar-imagery, the Benty Grange and Sutton Hoo helmets serve as prime Anglo Saxon

archaeological findings that are congruent with the descriptions of the helmets in Beowulf The

Beowulf poem is a literary work that represents a pan-Germanic medieval Scandinavian

worldview. It should be noted that the Anglo-Saxon helmets are equally congruent if not more

congruent with the material culture of Beowulf as Scandinavian examples.

Satisfying the pan-Germanic nature of the Beowulf poem, several Scandinavian

comparisons between the war-gear featured in Beowulf and archaeological helmet findings are

those of the Swedish Vendel Period. These comparisons are appropriate to the Beowulf poem,

not only for their ornate construction, but also for the fact that Beowulf was a Geat, a modern

day Swede. Excavations at the Late Iron Age Vendel site in Sweden featured seven ornately

embellished boat burials that have been dated to circa 550 C.E. — 800 C.E. The boat burials were

so ostentatious that the period intervening the Migration and Viking Periods became known as

the Vendel Period. At Valsgirde, another Swedish site of elaborate excavation, the first boat

burial is dated to the early seventh century and was followed by 14 subsequent burials, five of

which are absorbed by the Vendel Period, the other 10 extend into the Viking Age. “True

equipment of the boats mainly consist of helmets, swords, shields, spears, buckles, saddles,

drinking cups/glasses, cauldrons/kettles of iron, cauldron chains, pokers, scissors, axes, combs,

dice and gaming pieces, drinking horns, currency bars, armour pieces, spits, pliers, hangers, frost

nails, halters, animal jeaslies, hooks and textiles.”

However, the most fascinating of the artifacts that were dated to the Vendel period of

Swedish history, are the helmets, which are all very similar in construction and ornamentation.

During this period in Scandinavia, paganism and the Germanic-lifestyle were very prevalent to
40 | Munson

society and this fact infiltrated all elements of culture — most prevalently in the decoration of the

ceremonial war-gear. Ceremonial war-gear consists of elaborately embellished armory that was

meant for pomp and circumstance more than actual battle. This type of gear was most frequently

the product of gift-giving. In Beowulf, King Hrothgar and Wealtheow “ordered to be borne in the

boar standard, the helmet towering in battle, the gray byrnie, the decorated sword”® in gratitude

for Beowulf’s heroic deeds in conquering Grendel and

purifying the Danish Kingdom of evil. Beowulf then

gifted this ceremonial art-gear to his king, Hygelac.

This was a standard practice in medieval culture as

loyalty and dedication to one’s king was the highest

form of heroism and honor.

The Vendel and Valsgiarde archaeological sites

are situated in the parish of Gamla Uppland, Sweden

or Old Uppsala. The earlier sites — the Vendel sites —

Figure 18 — Vendel Grave XIII Helmet are a series of seven ship burials in total. Of the seven,

five (sites X, XIV, XI, XII, and I) included a helmet. The other two (sites VII and III) showed

evidence of being looted®’ and thus may have contained a helmet at one point, but archaeologists

are unsure. The burials at Vendel and Valsgiarde are the largest ship graveyards of medieval

Scandinavia, and as evidenced by the wealth of aristocratic material culture found therein, the

sites held numerous kings and chieftains. On the image above (Figure 19), notice the customary

“T” shape to the facemask that is embellished with a dragon-like figure protruding down the

nose from the crown. Most of the excavated Vendel and Valsgarde helmets feature elongated

golden bodies that extend down from the top of the nose out over the eyebrows and end in a
 BSU | 41
Munson

zoomorphic boar’s head over the temple.

17
;
vhN
Osx ty Bt oN -
d
Figure 20 — Vendel Grave XIV Helmet Figure 21 — Vendel Grave XIV Helmet, replica

The boar head resting over the temple, as imaged on the Sutton Hoo, Vendel, and

Valsgarde helmets was standard of the sixth and seventh centuries. A difference between the

Vendel and Valsirde helmets and the one found at Sutton Hoo is that the latter helmet possesses

a bird-like figure that reaches up over the nose into the forehead region whereas on the Vendel

and Valsgirde helmets the figure lengthens down the forehead with the face resting on the root

of the nose and has an additional piece that extends down into another dragon-like figure that

covers the entire nose and part of the mouth. “When worn, the animal/bird covering the human

nose can be interpreted as receiving enough air ‘to come alive’ through the constant inhalation

and exhalation of air of the mask wearer.” This belief would allow the mask-wearer to literally
42 | Munson

breathe onto the face of the creature (see Figure 20), installing life into the symbol, igniting the

protective qualities of the image, and creating a marriage between the beast and the warrior.

Further, because the helmets in Beowulf were most often constructed in the boar-standard, and

because the boar symbols were said to withstand the “bite” of any weapon, and further because

the images ere attributed transcendental prescriptions, the sixth and seventh century helmets

found at Sutton Hoo, Benty Grange, Vendel, and Valsgirde, are congruent comparisons to those

that would have appeared as Beowulf’s aristocratic war-gear. Like the Sutton Hoo Helmet, the

Vendel and Valsgirde period helmets possess an ornately plated cap of iron depicting figural

scenes with facial mask and eyebrow components that portray boar and dragon/bird like

imagery.” Though the images below (see Figures 22 & 23) differ in basic style, take note of the

similar bird-like horned tips that sit atop the figures head.

Figure 22 is a reconstructed drawing from the

Sutton Hoo Helmet, where Figure 23 is the reconstructed

inlay of the figural images of the Vendel Grave XIV

helmet (also see Figure 21). Helmets that were bedecked

with animal ornamentation are a defining feature of the

Figure 22 - Sutton Hoo Helmet Plate Late Migration age. Scholars speculate on the imagery that
drawing

embellished helmet-hoods during this time, and many

believe that the images were meant to represent Odin’s

army of berserkers who often decorated themselves with

the pelts of wolves, bears, or boars before going into

battle.

Figure 23 - Vendel Grave XIV Helmet In Beowulf, as mentioned, helmets were often
plate drawing
 BSU | 43
Munson

adorned with animalistic images as seen in the Anglo Saxon Benty Grange and Sutton Hoo

helmets, as well as those excavated from the Swedish Vendel and Valsgirde sites. The Beowulf

author supplies the reader with descriptions of the “boar-images [that] shone over gold-plated

cheek-guards, gleaming, fire hardened””? but does not offer any commentary on the plates that

may have been included on the helmet hood and what they depicted. However, because of the

commonness of the images depicted on the plates of the Vendel and Viking age helmets, it is not

unlikely that these images would have also been represented on the boar-ornamented helmets of

Beowulf.

Further, because the frequency of decorated helmet-plates that existed throughout

Northern Europe during the sixth and seventh centuries, and which were commonly believed to

invoke a great warrior passion, a reader might question why such a description is not included in

the Beowulf text. Regardless, the Vendel and Valsgarde helmets are significant discoveries in the

world of Beowulf scholarship as they portray the standard zoomorphic imagery and boar-like

symbols of the era in which they were constructed — the sixth or seventh century. Thus, the

Beowulf poem is further grounded in that time period. Due to the lack of helmet-plate description

in the text itself and because these masterly carved hoods and symbols were thought to invoke a

berserk fashion in its wearer that is absent from the text, perhaps a more simple, yet still

incredibly made helmet, like the Benty Grange helmet, is better matched with the Beowulf poem.

However, the works text does not provide enough descriptive detail to confidently suggest one

helmet over the other — instead it should be noted that any Northern European helmet dated to

the sixth and seventh centuries is comparable to the Beowulf text.

44 | Munson

Further evidence grounding the

descriptions of the aristocratic war-gear within

Beowulf to the era of Late Migration is a

comparison to helmets constructed in later

centuries such as the Viking and Saxon periods of

Northern European history. The eighth century

York Coppergate helmet is a fine example of a

Later Saxon helmet that holds lingering sixth to

seventh century elements — like that of the boar-

image — but does not wholly suit the Beowulf text

(see Figure 24). The helmet was made from

riveted iron sheets held together with brass strips

Figune 04 ~Coppencate Raliise engraved with interlacing animalistic styles.

LCOS Though the interlacing tendrils somewhat

resemble the artistic styles of the preceding Late Migration period, the Coppergate helmet better

represents the transition from the Style II of artistic expression to the Trewhiddle style that

became popularized in the ninth century, but began in the eigth century of the Common Era.

The Trewhiddle style is a mid-ninth century Anglo Saxon art form that features imagery

of both large and small beasts with intertwined tendril bodies. Later Anglo Saxon helmets also

appear to hold Irish imagery that is absent from their earlier counterparts. This can be seen

through the Gaelic shaped tendrils that extend down the nose cover. The tendrils are reminiscent

of the Celtic Triquetra. The Triquetra was frequently used as an image of Germanic Paganism,

but was later adopted to represent the Christian Trinity. Further, the brass strips that run from ear
 BSU | 45
Munson

to ear around the back of the helmet read in Latin

“IN NOMINE : DNI: NOSTRI: IHV: SCS:

SPS : DI: ET : OMNIBVS : DECEMVS :

AMEN: OSHERE : XPI - In the name of our Lord

Jesus Christ and of the Spirit of God, let us offer

up Oshere to All Saints. Amen."”' Oshere is

identified as the owner of the helmet. This clear

Christian reference enhances the shaping of the

j 3 Hf
tendrils in the Trewhiddle style by placing them in

a Christian context. Further, the helmet

: is yh 3
Figure 25— Coppergate Helmet nose demonstrates the transition between Northern
covering, reconstruction et eee Dela:
European styles of artistic expression, in regards to material culture, as it also resembles some of

the earlier Migration period styles of helmet construction. The audience can see the dragon-like

figure at the root of the nose whose body reaches up over the top of the helmet. However, this is

the only component that is reminiscent of the earlier helmet construction. The elaborate boar-

ornamentation that we see extensively on the Late Migration Period helmets are absent from the

Coppergate helmet, which makes the helmets of the Anglo-Saxon and Vendel period — sixth and

seventh centuries — more compatible with the Beowulf text.

There is a general trend among helmets of the later medieval period, the ninth — eleventh

‘eeatuaies, From the aettiotual evidence, it is clear that after the sixth and seventh centuries,

helmet construction went through significant changes. Further, after the adoption of Christianity

in Northern Europe and Nordica, the number of helmets being created appears to have declined

significantly.
46 | Munson

The Coppergate helmet acts as a bridge from an era of numerous helmet constructions

and an era of very little helmet constructions. Contrary to popular belief there is only one

, archaeologically found Viking helmet. The

Gjermundbu helmet is a tenth century helmet

discovered in 1943 at Gjermundbu, Norway. As

Figure 26 displays, the Gjermundbu helmet

represents a complete shift from the earlier

stylized helmets of the sixth and seventh centuries.

The helmet, dated to 970, features a crossed

crown cover attached to the band of iron that

Figure 26 —Gjermundbu Helmet, partial would have reached around the warrior’s head.
reconstruction
Protective iron plates were riveted onto this

skeleton frame. The helmet was discovered in a Viking burial rich in weapons dated to the later

tenth century and is now housed in the Museum of Cultural History in Oslo. The Gjermundbu

helmet (see Figure 26) does not possess any boar imagery that is so central to the descriptions of

the aristocratic war-gear in Beowulf. Further, the customary “T” shape to the facemask that was

prevalent to the sixth and seventh helmets of Northern Europe. Instead the Gjermundbu helmet

features a full iron cap, free of ornamentation and a heart-shaped facemask with cut-outs for

vision. As mentioned, this helmet is a rare find dated to the Viking period, the late eighth — mid

eleventh centuries. Due to the lack of boar ornamentation, the helmets within Beowulf, as

described by the text, are best suited to match those of the sixth and seventh centuries

Beowulf is a wonder of the medieval world. Due to its unknown author and ambiguous

dating, modern historians are left to extract the poems context from the text. From the poet’s use
 BSU | 47
Munson

of descriptive language in relation to the helmet-ware and the great hall, archaeologists are able

to extract compatible artifacts best suited to match the poem, and are thus able to ground the

poem in the appropriate century. A thorough and rich analysis of the Beowulf text leaves the

reader with an understanding of the material culture that is most harmonious with the Late

Germanic Iron Age of Scandinavia, the Anglo Saxon period of England, and the Vendel period

of Sweden; congruent with the era of Migration in Northern Europe.

Heorot, the setting for the majority of the poem, is a site of rich cultural history and is

described as “the timbered hall, splendid and gold-adorned — the most famous building among

men under the heavens — where the high king waited; its light shone over many lands”,
9972
as well

as “high and horn-gabled”” and “...men’s golden house, finely adorned...[with a] steep roof

plated with gold.””* The ornate descriptions of Heorot indicate the hall’s prestige and renowned

reputation. Heorot would not have been an ordinary hall. Most scholars agree that the most

appropriate archaeological comparison to Heorot are the great halls that was discovered in Lejre,

Denmark in the twentieth century. The halls at Lejre and Heorot in Beowulf share a plethora of

similarities; from the obvious relationship between the historically founded Skjéldung dynasty

and the Scylding dynasty within Beowulf, to the tragic fate of Heorot as described in the poem

and the matching fate of the earlier Lejre Hall. However, Heorot shares similarities with several

Germanic Iron Age halls, and thus cannot be confidently placed in one locale. Thus, it is

necessary and important to compare other Iron Age and Migration Period halls, such as the halls

of Yeavering, Gudme, Tisso, and Borg, to the descriptive language suvound Heorot in the

Beowulf poem. The descriptive language used in the legend compliments the history the poem

possesses and thus only allows historians to speculate the poem’s proper time period placement.
48 | Munson

A thorough analysis of the the Beowulf poets descriptive language regarding the great hall,

reveals that the poem is most likely set within sixth or seventh century Northern Europe.

Further, the descriptive language surrounding the helmet-ware within the poem

perpetuates the dating of the legend to the sixth and seventh centuries. The helmets within the

epic, specifically those attributed to Beowulf, are described as being made in the “boar-

standard”’°and with “boar-figures [that] shone over gold-plated cheek guards, gleaming, fire-

hardened; they guarded the lives of the grim battle-minded.””° Here, the boar image is attributed

mystical powers that were thought to protect and illuminate the life of the warrior who wore such

ornamented gear. Scholars and enthusiasts alike typically attribute the infamous Sutton Hoo

helmet to the Beowulf text as it’s detailing is congruent with the time period in which the epic is

set and compatible with the helmet descriptions. However, though the Sutton Hoo helmet and

associated boar-imagery can be attributed to the poem, it would be inappropriate to choose a

single artifact to best represent the poet’s words. Instead, by comparing other sixth and seventh

century helmet findings, scholars are able to ground the poem within a time frame. The Beowulf

poem, with it’s vast history, can be rooted within many time periods, but the aristocratic material

culture is best ledged within the sixth and seventh centuries of Northern European history. This

means that Beowulf poet’s descriptive language surrounding Heorot and the helmet-ware was

meant to represent the era of Late Migration in medieval Scandinavia.

The Beowulf poem is a 3,182 line poem that holds descriptions of many artifacts that

could be researched and explored in this papers expansion. Expanding the research within this

thesis will in turn help found the poem in a more specific date. The next steps of this research

will be to look at the sword culture within the text and find archeologically uncovered swords

that may match the descriptions within Beowulf— most notably that of the ring-sword, another
 BSU | 49
Munson

gift that was awarded to Beowulf in the poem was a sword. “That hilted sword was named

Hrunting, unique among ancient treasures - its edge was iron, etched with poison strips, hardened

with the blood of war.”’’ The sword culture within the text is one much similar to the helmet-

ware. Medieval swords were a symbol of great power and to have one that was ornately

decorated as the descriptions suggest signified the greatness of its owner. Other avenues of

research for the extension of this thesis include looking closely at various war-gear, sword hilts,

artifacts of gift-giving, funeral pyres, et cetera. Further, looking at the descriptions within the

poem that refer indirectly to medieval motifs is another approach to expanding the research of

this paper. Many aspects of medieval Scandinavian culture are revealed within the Beowulf

poem, including religious conflict, kingship, kinship, mythological and supernatural attributions,

and so on. The Beowulf text holds many medieval themes that allow modern historians to deduct

components of the cultures and societies that then existed. In conclusion, through a successful

and comprehensive investigation of the Beowulf poem, it becomes clear that the descriptive

language surrounding the aristocratic material culture in Beowulf is best matched with

archaeological discoveries dated to the sixth and seventh centuries of the medieval period.
aso
50 | Munson

Notes

' Luizza, Beowulf: Second Edition (Peterborough: Broadview Editions, 2013), 55..

* Luizza, 19.

a Luizza, 16.

* Luizza, 55. A “whale-ridings” is a medieval kenning (metaphor) meaning ocean.

5 Luizza, 59

6 Luizza, 59

7 Luizza, 59

3 Luizza, 71.

” Luizza, 141,
'° Luizza, 133.
Mt Luizza, 131.

2 7 uizza, 115-123.

3 Lotte Hedeager, /Jron Age Myth and Materiality: An Archaeology of Scandinavia AD 400-1000
(New York: Routledge, 2011), 148.

'4 Hedeager, 148

Hedeager, 150.

16 Luizza, 59

'7 John D. Niles, Beowulf and Lejre (Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance
Studies, 2007), 41-62.

# Niles, 1.

9 Tuizza, 59.

0 Niles, 49.

"IT uizza, 261.

 BSU | 51
Munson

22 Jesse Byock, The Saga of Hrolf Kraki, trans. Jesse Byock (London: Penguin, 1998) ,xviii.

3 Byock, xvii

24 Luizza, 75.

25 Niles, 173.

*° Niles, 176.
277 uizza, 65.

a Luizza, 73.

29 Luizza, 59.

°° Luizza, 70.
3! As cited by Niles, 103.
* Niles, 103.
? Luizza, 78.
4 TLuizza, 116.

2 Luizza, 146, 285.

36 Luizza, 70.

37 Bric Régnvaldssvni, Landdmabok, web form December 1998,

<http://www.snerpa.is/net/snorri/landnama.htm> chapter 97.

38 Gerd Stamso Munch, Borg at Lofoten: A Cheiftan’s Farm in Norway (Lofotr: Tapir Academic
Press, 2003), 101-105.

3° Munch, 103.

*° Roger Miket and Sarah Semple, Yeavering: Rediscovering the Landscape of the Northumbrian
Kings, 1.

*' Bede, Ecclesiastical History of the English People: Book IT, chapter 14.

2 Roger Miket and Sarah Semple, Yeavering: Rediscovering the Landscape of the Northumbrian
Kings, ed. Christopher Burgess, (England: Northumberland County Council, 2009), 1.
52 | Munson

“3 Miket and Semple, 7.

44 Luizza, 73

“5 Jonathan Adams, “Ships and Boats as Archaeological Source Material,” World Archaeology
32: No. 3 (2001): 4.

"© Tuizza, 55-57.

"Ty uizza, 57

48 Frands Herschend, “Ship grave hall passage — the Oseberg monument as compound meaning”
11" International Saga Conference (2009): 143.

*° Herschend, 143.

*° Herschend, 143
*! Luizza, 73.
»* Hedeager, 75.

*3 Hedeager, 77.

4 Hedeager, 61.

°° Hedeager, 67.

= Luizza, 58.

7 Tuizza, 113.

8 Webster, Anglo-Saxon Art, 34.

Luizza, 114.

6 Thomas Bateman, Ten Years’ Diggings in Celtic and Saxon Grave Hills, in the Counties of
Derby, Stafford, and York, from 1848-1858, With Notives of Some Former Discoveries, Hitherto
Unpublished, and Remarks on the Crania and Pottery from the Mound (London: Irongate, 1861),
28.

61 Bateman, 30.

- Bateman, 30.
 BSU | 53
Munson

& Bateman, 31.

64 Snorri Sturluson, The Prose Edda, trans. Jesse Byock (New York: Penguin Classics, 2005), 35.

® Danielsson, Sense and Sensibility: Masking Practices in Late Iron Age Boat Graves, 122.

6 |yizza, 113.

s Danielsson, 123.

68 Danielsson, 124.

® Danielsson, 123.

70 Luizza, 73

71 “Coppergate Helmet,” World Heritage Encyclopedia, World Public Library Association,

2002, < http://self.gutenberg.org/articles/coppergate_helmet>

72 Luizza, 73.

73 Luizza, 59.

74 Luizza, 70.

75 Luizza, 113.

% Luizza, 73.

77 Luizza, 93.

Selected Bibliography
 54 | Munson

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Vol. 32: No. 3. (2001): 292-310.

Allen, T.G. and Z. Kamash. Saved by the Grave: Neolothic to Saxon Discoveries at Spring Road
Municipal Cemetery, Abington, Oxfordshire, 1990-2000. London: The Oxford
Archaeological Unit Ltd, 2008.

Ballard, Chris, et al. “The Ship as Symbol in the Prehistory of Scandinavia and Southeast Asia,”
World Archaeology: Vol. 35, No. 3 (2003): 385-403.

Bateman, Thomas. Ten Years’ Diggings in Celtic and Saxon Grave Hills, in the Counties of
Derby, Stafford, and York, from 1848-1858, With Notives of Some Former Discoveries,
Hitherto Unpublished, and Remarks on the Crania and Pottery from the Mound. London:
Irongate, 1861.

Bennett, Helen T. “The Postmodern Hall in Beowulf: Endings Embedded in Beginnings,” The
Heroic Age: A Journal of Early Medieval Northwestern Europe (May 2009)

Beowulf: Second Edition. Translated by Roy Luizza. Peterborough: Broadview Editions, 2013.

Black, Joeseph, et al. The Broadview Anthology of British Literature: The Medieval Period.
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Bonde, Niels and Arne Emile Christensen. “Dendrochronological dating of the Viking Age ship
burials at Oseberg, Gokstad and Tune, Norway,” Antiquity Publications Ltd. Vol. 67, no
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Campbell, James. The Anglo-Saxons. Oxford: Phaidon, 1982.

Cramp, Rosemary. “Beowulf and Archaeology” Society for Medieval Archaeology. Archaeology
Data Service,1957.

Daniellson, Ing-Marie Back. “Sense and Sensibility: Masking Practices in Iron Age Boat Graves,’ >

in Making Sense of Things: Archaeologies of Sensory Perception edited by Fredrik

Fahlander, Anna Kjellstrom, 121-140. Stockholm: Postdoctoral Archeaology Group,
2010.

Fulk, R.D., Robert E. Bjork, John D. Niles. Klaeber’s Beowulf. Toronto: University of Toronto
Press, 2009

Haywood, John. The Penguin Historical Atlas of the Vikings. London: Penguin Group, 1995.

Hedeager, Lotte. Jron Age Myth and Materiality: An Archaeology of Scandinavia AD 400-1000
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dip
 BSU | 55
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Graham- Campbell, James, and Dafydd Kidd. The Vikings. London: British Museum
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Grancsay, Stephen V. “A Viking Chieftain’s Sword,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin:
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Graslund, Anne-Sophie. Vikings: The North Atlantic Saga — Viking Homelands: Religion, Art,
and Runes. Edited by Fitzhugh and Ward. China: Washington, 2000.

Herschend, Frands. Ship grave hall passage — the Oseberg monument as compound meaning.
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Herschend, Frands. “Historical or Textual Archaeology: An Archaeology of Critical Rereading. ”

Current Swedish Archaeology, vol. 5 (July 1997).

Herschend, Frands. “The Early Iron Age in South Scandinavia: Social Order in Settlement and
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Hill, Thomas. “Beowulf?s Roman Rites: Roman Ritual and German Tradition,” The Journal of
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Short, William. 2013. “Viking Age Arms and Armor: Viking Swords.” Hurstwic, 1996-2012.
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Tacitus. Germania. London: Penguin, 2009.

Maryon, Herbert. “Pattern- Welding and Damascening of Sword Blades: Part 1 Pattern- Welding,”
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Munch, Gerd Stamso. Borg at Lofoten: A Cheiftan’s Farm in Norway. Lofotr,Tapir Academic
Press, 2003.

Newton, Sam. The Origins of Beowulf and the Pre-Viking Kingdom of East Anglia. Great
Britain: Athenaeum Press Ltd, Gateshead, Tyne and Wear, 1993

Niles,-John D. Beowulf and Lejre..Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies,
2007

Niles, John D. On the Danish Origins of the Beowulf Story. In Anglo-Saxon England and the
Continent. Edited by Joanna Story and Hans Saur. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval
and Renaissance Studies, 2011

Page, R.I. Chronicles of the Vikings: Records, Memorials, and Myths. Toronto: University of
Casi

Toronto Press Incorporated, 1995.

56 | Munson

Yost, Peter, et al. The Secrets of the Viking Sword. Jay O. Sanders: Nova, 2012.

Webster, Leslie. Anglo-Saxon Art. New York: Cornell University Press, 2012.

Wentersdorf, Karl P. “The Beowulf-Poet’s Vision of Heorot.” Studies in Philology, Vol. 104, No.
4 (2007): 409-426.

Williams, Howard. “Monuments and the past in Early Anglo-Saxon England.” World
Archaeology, Vol. 20, No. 1 (June 1998): 90-108.

Figures
Figure 1: http://www.viking.ucla.edu/hrolf/hallarc.html
Figure 2: http://natmus.dk/fileadmin/_migrated/pics/lejrehallen1_stor.jpg
Figure 3: http://benedante.blogspot.com/2014/09/viking-buildings-reconstructed.html
Figure 4: http://archeurope.eu/index.php?page=reconstruction-of-the-roman-iron-age-grand-hall-
in-gudme
Figure 5: http://vikingekult.natmus.dk/en/viking-cult/the-key-sites-of-the-project/tissoe/
Figure 6: Munch, Gerd Stamso. Borg at Lofoten: A Cheiftan’s Farm in Norway. Lofotr, Tapir
Academic Press., 2003.
Figure 7: http://openarchaeology.info/files/styles/main-image_manuals-articles/public/26-lofotr-
viking-museum.jpg?itok=Z2ZBsscT
Figure 8: http://www.pastperfect.org.uk/sites/yeavering/archive/hi/bht_fig12.jpg
Figure 9: http://www.pastperfect.org.uk/sites/yeavering/images/royalcentre.html
Figure 10: http://www.medievalists.net/2013/09/30/viking-age-queens-the-example-of-oseberg/
Figure 11; http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-
F8OvMvoKmvo/UU81_YolIERI/AAAAAAAABXc/viMBaZX2TVM/s400/img_5308aw.jpg
Figure 12: http://sydney.edu.au/arts/medieval/saga/pdf/142-herschend.pdf
Figure 13:
http://www. britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/articles/k/the_sutton_hoo_ship.aspx
Figure 14:
http://www. britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_image.aspx?image=ps269 102.jpg&r
etpage=20687
Figure 15: http://poppy.nsms.ox.ac.uk/woruldhord/attachments/2580/722.2580.original.jpg
 BSU | 57
Munson

Figure 16: http://collections.museums-

sheffield.org.uk/view/objects/asitem/search@/0?t:state:flow=1bb8950a-f270-484a-ad5a-
524380120164
Figure 17: http://collections.museums-
sheffield.org.uk/view/objects/asitem/search@/0?t:state:flow=b7853f92-898d-4 | Sa-81b1-
8e3del 9caf8e
Figure 18: http://collections.museums-
sheffield.org.uk/view/objects/asitem/search@/0?t:state:flow=1bb8950a-f270-484a-adSa-
524380120164
Figure 19: http://www.thorkil.pl/platnerstwo/helmy/wezesne/VendelXIIL front! .jpg
Figure 20: http://www.thorkil.pl/platnerstwo/helmy/wezesne/Vendel14_2.jpg
Figure 21: http://www.thorkil.pl/platnerstwo/helmy/wezesne/43c.jpg
Figure 22: http://www. vikingrune.com/2009/10/odin-as-weapon-dancer/
Figure 23: http://fornrit.net/Web-Lang/French/OE/htmls/Beasts.htm
Figure 24: http://www.vikingrune.com/2010/07/coppergate-helmet/
Figure 25: http://www.kornbluthphoto.com/images/helmetNose.jpg
Figure 26: http://www.europa.org.au/images/helmet_making/gjermundbu_helm.jpg