Jesuits in The Orthodox World

Jesuits in the Orthodox World

Paul Shore
The Oxford Handbook of the Jesuits
Edited by Ines G. Županov
Print Publication Date: Jun 2019 Subject: Religion, Roman Catholic Christianity, Christianity
Online Publication Date: May 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190639631.013.13
Abstract and Keywords
Interactions between Jesuits and Orthodox believers have been characterized both by
meaningful encounters and by conflict and misunderstanding. The gaps between urban,
transnational, and book-oriented Jesuit culture and the traditional, rural, and preliterate
cultures of many Orthodox populations were underscored by different theological ideas
and by great power politics. Ethnic rivalries and a historic suspicion of Catholicism
among some Orthodox also contributed to tensions. Jesuits nonetheless worked over a
wide portion of Russia, the Balkans, and other locations in Eastern Europe, although their
success in converting Orthodox was always very modest. The Soviet era brought severe
persecution to Jesuits. Since 1991, the Society has returned to the region, but with a fo
cus now based on education, compassion, outreach, and social justice rather than on
proselytizing.
Keywords: Jesuits, Ethiopia, Latin rite, Jan Milan, Antonio Possevino, Russian Orthodox, Rusyn, school drama,
Ukraine, Uniate
Introduction
WHEN considering Jesuit interactions historically with Orthodox Christians, it is neces
sary both to present some generalizations that make the larger picture more comprehen
sible and to attend to the specific conditions that obtained within the polities, ethnic
groups, and language groups with whom Jesuits worked.
Among the generalizations that can be made is acknowledgment of the frequently at best
ambivalent attitude of each party toward the other. Orthodox Christianity has often been
tied deeply to peasant culture and to connections to the land. In addition, Orthodox iden
tity has been articulated by a sense of threat from other faith traditions, including Christ
ian ones. For their part, Jesuits, whose order had been born in cities and who shared a
rigorous education and a commitment to a “radical mobility,” which could carry them, at
least theoretically, to any part of the world at the command of the pope, could frequently
take a condescending view of the overwhelmingly rural Orthodox clergy, whom Jesuits re
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garded as unlettered and undisciplined. The transnational nature of Jesuit corporate cul
ture was another potential point of tension when interacting with autocephalous Ortho
dox churches, whose identities can draw on ethnicity and language. Jesuit culture has
been since its inception one of words, and often of specifically the written word, whereas
Orthodox spirituality embraces an apophatic approach to God that makes use of hesy
chasm, a withdrawal from sensory experience.1 Classic Jesuit strategies such as theologi
cal debate, public academic performance, and drama thus did not prove as effective in
this context as they had elsewhere.
The early Jesuits took as their model the Christian Church in its first four centuries of ex
istence (as explicated by such writers as Eusebius [263–339]), during which it had ad
vanced from a marginal position to being the official religion of a great empire. One of
the lessons they drew from their reading of this history was the key importance of con
verting the most powerful members of a society, with the intent of bringing about a mass
conversion of the entire polity through example and decree. This model influenced early
Jesuit undertakings (p. 319) in locations as diverse as Moldavia and Ethiopia, and shaped
the establishment of Jesuit schools in eighteenth-century St. Petersburg.2 In contexts
such as the seventeenth-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, this focus on elites,
who often spoke a different language and possessed different national identities from
those of the peasants, appears to have had a counterproductive effect on Jesuit efforts to
convert the latter to Catholicism. Simultaneously Jesuit efforts to enlist Orthodox clergy
into churches in union with Rome had very mixed results: in Romanian-speaking Transyl
vania, considerable success was achieved, but territories controlled by imperial Russia
proved a far less fertile ground for recruitment.
As late as 1956, a ruling of the Society’s Superior General still forbade Jesuits to describe
the ecclesia sic dicta orthodoxa in their publications as being truly Orthodox. Instead, the
terms “dissidents” or “separated brethren” had been employed, and the word “Ortho
dox,” in reference to these believers, was to appear only in quotation marks.3 In earlier
centuries, Orthodox had been called “schismatics,” “heretics,” and “Photians” in Jesuit
writings.4 Superstitio, a word with a long pedigree in Catholic polemics, was also used to
describe Orthodoxy.5 Conversely, the Society’s documents often used the term “orthodox”
to mean fidelity to Roman teachings, thus suggesting another way that lines were drawn
to exclude Eastern Orthodox believers from Jesuit narratives.6 Disagreements between
Catholics and Orthodox regarding the nature of the Trinity, articulated in large part by
the works of the French Jesuit Théodore de Régnon (1831–1893), have only increased the
sense of separation between Jesuits and Orthodox churches.7 The memories of these divi
sions, and of what so often Orthodox have regarded as a betrayal by those who joined
Uniate churches, have not entirely dissipated among Orthodox faithful. On the Jesuit side,
records of the pre-1773 Society show how a married Orthodox priesthood and the Ortho
dox acceptance of divorce did not always sit well with an order that set such store in
celibacy, virginity, and the resisting of physical temptation. Jesuits moreover often per
ceived the Orthodox hierarchy as lacking culturally; even patriarchs of Moscow might be
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dismissed as “hominum rudissimorum.”8 Modern-day Jesuits working in Russia continue

to critique privately the morality of the Orthodox Church as an institution.
Finally, and with implications for all of the aforementioned points, the Jesuit emphasis on
the sacraments, as enshrined by the teachings of the Council of Trent, repeatedly created
tensions between Orthodox clergy and the Society. In the Balkans, for example, Jesuits
were prepared to rebaptize individuals who had already been christened by Orthodox
clergy, seemingly because Jesuits regarded Orthodox priests as so ignorant that baptisms
by the latter might not even be valid.9 The Orthodox response to such views and to the as
sertiveness and energy of the Jesuits was on occasion ferociously violent, as when Polish
Jesuit St. Andrzej Bobola (1591–1657) was murdered by Orthodox Cossacks in Janów
(now in Belarus).
Let us now consider the Jesuit encounter with Orthodox and other Eastern churches in
specific geographical contexts (Figure 14.1: Map of the Jesuits in the Orthodox World).
Ukraine and Transcarpathia

The Jesuit connection to Ukrainian Orthodox Christians is a long and significant one. The
first Jesuits to encounter Ukrainian Orthodox did so through their work in Poland (p. 320)
commencing in the 1550s. By 1570, Jesuit schools had been established in Vinnytsia, Bar,
Brest, and Peremysl (Przemyśl), and eventually there were twenty-three collegia in
Ukrainian-speaking territory, although only one of these, in Pinsk, offered the higher-level
philosophy and theology courses. The creation of a network of schools was paralleled by
the promotion of a union of the regional Orthodox Church with Rome, specifically the
Union of Brest in 1595–1596.10 The impact of Jesuit educational models on Ukrainian
schools was notable. Theater productions at the Kievan Orthodox Theological Academy,
established in 1615, were modeled on Jesuit school drama.11 The founder of this school,
Orthodox Archbishop Petro Mohila (1596–1647), drew directly on Jesuit curricular princi
ples.12 By 1690, a Jesuit school had been established in Kiev. Yet the encounter between
Jesuits and Orthodox intellectuals was more complex than simply the process of exposure
to Western education culminating in conversion to Catholicism.13 Kievan scholars some
times converted to Catholicism before they completed their studies in Jesuit schools in
Italy, only to return to Orthodoxy when they journeyed home, and some who returned
(p. 321) brought elements of Catholic theology back with them.14 Jesuits were banned
from Ukraine in 1649 following the Peace of Zboriv, but the influence of Jesuit education
al methods and curriculum persisted in Ukrainian schools after large portions of the re
gion became incorporated into the Russian Empire in the late eighteenth century. As in
Russia, these indirect influences were felt without the presence of many actual Jesuits.
Returning in the nineteenth century, the Society established schools in Lviv and Ternopil,
by then under Austrian rule, and which had sizeable Orthodox minorities. Further east in
the Russian Empire, Jesuit missionaries, sometimes disguised as peddlers, blacksmiths,
and pig traders, passed through Ukrainian-speaking regions, but little evidence survives
of their engagement with Orthodox.
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Figure 14.1 Map of the Jesuits in the Orthodox

World.
By Nadia Guerguadj
Transcarpathia presented a very different case of direct and continual Jesuit engagement
with Orthodoxy. This region, with a majority Orthodox population, had been historically
part of the Grand Principality of Transylvania and of Hungary, and thus was passed under
Habsburg control after 1690. A Uniate Church had been established with the support of
the Society in 1646, and in 1698 the first book ever published in Rusyn, a catechism, was
produced at the Jesuit press in Trnava, in western Hungary.15 Yet like other Jesuit
projects in Eastern Europe, this one did not result in the ordination of Ruthenian (Rusyn)
Jesuit priests or brothers, although Jesuit schools trained Uniate leaders, some of whom
had been born Orthodox. Local Orthodox populations resisted efforts to draw them to
ward Rome. More than a century after the union, the conversion of an Orthodox youth to
the Uniate Church could cause an uproar in nearby Hungary.16
The continual mission activity of the Society was further hampered by ethnic and linguis
tic barriers, and the passing of the majority of Ukrainian territory to Russian control in
the nineteenth century meant that many Jesuit priests working in this region were now
subjects of rival monarchies (most especially that of the Habsburgs) and thus not always
welcomed by the civil authorities. Relations were further complicated by a growing sense
of national identity among many Ukrainians who saw Catholicism as an insidious adver
sary, often associated with ethnic Poles, and thus a threat to indigenous Orthodox Ukrain
ian Christianity.
Conditions grew far worse after the revolution of 1917. The Soviet government outlawed
the Ukrainian Uniate Church and persecuted Jesuits. The collapse of the Soviet system in
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the early 1990s provided an opening and a small number of Jesuits began to work in
Ukraine, but the base of their operations is now located outside of Ukraine, in Kraków.
Greece and Turkey

As early as 1555, Ignatius of Loyola had written of the possibility of creating a collegium
on Cyprus, where students from the “land of Prester John” (Ethiopia) might be trained.17
In 1577, the Pontificio Collegio Greco di Sant’Atanasio was established in Rome, and was
under Jesuit leadership continually from 1622 onward. The collegio trained missionaries
destined for the territories of the Ottoman Empire inhabited by Greek Orthodox.18 As was
the case elsewhere, the local Orthodox clergy did not always welcome these men; in addi
tion, competition and rivalry from Anglicans seeking to establish ties with the Orthodox
hierarchy in Constantinople further complicated the Society’s mission among the Greeks.
(p. 322) Yet despite repeated expulsions and decimation from the plague, the Jesuits en
dured and set up schools on several Greek islands that enrolled hundreds of students and
lasted until the Suppression. The impact of these ventures varied. On Naxos, the Ortho
dox archbishop welcomed the French Jesuits in 1627, and confraternities were estab
lished. 19 Ignoring Rome’s directives, Jesuits allowed converts to Catholicism to continue
to worship at their Orthodox church.20 The Orthodox metropolitan of Smyrna, according
to Jesuit reports, permitted his flock to make their confessions to Jesuits.21 In Chalkis, on
Euboea, French Jesuit François Blaizeau sought to reassure Orthodox clergy that the Je
suits respected their rite. In the early seventeenth century, a Jesuit mission to Chios was
headed by Boutros Gabriel de Metoscita (Métouche), a Maronite and scholar of Arabic.22
At this point, a majority of the island’s residents were Orthodox, Jewish, or Maronite.
Elsewhere, uneasy relations with other high-ranking Greek Orthodox clergy gained an
added twist when the Greek patriarch of Constantinople, Cyril Loukaris (1572–1638),
demonstrated an affinity for some points of Calvinist doctrine and was then bitterly at
tacked by the Jesuits, whom he called “foxes in the henhouse.”23 And Orthodox communi
ties could be unfriendly, as was Alexandria’s when a Jesuit visited in 1562.24 In the eigh
teenth century a Jesuit community was established on Syros, and plays were written in
modern Greek vernacular for Jesuit outposts on several islands of the Aegean.25 In Con
stantinople, a Jesuit theater in 1624 offered a play in the Greek vernacular on St. John
Chrysostom, a move calculated to appeal to an Orthodox audience. The author of this
piece, Domenicus Mauritius (1580?–1665), was both a Jesuit and native Greek.26
However, in the meantime relations between the Society and the Orthodox hierarchy on
Naxos had soured, with the Capuchins entering the debate in opposition to the Jesuits.27
Yet the Society continued to probe the islands of the eastern Mediterranean. In 1627, two
French Jesuits arrived in Cyprus, which had only a minuscule Catholic population; the
mission of these priests would have included proselytizing among the Greek Orthodox
population. This mission was, however, short lived, as the Jesuits were soon expelled by
the suspicious Ottoman authorities.28 Jesuit attempts to gain a foothold in Crete (Candia),
then ruled by Venice, had a similar start. The Society opened a collegium and maintained
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a residence only to have them closed by Venetian authorities because of the papal inter
dict against the republic (and also seemingly because of the hostility of local Greeks).
When they returned in 1620, the Jesuits were more successful, and a collegium was
founded that endured the twenty-year Ottoman siege of the island that began in 1648.29
During these years, Andreas Perzivales (1599–1669), a Greek Jesuit born on Crete and
trained in Sicily, produced a classical Greek grammar.30 Jesuits also visited Athens, Paros,
and Nauplion in the 1640s.31
Six French Jesuits arrived in Constantinople in 1583 bearing an apostolic brief of Gregory
XIII to the Sublime Porte; this mission also appears to have included a ministry to Ortho
dox Christians, although all the fathers soon died of the plague.32 In 1609, the Society
was again able to establish a presence in the city, but this time the focus of their activity
was supposed to be the education of the youth of the resident Venetian community. 33 This
mission was suspended in 1628 when the Jesuits, who may have also been proselytizing,
were expelled. Elsewhere in Ottoman territory, Robert-François Guérin du Rocher (1736–
1792) was provost in Salonika for four years before the Suppression; given the small
Catholic population of the city, interactions with Orthodox must have figured in his mis
sion, but details are lacking.34 A Catholic church is reported to have been established in
the same city in 1706 (p. 323) by Father François Braconnier (1656–1716), who also left
an account of a visit to Mount Athos.35 Orthodox Greeks often regarded these Jesuits in a
positive fashion, turning to them in times of crisis. An anonymous Jesuit reported in 1745
how he had been called upon by the Orthodox inhabitants of Samos to mediate with Ital
ian pirates who had kidnapped women and girls from the island.36 In the nineteenth cen
tury, the Society’s schools in Constantinople educated youths from a variety of back
grounds, including “schismatics.”37
The Suppression saw a few French Jesuits go underground to continue their missionary
efforts in Constantinople and other cities with sizeable Greek Orthodox populations. How
ever, the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars prevented a widespread revival of Je
suit activity in the Greek Orthodox world, although the French priest Giles Henry (1772–
1856) labored on Chios after Greece gained independence and the Society maintained a
mission on Syros in the 1840s.38 In confessionally mixed Albania, with a population per
haps one-third Orthodox, Jesuits achieved a similar first in 1876 by publishing the first
book (on Christian doctrine) in the Albanian language, although later Jesuits were criti
cized for lacking “apostolic zeal.”39 The violent exchange of Turkish and Greek popula
tions following World War I put an end to the Society’s mission to Orthodox within what
was now a much smaller Turkey. Today Jesuit outreach to Greek Orthodox is typified by
the Pedro Arrupe Integration Center in central Athens, which is geared toward the needs
of children and families of both refugees and native-born Greeks. The Jesuits of Athens al
so operate the Institute of Humanities, a non-degree-awarding institution stressing ecu
menism and offering seminars on topics such as Latin paleography and the history of dra
ma, and concerts to the general public.
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With the exception of the Loukaris episode, the Jesuit encounter with Greek Orthodox be
lievers has lacked much of the hostility found in many of the Society’s other attempts to
engage Orthodox populations. This is for several reasons. First, the Jesuits who came to
Greek-speaking regions typically were not members of a neighboring (and thus potential
ly rival) ethnic group. Many were French, and so represented a power that claimed to be
the “protector” of the Orthodox under the Ottomans. In addition, the classically trained
Jesuits could articulate an appreciation for Greek literature and culture, placing them in a
different relationship with their interlocutors from that of Jesuits engaging with Serbian
or Ukrainian populations.40 On the Orthodox side, the Ottoman millet system, while far
from completely tolerant by modern standards, provided some autonomy and did not fos
ter a sense of existential threat from outsiders. The Greek Orthodox world had also been
in contact with the Christian West for more than a millennium, and while this relationship
had known some very dark moments, there had also been periods of cooperation and mu
tual benefit. This episode of Jesuit history has thus been an especially rich and multifac
eted one, and merits further study.
Russia
In 1581–1582, Antonio Possevino (1533–1611) traveled to Moscow as a papal emissary to
arrange a truce between the Grand Prince Ivan (1530–1584) and Stephan Bathory (1533–
1586), king of Poland. While in Muscovy, Possevino discussed points of Catholic and Or
thodox doctrine with Ivan.41 In a report to his superiors Possevino wrote that the conver
sion of (p. 324) Orthodox Muscovy was desirable but would be difficult to achieve, an un
doubtedly true assessment given his approach. His presentation of Orthodox Christianity
as inferior to Catholicism and wrong on points of dogma earned him a rebuke a decade
later from Gabriel Severos (1541–1616), the Orthodox bishop in Venice.42 Possevino also
engaged in extended but ultimately unsuccessful negotiations with the Ruthenian mag
nate Prince Konstantin Vasyl’ Ostroz’kyj (1526 or 1527–1608), in hopes of creating a
union between the Orthodox Church of the Kieven Metropolitanate and the Roman
Church.43 Possevino’s approach and positions set a pattern for future Jesuit forays into
Russian Orthodox territory: compromises offered in areas such as liturgy, but far less flex
ibility regarding dogma.44
Four decades later the Jesuit university in Olomouc enrolled two students identified as
“Moschus” and three others as “Ruthenus.”45 The former are likely to have been born Or
thodox, while the latter may have been brought up in the Uniate Church. The Olomouc
university provided financial support for “Ruthenian” students and thus was an important
link to the Orthodox East, although its location within the Habsburg realms colored this
association with dynastic rivalries, and the Habsburg preoccupation with doctrinal con
formity as an expression of political loyalty shaped the sort of theological training these
students received.46 Both of these themes would also endure as characteristics of Jesuit
expeditions to Orthodox Eastern Europe.
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For ninety years after Possevino’s mission few Jesuits visited Russia, and they were offi
cially banned by Michael Romanov in 1688. However, the secondary impact of Jesuit edu
cational thought was felt through the work of Symeon Polotsky (1629–1680), a product of
Molhya’s Kiev academy and Belorussian Uniate who became a royal tutor in Moscow.47
During the minority (1682–1689) of Peter the Great’s rule (1672–1725) during which
Sophia Alexseyevna (1657–1704) was regent, Albert de Boye (des Bois, de Boy) (1646–
1685) and the Prussian Joannes Schmidt (Schmid, Schmitt) journeyed to Moscow. De
Boye soon died and Schmidt returned to his home province of Lithuania. Jiří (Georgius)
David (1637–1713) and Tobias Tichavský (1651–1694) arrived as replacements, spending
three years in Russia beginning in 1686, but were then expelled after being accused of
excessive proselytizing.48 Since the Jesuit residence had been established through the ef
forts of the Habsburg emperor Leopold I (1640–1705), the perception that these Jesuits
were agents of a Western, Catholic power likewise impeded the success of their
mission.49 David nevertheless produced a work entitled Status modernus Magnae Russiae
seu Moscoviae filled with the careful observations of a newcomer to this “spiritual fron
tier.” This missionary does not shy away from labeling such usages as the Orthodox mode
of making the sign of the cross and the preference for older icons over newer ones as
“points of heresy.”50 David is also credited with writing the first Russian grammar pro
duced in the Catholic West.51 These developments caused the patriarch of Moscow to ex
claim, “After my death all Moscow will become Jesuit.”52
However, the flow of Jesuits journeying to Russia did not become a flood. Phillipe Avril
(1654–1698) made an unsuccessful attempt to reach China overland, journeying for six
years beginning in 1684 through parts of Muscovy, Moldavia, and Tatary, and leaving a
detailed account of his travels.53 In 1689, two Jesuit priests, Tomás (Tomé) Pereira (1645–
1708) and Jean François Gerbillon (1654–1707), were ordered by the Kangxi emperor to
accompany the imperial delegation attending the Treaty of Nerchinsk, which resolved a
conflict on the Amur River between Russia and China. Far from the intrigues of Moscow,
Pereira noted that the Muscovite ambassador regarded both himself and Pereira as Chris
tians, and in fact the distance between Catholicism and Orthodoxy does not figure at all
in the Jesuit’s diary. (p. 325) Pereira even described two wooden crosses set up by Ortho
dox Russians on a mountaintop as “fermosas” (beautiful).54 In 1698, Peter the Great al
lowed two Jesuit missionaries to travel through his realms on their way to China, but
there is little evidence that these Jesuits made any lasting impact on the Orthodox they
met en route. Among the thirteen missionaries who worked in Russia before the Jesuits
were expelled in 1719 was Jan Milan (1662–1738), known in Russia as Francis Emiliani.
Milan had command of many languages and was skilled in mathematics, drawing, and
pharmacy. He recounted inconclusive debates between Jesuits and Orthodox monks, and
the National Library in Prague holds an illustrated manuscript by Milan describing his
mission in Azov and Tahanrog.55 The Society also gained a convert who eventually be
came a Jesuit.56
Jesuit exploration of Russia added to the West’s knowledge of the region, but the indirect
impact of Jesuit philosophy of education and curriculum was more significant for Russian
Orthodox believers.57 The czar collected theological works by Jesuits such as Jeremias
Page 8 of 38

Drexel (1581–1638) and established classical Latin academies modeled on those devel
oped by Jesuits.58 This new educational climate, however, was greatly influenced by Ger
man Pietism and by Peter’s emphasis on practical and mechanical training, which gave
the Jesuit contribution to Petrine Russia a distinctive character in which the Baroque aes
thetic and religiosity of the early eighteenth-century Society was largely absent. The doc
umentation in Moscow of Jesuit learning and science also made a profound impression on
the future patriarch of Jerusalem, Chrysanthos Notaras (1655/1660–1731), who encoun
tered a manuscript of the Society’s scientific and technological achievements in China
and went on to promote science in the Orthodox East.59
The Jesuit presence in the Russian Orthodox heartland during the remainder of the eigh
teenth century was not (with the notable exception of the efforts to promote a union with
Rome) a matter of the Society extending its reach through already sympathetic polities
such as Austria or Poland to gain a foothold in a neighboring territory, as had been the
case in Ukraine. Instead, during the Suppression, former Jesuits sought to establish a
foothold in the capital St. Petersburg, founding a day school that flourished during the
years of Suppression until the Jesuits were expelled from Russia in 1815.60 Orthodox stu
dents at this academy were accommodated by the provision of an Orthodox priest who
provided catechetical classes and religious services in their own rite.61 Simultaneously,
other small-scale educational projects were being promoted by former Jesuits. In St. Pe
tersburg, a pension (boarding school) for aristocratic boys had opened in 1803, although
it lasted only two years.62 During the decades of exile in the Russian Empire, Jesuits initi
ated six new missions, which were supposed to be directed only to Catholics.63 The fa
thers nonetheless took advantage of the opportunity to engage with Orthodox in other
ways, establishing a pharmacy (something the Society had often done in seventeenth-cen
tury Ukraine)64 and setting up a permanent display of Jesuit inventions in their church in
the capital city.65 The Jesuit influence on Orthodox Russian religious training also had
spread indirectly after 1667 when the Orthodox Church of Ukraine submitted to the patri
arch of Moscow, allowing the Jesuit-inspired “Latin” innovations of Petro Mohila to be in
troduced into Russian schools.66
In the period when the exiled Society had its headquarters in Polotsk, there was very lit
tle documented contact between ex-Jesuits and Orthodox believers; Stanislas Załęski’s de
tailed account remarkably contains no mention of such encounters.67 However, the Je
suits were of some interest to literate Orthodox Russians: in 1784, Nikolai Novikov pub
lished a series of articles in a Moscow periodical outlining the history of the Society.68
(p. 326) A few noble Orthodox women were converted. From 1812 until 1820, when it was
expelled once more from Russia, the Society also operated a Siberian mission, which was
directed at the local Catholic population (officially the Society was banned from making
conversions from the Orthodox faith), but still was not welcomed by Orthodox ecclesiasti
cal authorities.69
The most significant nineteenth-century Jesuit to engage the intellectual traditions of the
Russian Orthodox Church was Ivan (later known as Jean-Xavier) Sergeyevich Gagarin
(1814–1882). Born to a princely Russian Orthodox family, Gagarin forfeited a diplomatic
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career and left Russia after converting to Catholicism. Gagarin became a Jesuit in 1843
and spent most of the rest of his life in France, where he composed many works directed
at his Orthodox countrymen, placing particular emphasis on the union of the Russian Or
thodox Church with Rome.70 As the founder of the Bibliothèque slave (1856) now housed
with the Fonds slaves de l’École normale supérieure de Lyon, Gagarin contributed signifi
cantly to Western Europe’s understanding of the Orthodox East. His ties to France led to
the Jesuits becoming known in official Russian circles as the “Jesuit Fathers of Versailles,”
which in this instance was not a compliment.71 Notably, Gagarin developed ties with the
Oxford movement, which was also interested in a union of churches that emulated liturgi
cal models of Catholicism.72 In 1863, Gagarin, along with fellow Jesuit converts Ivan
Mikailovich Martynov (1821–1894) and Yevgeny Petrovich Balabin (1815–1895), founded
a journal, Kirillo-Mefodievskii Sbornik, which aimed at unifying the Russian Orthodox and
Catholic Churches, but which survived only four years. The polemics in which Gagarin en
gaged ultimately did little to further the cause of Catholicism in Russia, but they did lay
bare a fundamental theological issue between the Roman and Orthodox Churches. The
latter’s stress on mystical experience and its suspicions that the rationality put forward
by Catholicism was intended to manipulate believers placed it in strong opposition to the
Jesuit approach of argumentation and linear exposition.73
The controversy surrounding Garagin’s life and writings must also be understood in the
context of the love–hate relationship many Russian intellectuals had with Western Euro
pean and in particular French culture, as well as in connection with a rising pan-Slavic
sentiment that was not unconnected with an identification with Orthodoxy. In these years
the Russian language acquired a new verb, “Iezuitnichat,” which means to be a hypocrite
and intriguer.74 Some Russian writers focused on the allegedly unethical means by which
the Society attempted to advance its agenda,75 while others saw Catholicism per se as the
threat. Fedor Dostoevskii’s (1821–1881) view of the Jesuits as the epitome of all that was
wrong with Catholicism captures some of this mood.76 But while writers on both sides
thrust and parried, the vast majority of Orthodox Russians remained unaffected, and few
conversions to Catholicism occurred.
Relations between Jesuits and the Russian Orthodox Church remained strained in the ear
ly twentieth century. At the time of the February Revolution of 1917, the prominent Eng
lish Jesuit journal The Month was jubilant at the prospect of the overthrow of the “degrad
ed, State-bound national Church.”77 Events would soon prove such optimism to be mis
placed. The Communist government was intensely anticlerical, although the Papal Relief
Mission to Russia, headed by American Jesuit Edmund A. Walsh (1885–1956), was able to
deliver aid during the famine of 1922. Walsh was supportive of both the Catholic and Or
thodox Churches of Russia during this trying period.78 Later in the decade Eastern rite Je
suits conducted missions among the Orthodox in nearby Lithuania.
The low point of Jesuit interaction with Russian Orthodox believers was probably
(p. 327)
reached in the early 1930s, when the secret mission of Jesuit Michel d’Herbigny (1880–
1957), who had been secretly consecrated bishop and sent to the Soviet Union, was ex
posed. In 1929, Pius XI (1857–1939), alarmed by the Bolshevik Revolution, had founded
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the Russicum, a Jesuit-run school in Rome devoted to the study of the spirituality of Rus
sia.79 D’Herbigny, who had been instrumental in the creation of the Russicum, had as his
principal task to create a Catholic hierarchy in the Soviet Union. But his hostile attitude
toward Orthodox clergy and his opposition to ecumenical gestures made by fellow
Catholics placed him at a great distance from the Orthodox leadership and their flocks,
who were themselves struggling to survive under Stalin’s regime.80 D’Herbigny’s mission
was a dramatic failure: the bishops he appointed were arrested or exiled, and mired in
Roman politics and deprived of his title of bishop, he returned to France, where he died in
obscurity.81
The missions of Gagarin and d’Herbigny, separated by seventy years, seem at first glance
to be very different undertakings, but despite the drastically altered circumstances of the
Soviet era, they still share important features. In both instances, the projects depended
on a single strong personality whose skills had been honed through study in France, and
who had significant support in the West. Religious polemic, a Jesuit mainstay since the
sixteenth century, each time failed to persuade many Orthodox. And in each instance the
project ultimately could overcome neither governmental opposition nor the deep-seated
suspicion of Russian Orthodox believers.
Since many Catholic citizens of the Soviet Union were of German or Lithuanian back
ground, World War II and the decades immediately following were an especially insecure
period for Catholics and thus for the Jesuits ministering to them.82 There is virtually no
identified documentation of sustained contacts between Jesuits and Orthodox in Siberia
from these years, although such contacts must have occurred regularly, if informally. A
thaw in Orthodox–Catholic relations promoted by Nikodim Rotov, metropolitan of
Leningrad and Novgorod from 1963 to 1978, resulted in Pedro Arrupe, the præpositus
generalis of the Society, visiting Russia, but these improved relations did not survive
Rotov’s death in 1978.
Jesuits working in Russia today might be forgiven if they see themselves as somewhat
misunderstood. Far right political movements have claimed inspiration from the Society,
while anti-Jesuit rumors reference such classic nineteenth-century bogeymen as the
Freemasons and Zionist conspirators.83 After protracted difficulties, the Society was per
mitted to reregister as a legal organization in the Russian Federation in 2000.84
Romania
The early history of the Society in Romanian-speaking regions had two rather different
starting points. In Moldavia, Polish Jesuits established schools beginning in 1588 to edu
cate the sons of the local nobility, while simultaneously a Jesuit collegium was created in
Cluj in Transylvania by Hungarian Jesuits with the aim of reclaiming a region where the
majority of Catholics had recently become either Lutherans or Unitarians.85 Jesuits were
also active in seeking a union between the Roman Catholic Church and Transylvanian Ar
menians. By the 1630s in the eastern Banat, under Ottoman rule, Jesuits were conducting
missions among the predominantly Orthodox population.86 In the midst of these undertak
Page 11 of 38

ings a union (p. 328) between Rome and the Orthodox faithful of Transylvania, based on
the model negotiated in Florence in 1439, remained a major Jesuit goal, one that was re
alized in 1690. From then until the Suppression the Society dominated the intellectual life
of Transylvania and trained a generation of Romanian-speaking intellectuals who, along
with their protégés, became known as the “Transylvanian School” (Școala Ardeleană) in
the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.87
Despite these contributions, there were also significant gaps between the Jesuits and the
majority of ethnic Romanians who remained Orthodox. Geography and great power poli
tics continued to play a role in how the Society’s missions were perceived, while the Soci
ety itself came to be regarded as a significant power in the region. As a seventeenth-cen
tury Wallachian envoy to Moscow famously observed, “the secular war may finish some
time but the Jesuit war never.”88 The creation of the position (usually held by a Jesuit) of
theologus to the Uniate bishop of Transylvania, now ruled by the Habsburgs, and the
overtly stated proposal of Jesuit Franciscus Ravasz to bring the Uniate Church closer to
Rome (1687) were regarded by later Romanian Orthodox historians as evidence of the
malign influence of the Society. Yet at least one nineteenth-century Orthodox bishop was
trained at the school Jesuits had founded in Cluj.89
The challenges facing the Jesuits were also due in part to enduring linguistic gaps. Even
in 1773, the number of Jesuits who could communicate in Romanian was very small, and
few coadjutores temporales were drawn from Romanian speakers.90 Jesuit presses made
little effort to produce Romanian-language materials, and conversions of Orthodox to
Catholicism were greatly prized but rare.91 The approach of the Jesuits toward the Ortho
dox churches of the region in these years has been aptly described by Robert Evans as a
“campaign against Eastern Orthodoxy” characterized by “intolerant outreach.”92 It is
sometimes claimed that Habsburg military forces contributed to the program of conver
sion, although unambiguous documentation of this assertion is elusive. The connection
between Jesuits and the Habsburg monarchy, which was never out of view, made interac
tions between Jesuits and Romanian Orthodox more strained in the nineteenth century
when Romanian nationalist sentiment grew and was aligned both with a persisting sense
of identification with the Orthodox Church and with the desire to unite Transylvania with
the kingdom of Romania. A significant number of Jesuits working in Transylvania were
ethnic Hungarian, which, given the long-standing antipathy between Hungarians and Ro
manians, added to the gap of understanding.
From 1604 until 1773, the Pontificio Collegio Greco di Sant’Atanasio in Rome was direct
ed by the Jesuits. Founded to serve the needs of the Greek rite believers, this school
trained priests who found their way into many communities with Orthodox majorities in
what is now Romania. Victor Papacostea asserts that these clergy were sent east with the
goal of infiltrating the Orthodox hierarchy and thus to advance the cause of union.93 Such
perceptions, which were far from unfounded, continue to color relations between Jesuits
and Romanian Orthodox.
Page 12 of 38

Despite these handicaps, in 1743 Hungarian Jesuits undertook a mission to Iaşi, Mol
davia, from whence they had been expelled twice, in 1591 and again in 1731, with the
goal of establishing a school and mission.94 The project soon ran into difficulties, not the
least of which was opposition from Franciscans, who had long been in the region, and had
to be abandoned. This episode, brief as it was, bears several of the typical characteristics
of Jesuit missions outside the Society’s Western European core, and of those (p. 329)
specifically undertaken in Orthodox regions. First, the ruler of the region was a focus of
Jesuit attention, thereby putting the mission in jeopardy when a new and less sympathetic
ruler appeared. In addition, the mission to Iaşi was played out in a climate already fla
vored by long-standing disagreements between Jesuits and local Orthodox clergy. Finally,
the Jesuits, although few in number, hoped to combine missionary and educational labors
with scholarship: one of the fathers, Carolus Péterffy (1700–1746), had proposed writing
a history of Moldavia. The sudden collapse of the project showed how tenuous such un
dertakings could be.
The restored Society was slow to return to Romanian Orthodox lands, but by 1894 a Je
suit church had been erected in Chernivtsi, in Habsburg-controlled Bukovina (now
Ukraine), where Orthodox outnumbered Greek Catholics by fifteen to one. Following
World War I, a Jesuit mission was established in Romania, and between the wars Jesuits
provided religious education to Catholic youth but did not conduct widespread missions
among the Orthodox. World War II was profoundly disruptive to the Society’s activities in
the region and many Jesuits were imprisoned. The Society was suppressed in Romania in
1948, although a handful of Jesuits remained in an underground network until the
restoration of the Society in 1989. From 1967 Emil Puni, who, unlike Jesuits of the pre-
Suppression society working in Romanian-speaking regions, was an ethnic Romanian,
served as provincial.95 Jesuit activities gained a higher profile following the 1990 visit of
præpositus generalis Peter Hans Kolvenbach. The Society today has a community in Cluj-
Napoca and has operated a retreat in Târgu Mureș: the foci of these activities are on
Hungarian-speaking Catholics, Roma (of whom 80 percent in Romania are believed to be
Orthodox), and refugees. The Society returned to Bucharest in 1992. As of 2008, Jesuits
were also active in the Catholic archdiocese of Alba Iulia and operated a Xavieriana in
Iaşi, while Concordia, a nongovernmental organization serving children founded in 2004
by Austrian Jesuit Father Georg Sporschill, operates in neighboring Moldova.96
The Slavic Balkans

Probably the first Jesuit to enter the Serbian-speaking lands of the Ottoman Empire was
the Ragusan Jesuit missionary Bartol Sfondrato or Sfondrati (1541–1583), who in 1580
traveled to Turkish Hungary passing through Bosnia en route.97 Jesuit activity in these re
gions for a long time afterward was closely tied to Austrian military and diplomatic under
takings. Jesuits had maintained a low profile in Ottoman-ruled Belgrade during much of
the seventeenth century, but from 1717 to 1739, while Belgrade was under Habsburg
control, the Society built a school, church, and residence, which were the points of depar
ture for missionaries seeking to convert Orthodox Christians.98 Suggestive of the gap be
Page 13 of 38

tween Jesuit and Serbian Orthodox perceptions of this mission is the reported response of
witnesses of the execution in 1697 of two “schismatics” in Novi Sad, at which Jesuit mis
sionaries attempted to achieve last-minute conversions. A Jesuit recorded that the dis
tressed onlookers cried, “The Jesuits are either going to hell, or are going to convert one
to their faith,” but concluded, “Never have we received higher praise!”99
Yet interactions with local Orthodox Serbs were never as important to the Society as its
ministry to Catholics found among the merchant class or in the imperial armies. All this
(p. 330) was swept away when the Ottomans regained Belgrade, although as in the case of
Russia, Jesuit models of schooling had an indirect influence on Serbian education,

through the importation of some of the Society’s curricular models into local schools.100
Jesuits had more success among the Serbians who fled northward to the region between
the Tiszta (Tisa) and Danube Rivers following the victory of the Ottomans over imperial
forces in 1689. Within a few decades, as many as half of the Orthodox clergy who had ac
companied their flocks had, with the encouragement of Jesuits, become Uniates.101 Union
was resented by many other Serbians and later became a focal point of anti-Jesuit senti
ment among Serbian historians.102 Yet even those Orthodox Serbs who did not convert
used Jesuit emblem models to teach ethics, with a Serbian-language version of a classic
Jesuit emblem text appearing as late as 1774.103
In later times, the long-standing enmity between Catholic Croatians and Orthodox Serbs
impaired the efforts of Croatian Jesuits to teach or proselytize in Serbia. The Society re
turned to Belgrade in 1930, surviving World War II and the subsequent transfer of power
to the Communists. More recent Jesuit activities have been in a different direction: in the
years following the breakup of Yugoslavia, the Jesuit Refugee Service was able to estab
lish a presence in Serbia, Kosovo, and Montenegro.104 In early 2015, it was announced
that Serbia would allow a Jesuit school system to come into existence.
Bulgarian students, among whom were very probably Orthodox, attended a Jesuit school
in Braşov, Transylvania, in 1694.105 French Jesuits had a relatively free hand in nine
teenth-century Ottoman-controlled Bulgaria, making numerous converts and gaining
some influence in the Ottoman administration. Balabin, like his mentor Garagrin, a noble
Russian convert from Orthodoxy, sought without success to establish a Jesuit collegium in
Bulgaria.106 Jesuits were embroiled in, and probably contributed to, the conflicts between
ethnic Bulgarians and Greeks, in which the Ottoman colonial administration sought to
play off various Christian factions against one another.
The individualistic character of Jesuit missionary enterprises meant that some missionar
ies among the Orthodox resist easy categorization. One of these is the Croatian Juraj (Ju
rko) Križanić (Georgius Crisanius) (1617 or 1618–1683) who, having studied Possevino’s
Moscovia, set out to reunite Orthodox churches with Rome with an approach later gener
ations would call “Pan-Slavic.”107 Križanić’s efforts and his willingness to see Orthodox
not as heretics or schismatics but instead “as Christians who have simply been led into
error”108 resulted in a treatise entitled Narratio de hodierno statu schismatis in Moscovia,
facta anno 1647 and carried him as far as Constantinople. For reasons that have never
Page 14 of 38

been clarified, in 1661 Križanić was sentenced to fifteen years in a prison in Tobolsk,
thereby probably becoming the first Jesuit to enter Siberia.109 Operating alone and in a
frequently hostile environment, Križanić was able to make only a small impact on the
wider population of Orthodox. More than a century later Roger Boscovich (Ruđer Josip
Bošković) (1711–1787) journeyed through several predominantly Orthodox provinces of
the Ottoman Empire.110 His sympathetic observations show the distance some members
of the Society had traveled from a condescending or negative view of Orthodox clergy as
expressed by early Jesuit visitors to the Balkans such as Bartol Kašić (1575–1650).111
(p. 331) Farther Afield

The preSuppression Society engaged with the Armenian Orthodox believers in several
very different settings and ways. Jesuits first probably encountered Armenian Orthodox in
Isfahan, Persia, in 1646. Sponsored by Louis XIV, Jesuits next visited Armenia itself but
met opposition from local clergy because of their proselytizing.112 In the nineteenth cen
tury Jesuits operated schools in Lesser Armenia, in eastern Anatolia. In Transylvania and
neighboring Moldavia, several thousand Armenian Orthodox entered into union with
Rome during the eighteenth century, a process spurred on by the Society.113 Jesuits took
a generally favorable view of Transylvanian Armenians, with the Bohemian Jesuit Rudolf
Bzensky (1651–1715) compiling data on their migration into Europe. In 1786, the Croat
ian ex-Jesuit Josip (Giuseppe) Marinovich (1741–1801) published a detailed and sympa
thetic account of Armenian history, geography, and religious traditions.114 Marinovich,
who probably never visited Armenia, was an advocate for Armenian Catholics, but his pio
neering scholarship had an impact on the broader culture of Armenia, including its major
ity Orthodox population. In the twentieth century, the Society encountered Armenian and
Syrian Orthodox in its mission to Iraq.115 The Society also sent missionaries to Orthodox
Georgia in 1614, although this mission bore little fruit.116
Jesuits arrived in Ethiopia in 1555, where they encountered an ancient form of Orthodox
(Tewahedo) Christianity that preserved many ritual aspects of pre-Christian Jewish prac
tice and whose theology was tinged with a non-Chalcedonian understanding of the
Trinity.117 After initially meeting with some success, the Jesuit mission ran into grave dif
ficulties when Alfonso Mendes (1579–1659), the newly created Catholic patriarch of
Ethiopia and a Jesuit, imposed changes on traditional Ethiopian religious practices. These
measures provoked bloody civil unrest, resulting in the overthrow of the recently convert
ed Negus or king, and the eventual expulsion or murder of all Jesuit missionaries (who
were denounced as “hyenas of the West”)118 by 1633. More than three centuries later
Haile Selassie invited Jesuit priests to create the forerunner of Addis Ababa University,
however the Jesuit presence had all but disappeared by the time the emperor was over
thrown in 1974.119
The first Jesuit missions among the Syrian Orthodox took place in the 1550s, and in about
1627 the Society established a mission in Aleppo.120 Jesuits were also sent to the Coptic
Orthodox Church of Egypt in 1562 and again in 1582, with the assignment of persuading
Page 15 of 38

the patriarch to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome.121 Although both of these missions
were unsuccessful, in the next century the Coptic Orthodox patriarch John XVI (1676–
1718) welcomed Jesuits to Cairo, allowing them to use the city as a launching point for
missions to Ethiopia.122 These projects, despite their individual features, can be seen as a
systematic campaign to convert Eastern Orthodox into “Romans” that to some degree
parallels the confessionalization process then underway in Europe. An important differ
ence was that in the East, this process was to take place within a single polity, the majori
ty-Muslim Ottoman Empire.
The Portuguese padroado Jesuits also had to deal with Indian (Malabar) Orthodox Syrian
Christians, also called St. Thomas Christians by the Portuguese. The Jesuits were in
charge between 1557 and 1659. Their strategies varied between accommodation and po
litical (p. 332) coercion demanded by the Portuguese ecclesiastical authorities. Most no
table was their Vaipikotta seminary in which Classical Syriac literature was taught and
cultivated under the Jesuits’ supervision.123
Conclusion
Like many other Jesuit enterprises, engagement with the Orthodox world has been
shaped as much by the personalities of individual Jesuits as it has by unified, long-term
policy. The special challenges associated with a mission to peoples who regard them
selves as the authentic heirs of the early church and the differences in the visual lan
guages employed by Roman Catholicism and Orthodox traditions have also played their
part.124 The tendency in the pre-1773 Society and in Catholicism more generally to seek
explanations for events, be they in the physical world or the realm of theology, contrasted
strongly with the Orthodox tradition of not emphasizing a rational exposition of the
processes accomplishing salvation. Indeed, the Baroque Jesuit predilection for verbal ex
position and didactic display has been both an asset and a liability. The fathers might be
able to impress elites through their rhetorical skills and offers of quality education, but
they ran into resistance from the commons if they tried to apply the techniques of fiery
preaching and the construction of imposing physical spaces that had been so effective in
Western Europe. The Baroque Jesuit emphasis on data collection, the development of the
ories explaining widely diverse phenomena, and the publication thereof cut little ice with
Orthodox parish clergy or laypersons until the eighteenth century. And perhaps more
than in any other setting in which the Society has worked in modern times, the Jesuits’
enduring reputation as “scheming priests” has proven a hindrance to the development of
a better relationship with Orthodox Christians.
Before the Suppression, Jesuits at times seemed not to take seriously the aesthetics, the
ology, and moral universe of Orthodox Christianity. An exception to this generalization is
a play produced in 1746 at a Jesuit school in Oradea, Transylvania: the title of the drama
announces the “clementia” of the Byzantine emperor Calo Joannes Comnenus (ruled
1118–1148).125 Unfortunately, we do not know the details of this production. While in ear
ly encounters Jesuits sometimes denounced the use of icons as “idolatria,” the Society
Page 16 of 38

embraced the aesthetics of Orthodox icons as early as the eighteenth century, as evi
denced by the dedication of the “weeping Madonna” in their church in Cluj, Transylvania,
in 1724. 126 More recently the Society has produced a major scholar of Orthodox icons,
Egon Sendler (1923–2014).127 The Orthodox thought of Sergei Bulgakov (1871–1944) has
received sympathetic study from the Jesuit Stanislaus Tyszkiewicz (1887–1962).128 The
Czech Jesuit and cardinal Tomáš Špidlík (1919–2010) has proposed a personalist philo
sophical model drawing on Eastern Orthodox thought.129 Dimitrios Koutroubis (1921–
1983) is a rare example of a theologian raised as Orthodox who became a Jesuit, but later
left the Society and returned to Orthodoxy, becoming one of the most influential scholars
of the twentieth-century Greek Orthodox Church.130
The Jesuit approach to Orthodoxy since the Society’s restoration, and especially in the lat
er twentieth and twenty-first centuries, has taken a dramatically different turn, reflecting
profound changes in both the institutional culture of the Society and the Catholic
Church’s desired relationship with Orthodox believers. Scholastic models of the hierarchy
of (p. 333) knowledge, long opposed by Orthodox theologians, no longer dominate Jesuit
discussions of theology. The apologetics of converts such as Julian Astromov (1820–1913)
have all but vanished. The Society’s Russian mission, which during most of the twentieth
century was focused almost exclusively on Catholics, is now avowedly ecumenical.131
Aggressive proselytizing seems to have ended, as Jesuit scholars call for the study of Or
thodox churches for their own sake.132 Humanitarian projects are much more prominent.
Overt bids to promote a union with Rome have been abandoned in the face of continued
resistance from Orthodox populations. Higher education has been pursued in a few
places with quiet caution: in Moscow, the St. Thomas Institute offers one-year diploma
programs in religiously related themes.133 The Jesuit approach to Orthodox theology has
changed in part because Jesuit theology, influenced by the theories of Teilhard de Chardin
(1881–1955), liberation theology, and the idea of a preferential option for the poor, has it
self evolved.
The prospects for Jesuits seeking to engage elements of the Orthodox world remain un
certain. The growth in influence of the Russian Orthodox Church coupled with a xenopho
bic strand in Russian political life has limited the reach of the Society’s undertakings in
that country. In other parts of the world with significant Orthodox populations, such as
the United States and Australia, Jesuits have generally unsystematic engagement with Or
thodox believers. Yet the repackaging of Jesuit education and culture as useful tools for
leaders in many fields has resulted in an unlikely partnership between a Jesuit psycholo
gist and university administrator and Russian Orthodox Church leaders in St.
Petersburg.134
The case of Jesuit contact with Orthodox Christians places in high relief the tensions in
herent between the Society’s historic and current missions. The past emphasis on foster
ing a union of Eastern Orthodox believers with Rome continues to color the perceptions
many Orthodox hold of the Jesuits. In the words of Robert F. Taft, himself a Jesuit,
Page 17 of 38

For the Orthodox, such partial reunions are not Union but “Unia,” breaking ranks
and entering premature and treacherous submissions to one side in a dispute
without the consent of one’s partners.135
The twenty-first-century Society thus both sees and presents itself as having a different
mission from the earlier one that drove the process of “unia,” and which sought to per
suade Orthodox of the error of their ways. The modern Jesuit focus is based on compas
sion, outreach, and social justice. But memories of almost half a millennium of difficult in
teraction are not easily dispensed with, and may prove to be the greatest challenge fac
ing the Society in its future engagement with the Orthodox world.
Acknowledgments
The author wishes to thank Pusey House, Oxford, and especially the Reverend George
Westhaver, for hospitality while this chapter was being completed.
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Notes:
(1.) Apophatic theology attempts to approach God by negation, that is, to speak only in
terms of what may not be said about the perfect goodness that is God, an approach very
different from the Jesuit engagement with description and analysis through language.
Hesychasm seeks a union with God a level beyond images, concepts, and language, rely
ing instead on silent inner prayer. Again, the contrast with the Baroque Jesuit techniques
of performance and appeal to the senses is striking. In the late seventeenth century, an
Orthodox source reported that a Greek and a Jesuit had debated Hesychasm. Gerhard
Podskalsky, Griechische Theologie in der Zeit der Türkenherrschaft (1453–1821): Die Or
Page 27 of 38

thodoxie in Spannungsfeld der nachreformatorischen Konfessionen des Westens (Munich:

C. H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1988), 39.
(2.) See the chapter in this volume by Niccolò Guasti.
(3.) Constantin Simon, “How Russians See Us: Jesuit-Russian Relations. Then and Now,”
Religion, State, and Society 23, no. 4 (1995): 348.
(4.) E.g., Stanislaus Rostowski, Litvanicarum Societatis Jesu historiarum provincialium

pars prima auctore Stanislao Rostowski (Vilnæ: Typis S. R. M. & Reipublicæ Academicis
Societatis Jesu, 1768), 293.
(5.) A Jesuit publication of 1876 described the Orthodox Church as characterized by

“l’immobilité et un attachement superstitieux aux forms extérieures.” “Statistique re
ligieuse,” Collection de précis historiques: mélanges religieux littéraires et scientifiques
25 (1876): 95.
(6.) E.g., Synopsis annalium Societatis Jesu in Lusitania ab annis 1540 usque ad annum
1725 authore Antonio Franco . . . (Augsburg and Graz: Sumptibus Phillipi, Martini et
Joannis Veith Hæredum, 1726), 397.
(7.) Bruce D. Marshall, “Trinity,” in The Blackwell Companion to Modern Theology, ed.
Gareth Jones (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 190.
(8.) A. V. Florovskij, Ceští Jesuité na Rusi. Jesuité ceské provincie a slovansky vychod (V
Praze: Vyšehrad, 1941), 256.
(9.) Tadhg Ó hAnnracháin, “Catholic Missionary Activity in the Northern Balkans in the
Seventeenth Century,” in The Frontiers of Mission: Perspectives on Early Modern Mis
sionary Catholicism, ed. Alison Forrestal and Seán Alexander Smit (Leiden/Boston: Brill,
2016), 153.
(10.) Oscar Halecki, From Florence to Brest (1439–1596), 2nd ed. (Hamden: Archon
Books, 1968).
(11.) Marc Slonim, Russian Theater, from the Empire to the Soviets (Cleveland: World
Publishing Co., [1961]), 20. On Jesuit theater see the chapter in this volume by Anne-So
phie Gallo.
(12.) Liudmila Charipova, Latin Books and the Eastern Orthodox Clerical Elite in Kiev,
1632–1780 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), 39.
(13.) At the Lviv University, directed in the seventeenth century by Jesuits, Orthodox stu
dents were allowed to take only one year of philosophy and barred from other courses un
less they converted to the union. Serhii Plochij, The Origins of the Slavic Nations: Pre
modern Identities in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2006), 309.
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(14.) Tim Grass, Modern Church History (London: SCM Press, 2008), 47.
(15.) The Polish Jesuit Petr Skarga (1536–1612) had achieved a union with the larger
Ruthenian Orthodox Church, which included most of the Belarusians living in Poland-
Lithuania, in 1596. Daniel Stone, The Polish-Lithuanian State, 1386–1795 (Seattle: Univer
sity of Washington Press, 2001), 137. Paul Shore, “A Unique Rusyn Catechism,” in Special
ist Markets in the Early Modern Book World, ed. Richard Kirwan and Sophie Mullins (Lei
den: Brill, 2015), 373–388.
(16.) Paul Shore, “The Life and Death of a Jesuit Mission: The Collegium in Uzhgorod,
Transcarpathia (1650–1773),” Slavonic and East European Review 18, no. 4 (2008): 613.
(17.) Ignatius to João Nunes Barreto, c. February 20, 1555, in Jesuit Writings of the Early
Modern Period, 1540–1640, ed. John Patrick Donnelly (Indianapolis/Cambridge: Hackett
Publishing Co., 2006), 23–31, at 28.
(18.) Suraiya Faroqhi, The Ottoman Empire and the World around It (London: I. B. Tauris
2006), 172.
(19.) Mathieu Richard Auguste Baron Henrion, Histoire générale des missions catholiques
depuis le XIIIe siècle jusqu’a nos jours, Tome second, second partie (Paris: Gaume Frères,
1847), 262.
(20.) James Frazee, Catholics and Sultans: The Church and the Ottoman Empire 1453–
1923 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 115.
(21.) Timothy Ware, Eustratios Argenti: A Study of the Greek Church under Turkish Rule
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964), 20.
(22.) Nasser Geyemel, “The Maronites of Cyprus: A Minority’s Cultural Role during the
Ottoman Era,” in The Minorities of Cyprus: Development Patterns and the Identity of the
Internal-Exclusion, ed. Andrekos Varnava, Nicholas Coureas, and Marina Elia (Newcastle
upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2009), 148.
(23.) Stephen Runciman, The Great Church in Captivity: A Study of the Patriarchate of
Constantinople (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), 270–272; Nikolaos A.
Chrissidis, “The World of Eastern Orthodoxy,” in The Oxford Handbook of Early Modern
European History, 1350–1750: Peoples and Place, ed. Hamish Scott (Oxford: Oxford Uni
versity Press, 2015), 626–651, at 640.
(24.) Ware, Eustratios Argenti, 51.
(25.) Walter Puchner, “Jesuit Theatre on the Islands of the Aegean Sea,” Journal of Mod
ern Greek Studies 21, no. 2 (2003): 7–22.
(26.) Walter Puchner, Greek Theatre between Antiquity and Independence: A History of
Reinvention from the Third Century B. C. to 1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2017), 204.
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(27.) [Norbert de Bar-le-Duc], Mémoires historiques sur les affaires des jésuites avec le
Saint Siège (Lisbon: Ameno 1766), 5:625–639.
(28.) Frazee, Catholics and Sultans, 123.
(29.) Nikolaos M. Panagiotakis, El Greco—The Cretan Years, trans. John C. Davis (Farn
ham: Ashgate, 2009), 9.
(30.) Andreas Perzivales, Compendium Grammaticæ Græcæ breuiter dilucide, ordineque

digestum. A p. Andrea Perzivale Cretense. So. Iesu. Ad usum iuuentutis . . . (Palermo:
Typiis Aug. Bossij, 1658).
(31.) Tijana Krstić, Contested Conversions to Islam: Narratives of Religious Change in the
Early Modern Ottoman Empire (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011), 137.
(32.) Eric Dursteler, Venetians in Constantinople: Nation, Identity, and Coexistence in the
Early Modern Mediterranean (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006), 246.
(33.) Adina Ruiu, “Conflicting Visions of the Jesuit Missions to the Ottoman Empire, 1609–
1628,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1 (2014): 272–274.
(34.) Márkos N. Roússos-Milidónis, “Apostolḗ Iēsouïtṓn stē Makedonía to 17o kai 18o aiṓ
na. Méros v’,” (The Apostolate of the Jesuits in Macedonia in the 17th and 18th Centuries,
Part 2), Makedoniá 28 (1992): 215.
(35.) Apostolos Euangelou Vakalopoulos, History of Macedonia, 1354–1833 (Thessaloniki:

Institute for Balkan Studies, 1973), 188.
(36.) Faroqhi, The Ottoman Empire, 173.
(37.) François Alphonse Belin, Histoire de la latinité de Constantinople (Paris: Alphonse

Picard et fils, 1894), 440.
(38.) Paul Begheyn, S.J., “Adam Beckers (1744–1806), Ex-Jesuit in Amsterdam, and the So
ciety of Jesus from Suppression to Restoration,” in The Jesuit Suppression in Global Con
text: Causes, Events, and Consequences, ed. Jeffrey Burson and Jonathan Wright (Cam
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 216–228, at 225. “Report of the Receipts of
the Institution of the Propagation of the Faith during the Year 1842,” Annals of the Propa
gation of the Faith 6, no. 31 (1843): 158.
(39.) Sabrina P. Ramet, Nihil Obstat: Religion, Politics, and Social Change in East-Central
Europe (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998), 203; Ines A. Murzaku, Catholicism,
Culture, Conversion: The History of the Jesuits in Albania (1841–1946) (Roma: Pontificio
Istituto Orientale, 2006), 171.
(40.) Claude Pavur, S.J., “The Ratio Studiorum and Classical Culture: Wherefore the
Greeks? Wherefore the Romans?” (presentation, Sixteenth Century Conference, St Louis,
MO, October 31, 1999).
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(41.) Antonio Possevino, The Moscovia of Antonio Possevino, S.J., ed. and trans. Hugh F.
Graham (Pittsburgh: University Center for International Studies, University of Pittsburgh,
1977), 179.
(42.) Possevino, Moscovia, xxi.
(43.) Tetiana Shevchenko, “The Uncrowned Kings of Ruthenia and Jesuits. Kostiantyn Va
syl’ Ostroz’kyj against Piotr Skarga (1577–1608),” Revue d’Histoire ecclésiastique 105,
no. 1 (2010): 74–120.
(44.) Yet these concessions were often more strategic in nature, with the long-term goal
remaining the acceptance of the Latin rite by formerly Orthodox communities. Robert F.
Taft, S.J., “Perceptions and Realities in Orthodox-Catholic Relations Today: Reflections on
the Past, Prospects for the Future,” in Orthodox Constructions of the West, ed. George
Demacopoulos and Aristotle Papanikolaou (New York: Fordham University Press, 2013),
32.
(45.) Florovskij, Ceští Jesuité, 48.
(46.) For the issue of doctrinal conformity at Olomouc see Paul Shore, “A Scandalum in
Moravia: Jesuit Visitor Nicolo Avancini and the 1674 Case of Jan Tanner SJ and Vilém
Frölich SJ,” in The Jesuit Visitor: Theory and Practice, ed. Thomas McCoog (Leiden: Brill,
forthcoming).
(47.) James Cracraft, The Church Reform of Peter the Great (Stanford, CA: Stanford Uni
versity Press, 1971), 8.
(48.) Sabina Pavone, “Banishment, Exile and Opposition: Jesuit Crises before the 1760s,”
Lusitania Sacra, 2nd ser., no. 32 (2015): 114.
(49.) V. Poggi, “Gesuiti e studio del latino nell’impero zarista,” Ius Antiquum 1 (1996):
195. At least one Jesuit signed his letters “pontificio-caesareus in Moscovia missionarius.”
(50.) Georgius David, S.J., Status Modernus Magnae Russiae seu Moscoviae (1690), ed.
and intro. A. V. Florovskij (London: Mouton, 1965), 111.
(51.) Exemplar / Characteris / Moscovitico—Ru / thenici/ Duplicis / Biblici & Usualis. Cum
licentia Superiorum / Nissae, Typis Christophori Lertz, Civitatis Typographi. / M. DC. XC.
Cited in Anton Florovskij, “Ruská mluvnice českého jesuity z r. 1690,” Slovo a Slovesnost
4, no. 4 (1938): 239–245, accessed August 17, 2017, http://sas.ujc.cas.cz/archiv.php?
lang=en&art=268.
(52.) Cited in Lindsay Hughes, Sophia, Regent of Russia, 1657–1704 (New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press, 1990), 126.
(53.) Philippe Avril, Voyage en divers etats d’Europe et d’Asie entrepris pour découvrir un
nouveau chemin à la Chine . . . (Paris: Claude Barbin, Jean Boudot, George et Louis Josse,
Page 31 of 38

1692). See also Ronald S. Love, “ ‘A Passage to China’: A French Jesuit’s Perceptions of
Siberia in the 1680s,” French Colonial History 3 (2003): 85–100.
(54.) Joseph Sebes, S.J., The Jesuits and the Sino-Russian Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689): The
Diary of Thomas Pereira, S.J. (= Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S. I. XVIII) (Rome: Institu
tum Historicum S. I., 1961), 271, 204.
(55.) Letter of Milan to unknown recipient, Moscow, February 28, 1702, in Pis’ma i done
seniya Iezuitov o Rossii kontsa xvii i nachala xviii veka (Letters and Reports of Jesuits
Concerning Russia from the End of the Seventeenth and the Beginning of the Eighteenth
Centuries), ed. M. O. Koyalovich (The Hague: Europe Printing, 1965), 298–303, at 299. A.
V. Florovskij, “Ein tschechischer Jesuit unter den Asowschen Kalmücken im Jahre 1700.
Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der böhmischen Orientalistik,” Archiv Orientalní 12 (1941):
162–188.
(56.) Dennis J. Dunn, The Catholic Church and Russia: Popes, Patriarchs, Tsars and Com
missars (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), 45; A. V. Florovskij, “Pervy Iezuit iz moskovskikh
dvoryan” (The First Jesuit from Muscovite Nobility), Acta Academiae Velehradensis 19
(1948): 249–256.
(57.) See Max J. Okenfuss, “The Jesuit Origins of Petrine Education,” in The Eighteenth
Century in Russia, ed. J. G. Garrard (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), 106–130.
(58.) Max Joseph Okenfuss, The Rise and Fall of Latin Humanism in Early-Modern Russia:
Pagan Authors, Ukrainians, and the Resiliency of Muscovy (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 92, 128.
(59.) Efthymios Nicolaidis, “Western Influences on Greek Scholars: The Scientific Educa
tion of Greek Orthodox during the Seventeenth Century,” in Science and Religion: East
and West, ed. Yiftach Fehige (New York: Routledge, 2016), 222.
(60.) Daniel L. Schlafly Jr., “True to the Ratio Studiorum? Jesuit Colleges in St. Peters
burg,” History of Education Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1997): 421–434, at 428.
(61.) Marek Inglot, La Compagnia di Gesù nell’Impero Russo (1772–1820) e la sua parte
nella restaurazione generale della Compagnia (Rome: Pontificia Università Gregoriana,
1997), 110. See also James T. Flynn, “The Role of the Jesuits in the Politics of Russian Ed
ucation, 1801–1820,” Catholic Historical Review 56, no. 2 (1970): 249–265.
(62.) Donald W. Treadgold, The West in Russia and China: Russia, 1472–1917 (Cambridge:
At the University Press, 1973), 138.
(63.) Marek Inglot, “The Society of Jesus in the Russian Empire (1772–1820), and the
Restoration of the Order,” in Jesuit Survival and Restoration: A Global History, 1773–
1900, ed. Robert A. Maryks and Jonathan Wright (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 75.
(64.) Аngela Papazova, “Yezuïtski apteky, likarni ta infirmeriï sxidnoslov’yans”koho re

hionu v ostanniy̆ tretyni XVI—pershiy̆ polovyni XVII st” (Jesuit Pharmacies, Hospitals and
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Infirmaries of Eastern-Slavic Region in the Last Third of XVI–the First Half of XVII Centu
ry), Skxid 6, no. 132 (2014): 78–82.
(65.) William A. James, “The Jesuits’ Role in Founding Schools in Late Tsarist Russia,” in
Religious and Secular Forces in Late Tsarist Russia: Essays in Honor of Donald W. Tread
gold, ed. Charles E. Timberlake (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1992), 61.
(66.) Cracraft, Church Reform, 49.
(67.) Stanislas Załęski, Les Jésuites de la Russie-Blanche, trans. Alexandre Vivier (Paris:
Letouzey et Ané, 1886).
(68.) K. A. Popmehl, Freedom of Expression in Eighteenth Century Russia (The Hague:

Martinus Nijhoff, 1971), 96.
(69.) Anna Peck, “Between Russian Reality and Chinese Dream: The Jesuit Mission in
Siberia, 1812–1820,” Catholic Historical Review 87, no. 1 (2001): 20–22.
(70.) Ivan Sergeyevich Gagarin, L’avenir de l’église Grecque-Unie (Paris, C. Douniol,

1862).
(71.) See also the discussion of a “perfidious Jesuit plot” responsible for all of Russia’s
problems in the 1860s, in Adam Bruno Ullam, Prophets and Conspirators in Pre-Revolu
tionary Russia (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1998), 128–129.
(72.) Andrzej Walicki, “The Religious Westernism of Ivan Gagarin,” in The Cultural Gradi
ent: The Transmission of Ideas in Europe, 1789–1991, ed. Catherine Evtuhov and Stephen
Kotkin (Lanham, MD: Roman and Littlefield, 2003), 37.
(73.) Elizabeth Harrison, “Fides et ratio: Catholicism, Rationalism and Mysticism in Russ
ian Literary Culture of the Mid-Nineteenth Century,” in Facets of Russian Irrationalism
between Art and Life: Mystery inside Enigma, ed. Olga Tabachnikova, trans. Elizabeth
Harrison and Christopher Tooke (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 160–189, at 165.
(74.) The Romanian Iezuit and Ukrainian Yezuït have similar connotations.
(75.) E.g., M. G. Samarine, Les Jésuites et leurs Rapports avec la Russie, trans. P. Bou
tourlin (Paris: Joel Cherbouliez, 1867), 308–309.
(76.) See Elizabeth Harrison, “The Image of the Jesuit in Russian Literary Culture of the
Nineteenth Century,” Modern Languages Open 1 (2014): 11, accessed July 2, 2017, http://
doi.org/10.3828/mlo.v0i1.38.
(77.) Cited in James Flint, “English Catholics and the Bolshevik Revolution: The Origins of
Catholic Anti-communism,” American Benedictine Review 42, no. 1 (1991): 6.
(78.) Marisa Patulli Trythall, “The Little Known Side of Fr. Edmund Walsh: His Mission to
Russia in the Service of the Holy See,” Studi sull’Oriente Cristiano 14 (2010): 159–183, at
169, 173.
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(79.) Helmut Dahm, “The Philosophical-Sovietological Work of Gustav Andreas Wetter, S.

J.,” in Philosophical Sovietology: The Pursuit of a Science, ed. Helmut Dahm, Thomas J.
Blakeley, and George L. Kline (Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1988), 52–53.
(80.) John Pollard, The Papacy in the Age of Totalitarianism, 1914–1958 (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2014), 181–182.
(81.) Léon Tretjakewitsch, Bishop Michel D’Herbigny SJ and Russia: A Pre-Ecumenical

Approach to Christian Unity (Würzburg: Augustinus-Verlag, 1990), 281–282.
(82.) Victor Bilotas, “Missiya iezuitov v Sibiri v period pravleniya N. Khrushcheva” (The
Mission of the Jesuits in Siberia during the Period of the Rule of N. Khruschchev), Soter:
Journal of Religious Science 55, no. 83 (2015): 27–37.
(83.) Simon, “How Russians See Us,” 343.
(84.) Tatyana Titova, “Russia: Jesuits Finally Receive Re-Registration,” Keston News Ser
vice, Issue 9, Article 12, September 18, 2000, accessed June 13, 2017, http://
www.keston.org.uk/kns/miscnew/KNS%20RUSSIA%20Jesuits%20re-registered.html.
(85.) Lucian Peris, Le missioni Gesuite in Transilvania e Moldavia nel Seicento (Cluj-
Napoca: Editura Fundației pentru Studii Europene, 1998); Moldvai Csángó-Magyar Ok
mánytár 1467–1706, ed. Benda Kálmán (Budapest: Magyarságkutató Intézet, 1989), 1:91.
Ioan-Aurel Pop, Cultural Diffusion and Religious Reformation in Sixteenth-Century Tran
sylvania: How the Jesuits Dealt with the Orthodox and Catholic Ideas (Lewiston, NY: Ed
win Mellen Press, 2014).
(86.) Livia Magina, “Imprimări religioase la frontiere instabile: George Buitul şi oraşele
din sudul Transilvaniei (secolul XVII),” Banatica 25 (2015): 101.
(87.) One of the founders of this movement, the Orthodox-born Uniate bishop Inocenţiu
Micu-Klein (1692–1768), is also claimed by Romanian Orthodox. Cristian Romocea,
Church and State: Religious Nationalism and State Identification in Post-Communist Ro
mania (London: Continuum, 2011), 114–115.
(88.) Cited in A. N. Kurat and J. S. Bromley, “The Retreat of the Turks 1683–1730,” in A
History of the Ottoman Empire to 1730, ed. M. A. Cook (Cambridge: Cambridge Universi
ty Press, 1976), 195.
(89.) Vasile Lechinţan, Instituţii şi edificii istorice din Transilvania (Cluj-Napoca: Editura
Carpatica, 2000), 82.
(90.) Paul Shore, Jesuits and the Politics of Religious Pluralism in Eighteenth-Century
Transylvania: Culture, Politics, and Religion 1693–1773 (Aldershot/Rome: Ashgate, Insti
tutum Historicum S. I., 2007), 63–64.
(91.) Paul Shore, Narratives of Adversity: Jesuits on the Eastern Peripheries of the Habs
burg Realms (1640–1773) (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2012), 99.
Page 34 of 38

(92.) Robert J. W. Evans, Austria, Hungary, and the Habsburgs: Central Europe c.1683–
1867 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 23.
(93.) Victor Papacostea, Civilizaţie Românească și civilizație balcanică: studii istorice, ed.
Cornelia Papacostea-Danielopolu, intro. Nicolae-Șerban Tanașoca (Bucureşti: Editura Em
inescu, 1983), 261.
(94.) Shore, Jesuits and the Politics of Religious Pluralism, 177; Bogdan-Petru Maleon,
“Ortodocşii români în faţa „clericului viator” (sfârşitul sec. XVI—prima jumătate a sec.
XVII),” Anuarul Institutului de istorie A. D. Xenopol 38 (2001): 57.
(95.) Pr. Olivo Bosa, S.J., “Întoarcerea la casa Tatălui a preotului iezuit Emil Puni,” Biseri
ca Română Unită cu Roma, accessed February 21, 2017, http://www.bru.ro/lugoj/in
toarcerea-la-casa-tatalui-a-preotului-iezuit-emil-puni/.
(96.) Sporschill is also the co-cofounder of Elijah, a program that serves Roma children in
Transylvania. “P. Georg Sporchill SJ,” Elijah, accessed June 27, 2017, http://www.elijah.ro/
en/menschen/pater-georg-sporschill/.
(97.) István György Tóth, “Between Islam and Christianity: Hungary as Religious Border
land in the Early Modern Period,” in Zones of Fracture in Modern Europe: The Baltic
Countries, the Balkans, and Northern Italy, ed. Almut Bues (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz,
2005), 241.
(98.) Antal Molnár, “Struggle for the Chapel of Belgrade (1612–1643). Trade and Catholic
Church in Ottoman Hungary,” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 60, no.
1 (2007): 73–134. Miroslav Vanino, “Isusovci u Beogradu u xvii. i xviii. stoljeću” (Jesuits in
Belgrade in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries), Vrela i Prinosi: Zbornik za povi
jest Isusovačkoga Reda u Hrvatskim krajevima 4 (1934): 21–30. The Jesuit school, accord
ing to one historian, was created “to combat Orthodox activity.” Charles Jelavich, “Some
Aspects of Serbian Religious Development in the Eighteenth Century,” Church History 23,
no. 2 (1954): 146.
(99.) “Qui nunquam sane sublimioribus nos extulerunt encomiis.” Nicolaus Nilles, Symbol
ae ad illustrandam historiam ecclesiae orientalis in terris coronae S. Stephani (Innsbruck:
Felician Rausch, 1885), 792.
(100.) Jim Samson, Music in the Balkans (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 66.
(101.) Thomas Butler, “The Origins of the War for a Serbian Language and Orthography,”
Harvard Slavic Studies 5 (1970): 33.
(102.) Bojan Aleksov, “Adamant and Treacherous: Serbian Historians on Religious Conver
sions,” George Fox University Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe 26, no. 1
(2006): 42–43, accessed August 15, 2017, http://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/cgi/
viewcontent.cgi?article=1380&context=ree.
Page 35 of 38

(103.) Jasna Mijailovic, “The Origin and Role of the Emblem in the Serbian Orthodox
Church of the 18th Century on the Territory of the Habsburg Monarchy” (lecture, 10th In
ternational Conference Society for Emblem Studies, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu
Kiel, July 28, 2014), 1, accessed July 10, 2017, http://arkyves.org/static/misc/
kiel_mijailovic.pdf.
(104.) Kevin O’Brien, “Consolation in Action: The Jesuit Refugee Service and the Ministry
of Accompaniment” (S. T. L. thesis, Weston Theological Seminary, Cambridge, MA, 2006),
100, accessed August 12, 2017, https://archive.org/stream/consolationinact00obri#page/
n3/mode/2up.
(105.) Nilles, Symbolae, 140.
(106.) Jeffrey Bruce Beshoner, Ivan Sergeevich Gagarin: The Search for Orthodox and
Catholic Union (South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2002), 135.
(107.) Peter F. Sugar, Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, 1354–1804 (Seattle: Uni
versity of Washington Press, 1996), 262.
(108.) Križanić to Francesco Ingoli, 1641, cited in Ivan Golub and C. Wendy Bracewell,
“The Slavic Idea of Juraj Križanić,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 10, no. 3/4 (1986): 454.
(109.) Stanislav Tuksar, “Juraj Križanić, His Treatise De Musica (1663–1666) and His Re
marks on Performing Practices,” Diasporas 25 (2015): 35–55, accessed June 17, 2017,
https://diasporas.revues.org/404.
(110.) Larry Wolff, “Boscovich in the Balkans: A Jesuit Perspective on Orthodox Christiani
ty in the Age of Enlightenment,” in The Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540–
1773, ed. John W. O’Malley et al. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 738–757.
(111.) Nenad Moačanin, Town and Country on the Middle Danube: 1526–1690 (Leiden:
Brill, 2006), 170–171.
(112.) Louise Nalbandian, The Armenian Revolutionary Movement: The Development of

Armenian Political Parties through the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of Cali
fornia Press, 1963), 32.
(113.) Shore, Jesuits and the Politics of Religious Pluralism, 75–78.
(114.) Compendio storico di memorie cronologiche concernenti la religione e la morale

della nazione armena suddita dell’Impero ottomano, opera divisa in sei libri . . . dal
marchese Giovanni de Serpos (Venice: Stamp. di C. Palese, 1786).
(115.) Kristian Girling, “Jesuit Contributions to the Iraqi Education System in the 1930s
and Later,” International Studies in Catholic Education 8, no. 2 (2016): 180, accessed Au
gust 14, 2017, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19422539.2016.1206400.
Page 36 of 38

(116.) Martin P. Harney, The Jesuits in History: The Society of Jesus through Four Cen
turies (New York: America Press, 1941), 239.
(117.) Leonardo Cohen, The Missionary Strategies of the Jesuits in Ethiopia (1555–1632)
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2009), 4.
(118.) Steve Strauss, “Creeds, Confessions and Global Theologizing: A Case Study in
Comparative Christologies,” in Globalizing Theology: Belief and Practice in an Era of
World Christianity, ed. Craig Ott and Harold A. Netland (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Acade
mic, 2006), 146.
(119.) Y. G.-M. Lulat, A History of African Higher Education from Antiquity to the Present:
A Critical Synthesis (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2005), 268.
(120.) Bat Ye’or, The Decline of Eastern Christianity under Islam: From Jihad to Dhimmi
tude, trans. Miriam Kochan and David Littman (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickenson Univer
sity Press, 1996), 155.
(121.) Alastair Hamilton, The Copts and the West: The European Discovery of the Egypt
ian Church (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 59–64; Robert John Clines, “The Soci
ety of Jesus and the Early Modern Christian Orient,” Jesuit Historiography Online, first
published online: 2016, accessed July 17, 2017, http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/en
tries/jesuit-historiography-online/*-COM_192582.
(122.) Maurice Martin, S.J., “Jesuits and the Coptic Church,” in The Coptic Encyclopedia,
ed. Aziz Suryal Atiya, 8 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1980–1991), 1329b–1330b, accessed
August 12 2017, http://ccdl.libraries.claremont.edu/cdm/fullbrowser/collection/cce/id/
1077/rv/singleitem.
(123.) Ines G. Zupanov, “ ‘One Civility, but Multiple Religion’: Jesuit Mission among St.
Thomas Christians in India (16th–17th Centuries),” Journal of Early Modern History 9, no.
3–4 (2005): 284–325; István Perczel, “Alexandar of the Port/Kadavil Chandy Kattanar: A
Syriac Poet and Disciple of the Jesuits in Seventeenth Century India,” Journal of the Cana
dian Society for Syriac Studies 14 (2014): 30–49.
(124.) Carole C. Guile, “Sebastian Sierakowski S. J. and the Language of Architecture: A

Jesuit Life during the Era of Suppression and Restoration,” in Jesuit Survival and Restora
tion, ed. Maryks and Wright, 99–126, at 123.
(125.) “Joannis Calonis Orientis Imperatoris Clementia,” Staud Géza, A magyarországi

jezsuita iskolai színjátékok forrásai: 1561–1773 = Fontes ludorum scenicorum in scholis
S.J. Hungariae (Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, 1984–1988), 1:320.
(126.) E.g., letter of Franciscus Dubsky, S. I., Moscow, September 23, 1698, in Koyalovich,
Pis’ma i doneseniya Iezuitov, 214.
(127.) Egon Sendler, S.J., The Icon, Image of the Invisible: Elements of Theology, Aesthet
ics, and Technique, trans. Steven Bigham (Torrance, CA: Oakwood Publications, 1988).
Page 37 of 38

(128.) G. K. Piovesana, “Colegio Ruso,” in Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús:

Biografico-tematico, ed. Charles E. O’Neill, Joaquín M. Domínguez, and Paul F. Grendler
(Rome/Madrid: Institutum Historicum S. I./Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2001), 1:850–
852. See also Stanislaus Tyszkiewicz, “Die Lehre von der Kirche beim russisch-orthodox
en Theologen S. Bulgakow,” Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie 51, no. 1 (1927): 81–83.
(129.) Tomáš Špidlík, L’idée russe. Une autre vision de l’homme (Troyes: Ed. Fates, 1994).
(130.) Alexis Torrance, “Mapping Modern Concepts of the Person onto the Greek Patristic
Past,” 4, accessed July 3, 2017, https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/
7f66/226d4bf26b25123a54906835cbfd0ccc35ec.pdf.
(131.) The history of the Society in Russia during the twentieth century is outlined in An
drey Koval’, “Iezuity v Rossii: XX Vek” (Jesuits in Russia in the Twentieth Century).
Thanks to Tomas Garcia-Huidobro, S.J., for making this document available.
(132.) E.g., Edward G. Farrugia, S.J., “The Study of the Christian East on the Church’s Pri
ority List. And What We Jesuits Could Do to Revamp It” (paper delivered at the confer
ence “Networking Jesuit Higher Education for the Globalizing World: Shaping the Future
for a Humane, Just, Sustainable Globe,” Mexico City, 22–24, 2010, 6, accessed July 4,
2017, http://ibero.mx/shapingthefuture/files/1-Frontier-Theology/Theology-Culture-Farru
gia-DIR.pdf
(133.) St. Thomas Institute Moscow, accessed February 12, 2017, https://jesuits.eu/news/
95-saint-thomas-institute-moscow. The Society also maintains a presence in Tomsk, where
a mission was established in 1815, and operates a cultural center and library in Novosi
birsk.
(134.) Maduabuchi Leo Muoneme, S.J., The Hermeneutics of Jesuit Leadership in Higher
Education: The Meaning and Culture of Jesuit-Catholic Presidents (New York: Routledge,
2017), 69.
(135.) Robert F. Taft, S.J., “Anamnesis, not Amnesia: The ‘Healing of Memories’ and the
Problem of ‘Uniatism’ ” (lecture, the University of St Michael’s College in Toronto, Cana
da, December 1, 2000), The Byzantine Forum, accessed February 14, 2017, http://
www.byzcath.org/forums/ubbthreads.php/topics/107003/1.
Paul Shore
Department of Religious Studies, University of Regina
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Abstract and Keywords

Subscriber: UNAM; date: 19 February 2021

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dismissed as “hominum rudissimorum.”8 Modern-day Jesuits working in Russia continue

Ukraine and Transcarpathia

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Figure 14.1 Map of the Jesuits in the Orthodox

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Greece and Turkey

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The Slavic Balkans

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Russia, Jesuit models of schooling had an indirect influence on Serbian education,

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(p. 331) Farther Afield

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Belin, François Alphonse. Histoire de la latinité de Constantinople. Paris: Alphonse Picard

Gagarin, I. S. L’avenir de l’église Grecque-Unie. Paris: C. Douniol, 1862.

[Marinovich, Giuseppe]. Compendio storico di memorie cronologiche concernenti la reli­

Nilles, Nicolaus. Symbolae ad illustrandam historiam ecclesiae orientalis in terris coronae

Subscriber: UNAM; date: 19 February 2021

Perzivales, Andreas. Compendium Grammaticæ Græcæ breuiter dilucide, ordineque di­

Rostowski, Stanislaus. Litvanicarum Societatis Jesu historiarum provincialium pars prima

Aleksov, Bojan. “Adamant and Treacherous: Serbian Historians on Religious Conver­

Chrissidis, Nikolaos A. “The World of Eastern Orthodoxy.” In The Oxford Handbook of

Subscriber: UNAM; date: 19 February 2021

Florovskij, Anton. “Ruská mluvnice českého jesuity z r. 1690.” Slovo a Slovesnost 4, 4

Florovskij, A. V. “Pervy Iezuit iz moskovskikh dvoryan.” Acta Academiae

Velehradensis 19 (1948): 249–256.

Subscriber: UNAM; date: 19 February 2021

Grass, Tim. Modern Church History. London: SCM Press, 2008.

Guile, Carole. C. “Sebastian Sierakowski S. J. and the Language of Architecture: A Jesuit

Harrison, Elizabeth. “Fides et ratio: Catholicism, Rationalism and Mysticism in Russian

Subscriber: UNAM; date: 19 February 2021

Jelavich, Charles. “Some Aspects of Serbian Religious Development in the Eighteenth

Krstić, Tijana. Contested Conversions to Islam: Narratives of Religious Change in

Lechinţan, Vasile. Instituţii şi edificii istorice din Transilvania. Cluj-Napoca: Editura

Marshall, Bruce D. “Trinity.” In The Blackwell Companion to Modern Theology, edited by

Subscriber: UNAM; date: 19 February 2021

Nalbandian, Louise. The Armenian Revolutionary Movement: The Development of Armen­

Nicolaidis, Efthymios. “Western Influences on Greek Scholars: The Scientific Education of

Ó hAnnracháin, Tadhg. “Catholic Missionary Activity in the Northern Balkans in the

Panagiotakis, Nikolaos M. El Greco—The Cretan Years, translated by John C. Davis. Farn­

Papacostea, Victor. Civilizaţie Românească şi civilizaţie balcanică: studii istorice, edited

Subscriber: UNAM; date: 19 February 2021

Papazova, Angela. “Yezuïtski apteky, likarni ta infirmeriï sxidnoslov’yans”koho rehionu v

Piovesana, G. K. “Colegio Ruso.” In Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús: Bi­

Podskalsky, Gerhard. Griechische Theologie in der Zeit der Türkenherrschaft (1453–

[Marinovich, Giuseppe]. Compendio storico di memorie cronologiche concernenti la reli

Perzivales, Andreas. Compendium Grammaticæ Græcæ breuiter dilucide, ordineque di

Aleksov, Bojan. “Adamant and Treacherous: Serbian Historians on Religious Conver

Nalbandian, Louise. The Armenian Revolutionary Movement: The Development of Armen

Panagiotakis, Nikolaos M. El Greco—The Cretan Years, translated by John C. Davis. Farn

Piovesana, G. K. “Colegio Ruso.” In Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús: Bi

Pop, Ioan-Aurel. Cultural Diffusion and Religious Reformation in Sixteenth-Century Tran

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