Maoism: Maoism, Officially Called Mao Zedong Thought by The

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Maoism

Maoism, officially called Mao Zedong Thought by the


Mao Zedong Thought
Communist Party of China, is a variety of Marxism–Leninism that
Mao Zedong developed for realising a socialist revolution in the Simplified Chinese 毛泽东思想
agricultural, pre-industrial society of the Republic of China and
later the People's Republic of China. The philosophical difference
Traditional Chinese 毛澤東思想
between Maoism and traditional Marxism–Leninism is that the Transcriptions
peasantry are the revolutionary vanguard in pre-industrial societies Standard Mandarin
rather than the proletariat. This updating and adaptation of Hanyu Máo Zédōng sīxiǎng
Marxism–Leninism to Chinese conditions in which revolutionary Pinyin
praxis is primary and ideological orthodoxy is secondary
represents urban Marxism–Leninism adapted to pre-industrial Wade– Mao2 Tse2-tung1 ssŭ1-
China. The claim that Mao Zedong had adapted Marxism– Giles hsiang3
Leninism to Chinese conditions evolved into the idea that he had IPA [mǎʊ tsɤ̌.tʊ́ŋ sɨ́.ɕjàŋ]
updated it in a fundamental way applying to the world as a Yue: Cantonese
whole.[1][2][3][4][5][6]
Jyutping Mo4 Zaak9-dung1
From the 1950s until the Chinese economic reforms of Deng si1soeng2
Xiaoping in the late 1970s, Maoism was the political and military
ideology of the Chinese Communist Party and of Maoist revolutionary movements throughout the world.[7]
After the Sino-Soviet split of the 1960s, the Chinese Communist Party and the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union each claimed to be the sole heir and successor to Joseph Stalin concerning the correct
interpretation of Marxism–Leninism and ideological leader of communism.[1]

The term "Maoism" ( 毛主义) is a creation of Mao's supporters; Mao himself always rejected it. [8]

Contents
History
Modern Chinese intellectual tradition
Iconoclastic revolution and anti-Confucianism
Nationalism and the appeal of Marxism
Yan'an period between November 1935 and March 1947
Mao Zedong's intellectual development
Initial Marxist period (1920–1926)
Formative Maoist period (1927–1935)
Mature Maoist period (1935–1940)
Civil War period (1940–1949)
Post-Civil War period (1949–1976)
Differences from Marxism
After Mao Zedong's death
China
Internationally
Components
New Democracy
People's war
Mass line
Cultural Revolution
Contradiction
Three Worlds Theory
Agrarian socialism
In China
International influence
Afghanistan
Australia
Bangladesh
Belgium
Ecuador
India
Iran
Palestine
Philippines
Peru
Portugal
Spain
Sweden
Turkey
United Kingdom
United States
Criticism and implementation
Populism
Nationalism
Mao-Spontex
See also
References
Further reading
External links

History

Modern Chinese intellectual tradition

At the turn of the 20th century, the contemporary Chinese intellectual tradition was defined by two central
concepts: (i) iconoclasm and (ii) nationalism.[9]
Iconoclastic revolution and anti-Confucianism

By the turn of the 20th century, a proportionately small yet socially significant cross-section of China's
traditional elite (i.e. landlords and bureaucrats) found themselves increasingly skeptical of the efficacy and
even the moral validity of Confucianism.[10] These skeptical iconoclasts formed a new segment of Chinese
society, a modern intelligentsia whose arrival—or as historian of China Maurice Meisner would label it,
their defection—heralded the beginning of the destruction of the gentry as a social class in China.[11]

The fall of the last imperial Chinese dynasty in 1911 marked the final failure of the Confucian moral order
and it did much to make Confucianism synonymous with political and social conservatism in the minds of
Chinese intellectuals. It was this association of conservatism and Confucianism which lent to the
iconoclastic nature of Chinese intellectual thought during the first decades of the 20th century.[12]

Chinese iconoclasm was expressed most clearly and vociferously by Chen Duxiu during the New Culture
Movement which occurred between 1915 and 1919.[12] Proposing the "total destruction of the traditions
and values of the past", the New Culture Movement was spearheaded by the New Youth, a periodical
which was published by Chen Duxiu and was profoundly influential on the young Mao Zedong, whose
first published work appeared on the magazine's pages.[12]

Nationalism and the appeal of Marxism

Along with iconoclasm, radical anti-imperialism dominated the Chinese intellectual tradition and slowly
evolved into a fierce nationalist fervor which influenced Mao's philosophy immensely and was crucial in
adapting Marxism to the Chinese model.[13] Vital to understanding Chinese nationalist sentiments of the
time is the Treaty of Versailles, which was signed in 1919. The Treaty aroused a wave of bitter nationalist
resentment in Chinese intellectuals as lands formerly ceded to Germany in Shandong were—without
consultation with the Chinese—transferred to Japanese control rather than returned to Chinese
sovereignty.[14]

The negative reaction culminated in the 4 May Incident in 1919 during which a protest began with 3,000
students in Beijing displaying their anger at the announcement of the Versailles Treaty's concessions to
Japan. The protest took a violent turn as protesters began attacking the homes and offices of ministers who
were seen as cooperating with, or being in the direct pay of, the Japanese.[14] The 4 May Incident and
Movement which followed "catalyzed the political awakening of a society which had long seemed inert
and dormant".[14]

Another international event would have a large impact not only on Mao, but also on the Chinese
intelligentsia. The Russian Revolution elicited great interest among Chinese intellectuals, although socialist
revolution in China was not considered a viable option until after the May 4 Incident.[15] Afterwards, "[t]o
become a Marxist was one way for a Chinese intellectual to reject both the traditions of the Chinese past
and Western domination of the Chinese present".[15]

Yan'an period between November 1935 and March 1947

During the period immediately following the Long March, Mao and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
were headquartered in Yan'an, which is a prefecture-level city in Shaanxi province. During this period,
Mao clearly established himself as a Marxist theoretician and he produced the bulk of the works which
would later be canonized into the "thought of Mao Zedong".[16] The rudimentary philosophical base of
Chinese Communist ideology is laid down in Mao's numerous dialectical treatises and it was conveyed to
newly recruited party members. This period truly established ideological independence from Moscow for
Mao and the CCP.[16]

Although the Yan'an period did answer some of the questions, both ideological and theoretical, which were
raised by the Chinese Communist Revolution, it left many of the crucial questions unresolved, including
how the Chinese Communist Party was supposed to launch a socialist revolution while completely
separated from the urban sphere.[16]

Mao Zedong's intellectual development

Mao's intellectual development can be divided into five major


periods, namely (1) the initial Marxist period from 1920 to 1926;
(2) the formative Maoist period from 1927 to 1935; (3) the mature
Maoist period from 1935 to 1940; (4) the Civil-War period from
1940 to 1949; and (5) the post-1949 period following the
revolutionary victory.

Initial Marxist period (1920–1926)

Marxist thinking employs imminent socioeconomic explanations,


whereas Mao's reasons were declarations of his enthusiasm. Mao
did not believe that education alone would bring about the
transition from capitalism to communism because of three main
reasons. (1) Psychologically, the capitalists would not repent and
turn towards communism on their own; (2) the rulers must be
Strategic Issues of Anti-Japanese
overthrown by the people; (3) "the proletarians are discontented,
Guerrilla War (1938)
and a demand for communism has arisen and had already become a
fact".[17] These reasons do not provide socioeconomic
explanations, which usually form the core of Marxist ideology.

Formative Maoist period (1927–1935)

In this period, Mao avoided all theoretical implications in his literature and employed a minimum of Marxist
category thought. His writings in this period failed to elaborate what he meant by the "Marxist method of
political and class analysis".[18] Prior to this period, Mao was concerned with the dichotomy between
knowledge and action. He was more concerned with the dichotomy between revolutionary ideology and
counter-revolutionary objective conditions. There was more correlation drawn between China and the
Soviet model.

Mature Maoist period (1935–1940)

Intellectually, this was Mao's most fruitful time. The shift of orientation was apparent in his pamphlet
Strategic Problems of China's Revolutionary War (December 1936). This pamphlet tried to provide a
theoretical veneer for his concern with revolutionary practice.[19] Mao started to separate from the Soviet
model since it was not automatically applicable to China. China's unique set of historical circumstances
demanded a correspondingly unique application of Marxist theory, an application that would have to
diverge from the Soviet approach.
Civil War period (1940–1949)

Unlike the Mature period, this period was intellectually barren.


Mao focused more on revolutionary practice and paid less attention
to Marxist theory. He continued to emphasize theory as practice-
oriented knowledge.[20] The biggest topic of theory he delved into
was in connection with the Cheng Feng movement of 1942. It was
here that Mao summarized the correlation between Marxist theory
and Chinese practice: "The target is the Chinese revolution, the
arrow is Marxism–Leninism. We Chinese communists seek this
arrow for no other purpose than to hit the target of the Chinese
revolution and the revolution of the east".[20] The only new
emphasis was Mao's concern with two types of subjectivist
deviation: (1) dogmatism, the excessive reliance upon abstract
theory; (2) empiricism, excessive dependence on experience.

Strategic Issues in the Chinese


Post-Civil War period (1949–1976) Revolutionary War (1947)

The victory of 1949 was to Mao a confirmation of theory and


practice. "Optimism is the keynote to Mao's intellectual orientation in the post-1949 period".[21] Mao
assertively revised theory to relate it to the new practice of socialist construction. These revisions are
apparent in the 1951 version of On Contradiction. "In the 1930s, when Mao talked about contradiction, he
meant the contradiction between subjective thought and objective reality. In Dialectal Materialism of 1940,
he saw idealism and materialism as two possible correlations between subjective thought and objective
reality. In the 1940s, he introduced no new elements into his understanding of the subject-object
contradiction. In the 1951 version of On Contradiction, he saw contradiction as a universal principle
underlying all processes of development, yet with each contradiction possessed of its own particularity".[22]

Differences from Marxism

Maoism and Marxism differ in the ways in which the proletariat are
defined, and in which political and economic conditions would start
a communist revolution.

1. For Karl Marx, the proletariat were the urban working


class, which was determined in the revolution by which
the bourgeoisie overthrew feudalism.[23] For Mao
Zedong, the proletariat were the millions of peasants, he
referred to as the popular masses. Mao based his Beijing, 1978. The billboard reads,
revolution upon the peasantry. They possessed, "Long Live Marxism, Leninism and
according to him, two qualities: (i) they were poor and (ii) Mao Zedong Thought!"
they were a political blank slate; in Mao's words, "[a]
clean sheet of paper has no blotches, and so the newest
and most beautiful words can be written on it".[24]
2. For Marx, the proletarian revolution was internally fueled by the capitalist mode of
production; that as capitalism developed, "a tension arises between the productive forces
and the mode of production".[25] The political tension between the productive forces (the
workers) and the owners of the means of production (the capitalists) would be an inevitable
incentive to proletarian revolution which would result in a communist society. Mao did not
subscribe to Marx's theory of inevitable cyclicality in the economic system. His goal was to
unify the Chinese nation and so realize progressive change for China in the form of
communism; hence, revolution was needed at once. In The Great Union of the Popular
Masses (1919), Mao wrote, that "[t]he decadence of the state, the sufferings of humanity, and
the darkness of society have all reached an extreme".[26]

After Mao Zedong's death

China

Shortly after Mao's death in 1976, Deng Xiaoping initiated socialist


market reforms in 1978, thereby beginning the radical change in
Mao's ideology in the People's Republic of China (PRC).[27]
Although Mao Zedong Thought nominally remains the state
ideology, Deng's admonition to "seek truth from facts" means that
state policies are judged on their practical consequences and in
many areas the role of ideology in determining policy has thus been
considerably reduced. Deng also separated Mao from Maoism,
making it clear that Mao was fallible and hence the truth of Maoism
comes from observing social consequences rather than by using
Mao's quotations as holy writ, as was done in Mao's lifetime.[28]

Contemporary Maoists in China criticize the social inequalities


created by the revisionist Communist Party. Some Maoists say that
Deng's Reform and Opening economic policies that introduced
market principles spelled the end of Maoism in China, although Mao Zedong
Deng himself asserted that his reforms were upholding Mao
Zedong Thought in accelerating the output of the country's
productive forces. A recent example of a Chinese politician
regarded as neo-Maoist in terms of political strategies and the use of
mass mobilization via red songs was Bo Xilai in Chongqing.[29]

In addition, the party constitution has been rewritten to give the


socialist ideas of Deng prominence over those of Mao. One
consequence of this is that groups outside China which describe
themselves as Maoist generally regard China as having repudiated
Maoism and restoring capitalism and there is a wide perception
both inside and outside China that China has abandoned Maoism.
However, while it is now permissible to question particular actions
of Mao and talk about excesses taken in the name of Maoism, there
is a prohibition in China on either publicly questioning the validity
of Maoism or on questioning whether the current actions of the
CCP are "Maoist".
Deng Xiaoping
Although Mao Zedong Thought is still listed as one of the Four
Cardinal Principles of the People's Republic of China, its historical
role has been re-assessed. The Communist Party now says that Maoism was necessary to break China free
from its feudal past, but it also says that the actions of Mao are seen to have led to excesses during the
Cultural Revolution.[30]

The official view is that China has now reached an economic and political stage, known as the primary
stage of socialism, in which China faces new and different problems completely unforeseen by Mao and as
such the solutions that Mao advocated are no longer relevant to China's current conditions. The official
proclamation of the new CCP stance came in June 1981, when the Sixth Plenum of the Eleventh National
Party Congress Central Committee took place. The 35,000-word Resolution on Certain Questions in the
History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China reads:

Chief responsibility for the grave 'Left' error of the 'cultural revolution,' an error
comprehensive in magnitude and protracted in duration, does indeed lie with Comrade Mao
Zedong [...] [and] far from making a correct analysis of many problems, he confused right and
wrong and the people with the enemy [...] herein lies his tragedy.[31]

Scholars outside China see this re-working of the definition of Maoism as providing an ideological
justification for what they see as the restoration of the essentials of capitalism in China by Deng and his
successors, who sought to "eradicate all ideological and physiological obstacles to economic reform".[32] In
1978, this led to the Sino-Albanian split when Albanian leader Enver Hoxha denounced Deng as a
revisionist and formed Hoxhaism as an anti-revisionist form of Marxism.

Mao himself is officially regarded by the CCP as a "great revolutionary leader" for his role in fighting
against the Japanese fascist invasion during the Second World War and creating the People's Republic of
China, but Maoism as implemented between 1959 and 1976 is regarded by today's CCP as an economic
and political disaster. In Deng's day, support of radical Maoism was regarded as a form of "left
deviationism" and being based on a cult of personality, although these "errors" are officially attributed to
the Gang of Four rather than being attributed to Mao himself.[33] Thousands of Maoists were arrested in the
Hua Guofeng period after 1976. The prominent Maoists Zhang Chunqiao and Jiang Qing were sentenced
to death with a two-year-reprieve while some others were sentenced to life imprisonment or imprisonment
for 15 years.

Internationally

After the death of Mao in 1976 and the resulting power-struggles in


China that followed, the international Maoist movement was
divided into three camps. One group, composed of various
ideologically nonaligned groups, gave weak support to the new
Chinese leadership under Deng Xiaoping. Another camp
denounced the new leadership as traitors to the cause of Marxism–
Leninism–Mao Zedong Thought. The third camp sided with the
Albanians in denouncing the Three Worlds Theory of the CCP (see
the Sino-Albanian split). Maoist leader Prachanda speaking at
a rally in Pokhara, Nepal
The pro-Albanian camp would start to function as an international
group as well[34] (led by Enver Hoxha and the APL) and was also
able to amalgamate many of the communist groups in Latin America, including the Communist Party of
Brazil.[35] Later, Latin American Communists such as Peru's Shining Path also embraced the tenets of
Maoism.[36]

The new Chinese leadership showed little interest in the various foreign groups supporting Mao's China.
Many of the foreign parties that were fraternal parties aligned with the Chinese government before 1975
either disbanded, abandoned the new Chinese government entirely, or even renounced Marxism–Leninism
and developed into non-communist, social democratic parties. What is today called the international Maoist
movement evolved out of the second camp—the parties that opposed Deng and said they upheld the true
legacy of Mao.
Components

New Democracy

The theory of the New Democracy was known to the Chinese revolutionaries from the late 1940s. This
thesis held that for the majority of the people of the planet, the long road to socialism could only be opened
by a "national, popular, democratic, anti-feudal and anti-imperialist revolution, run by the communists".[37]

People's war

Holding that "political power grows out of the barrel of a gun",[38] Maoism emphasizes the "revolutionary
struggle of the vast majority of people against the exploiting classes and their state structures", which Mao
termed a "people's war". Mobilizing large parts of rural populations to revolt against established institutions
by engaging in guerrilla warfare, Maoist Thought focuses on "surrounding the cities from the countryside".

Maoism views the industrial-rural divide as a major division exploited by capitalism, identifying capitalism
as involving industrial urban developed First World societies ruling over rural developing Third World
societies.[39] Maoism identifies peasant insurgencies in particular national contexts were part of a context of
world revolution, in which Maoism views the global countryside would overwhelm the global cities.[40]
Due to this imperialism by the capitalist urban First World towards the rural Third World, Maoism has
endorsed national liberation movements in the Third World.[40]

Mass line

Building on the theory of the vanguard party[41] by Vladimir Lenin, the theory of the mass line outlines a
strategy for the revolutionary leadership of the masses, consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat
and strengthening of the party and for the building of socialism. The mass line can be summarized by the
phrase "from the masses, to the masses". It has three components or stages:[42]

1. Gathering the diverse ideas of the masses.


2. Processing or concentrating these ideas from the perspective of revolutionary Marxism, in
light of the long-term, ultimate interests of the masses (which the masses themselves may
sometimes only dimly perceive) and in light of a scientific analysis of the objective situation.
3. Returning these concentrated ideas to the masses in the form of a political line which will
actually advance the mass struggle toward revolution.

These three steps should be applied over and over again, reiteratively uplifting practice and knowledge to
higher and higher stages.

Cultural Revolution

The theory of the Cultural Revolution states that the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the
proletariat does not wipe out bourgeois ideology; the class struggle continues and even intensifies during
socialism, therefore a constant struggle against these ideologies and their social roots must be conducted.
The Cultural Revolution is also directed against traditionalism.

Contradiction
Mao drew from the writings of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Vladimir Lenin, in elaborating his theory.
Philosophically, his most important reflections emerge on the concept of "contradiction" (maodun). In two
major essays, On Contradiction and On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People, he
adopts the positivist-empiricist idea (shared by Engels) that contradiction is present in matter itself and thus
also in the ideas of the brain. Matter always develops through a dialectical contradiction: "The
interdependence of the contradictory aspects present in all things and the struggle between these aspects
determine the life of things and push their development forward. There is nothing that does not contain
contradiction; without contradiction nothing would exist".[43]

Mao held that contradictions were the most important feature of society and since society is dominated by a
wide range of contradictions, this calls for a wide range of varying strategies. Revolution is necessary to
fully resolve antagonistic contradictions such as those between labour and capital. Contradictions arising
within the revolutionary movement call for ideological correction to prevent them from becoming
antagonistic. Furthermore, each contradiction (including class struggle, the contradiction holding between
relations of production and the concrete development of forces of production) expresses itself in a series of
other contradictions, some dominant, others not. "There are many contradictions in the process of
development of a complex thing, and one of them is necessarily the principal contradiction whose existence
and development determine or influence the existence and development of the other contradictions".[44]

The principal contradiction should be tackled with priority when trying to make the basic contradiction
"solidify". Mao elaborates further on this theme in the essay On Practice, "on the relation between
knowledge and practice, between knowing and doing". Here, Practice connects "contradiction" with "class
struggle" in the following way, claiming that inside a mode of production there are three realms where
practice functions: economic production, scientific experimentation (which also takes place in economic
production and should not be radically disconnected from the former) and finally class struggle. These may
be considered the proper objects of economy, scientific knowledge and politics.[45]

These three spheres deal with matter in its various forms, socially mediated. As a result, they are the only
realms where knowledge may arise (since truth and knowledge only make sense in relation to matter,
according to Marxist epistemology). Mao emphasizes—like Marx in trying to confront the "bourgeois
idealism" of his time—that knowledge must be based on empirical evidence. Knowledge results from
hypotheses verified in the contrast with a real object; this real object, despite being mediated by the subject's
theoretical frame, retains its materiality and will offer resistance to those ideas that do not conform to its
truth. Thus in each of these realms (economic, scientific and political practice), contradictions (principle and
secondary) must be identified, explored and put to function to achieve the communist goal. This involves
the need to know, "scientifically", how the masses produce (how they live, think and work), to obtain
knowledge of how class struggle (the main contradiction that articulates a mode of production, in its various
realms) expresses itself.

Three Worlds Theory

Three Worlds Theory states that during the Cold War two imperialist states formed the "first world"—the
United States and the Soviet Union. The second world consisted of the other imperialist states in their
spheres of influence. The third world consisted of the non-imperialist countries. Both the first and the
second world exploit the third world, but the first world is the most aggressive party. The workers in the
first and second world are "bought up" by imperialism, preventing socialist revolution. On the other hand,
the people of the third world have not even a short-sighted interest in the prevailing circumstances, hence
revolution is most likely to appear in third world countries, which again will weaken imperialism opening
up for revolutions in other countries too.[46]
Agrarian socialism

Maoism departs from conventional European-inspired Marxism in


that its focus is on the agrarian countryside, rather than the
industrial urban forces—this is known as agrarian socialism.
Notably, Maoist parties in Peru, Nepal, and the Philippines have
adopted equal stresses on urban and rural areas, depending on the
country's focus of economic activity. Maoism broke with the
framework of the Soviet Union under Nikita Khrushchev,
dismissing it as "state capitalist" and "revisionist", a pejorative term
among communists referring to those who fight for capitalism in the
name of socialism and who depart from historical and dialectical
materialism. Maoism is described as being
Marxism–Leninism adapted to
Although Maoism is critical of urban industrial capitalist powers, it Chinese conditions whereas its
views urban industrialization as a prerequisite to expand economic variant Marxism–Leninism–Maoism
development and socialist reorganization to the countryside, with is considered universally applicable
the goal being the achievement of rural industrialization that would
abolish the distinction between town and countryside.[47]

In China
In its post-revolutionary period, Mao Zedong Thought is defined in the CCP's Constitution as "Marxism–
Leninism applied in a Chinese context", synthesized by Mao and China's "first-generation leaders". It
asserts that class struggle continues even if the proletariat has already overthrown the bourgeoisie and there
are capitalist restorationist elements within the Communist Party itself. Maoism provided the CCP's first
comprehensive theoretical guideline with regards to how to continue socialist revolution, the creation of a
socialist society, socialist military construction and highlights various contradictions in society to be
addressed by what is termed "socialist construction". While it continues to be lauded to be the major force
that defeated "imperialism and feudalism" and created a "New China" by the Chinese Communist Party,
the ideology survives only in name on the Communist Party's Constitution as Deng Xiaoping abolished
most Maoist practices in 1978, advancing a guiding ideology called "socialism with Chinese
characteristics".[48]

International influence
From 1962 onwards, the challenge to the Soviet hegemony in the
world communist movement made by the CCP resulted in various
divisions in communist parties around the world. At an early stage,
the Albanian Party of Labour sided with the CCP.[49] So did many
of the mainstream (non-splinter group) Communist parties in South-
East Asia, like the Communist Party of Burma, Communist Party
of Thailand and Communist Party of Indonesia. Some Asian
parties, like the Communist Party of Vietnam and the Workers'
Party of Korea attempted to take a middle-ground position.
The Communist Party of Nepal
The Khmer Rouge of Cambodia is said to have been a replica of (Maoist Centre) in February 2013
the Maoist regime. According to the BBC, the Communist Party of
Kampuchea (CPK) in Cambodia, better known as the Khmer
Rouge, identified strongly with Maoism and it is generally labeled a Maoist movement today.[50][51]
However, Maoists and Marxists generally contend that the CPK strongly deviated from Marxist doctrine
and the few references to Maoist China in CPK propaganda were critical of the Chinese.[52]

Various efforts have sought to regroup the international communist movement under Maoism since the time
of Mao's death in 1976. In the West and Third World, a plethora of parties and organizations were formed
that upheld links to the CCP. Often they took names such as Communist Party (Marxist–Leninist) or
Revolutionary Communist Party to distinguish themselves from the traditional pro-Soviet communist
parties. The pro-CCP movements were in many cases based among the wave of student radicalism that
engulfed the world in the 1960s and 1970s.

Only one Western classic communist party sided with the CCP, the Communist Party of New Zealand.
Under the leadership of the CCP and Mao Zedong, a parallel international communist movement emerged
to rival that of the Soviets, although it was never as formalized and homogeneous as the pro-Soviet
tendency.

Another effort at regrouping the international communist movement is the International Conference of
Marxist–Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO). Three notable parties that participate in the
ICMLPO are the Marxist–Leninist Party of Germany (MLPD), the Communist Party of the Philippines
(CPP) and Marxist–Leninist Communist Organization – Proletarian Way. The ICMLPO seeks to unify
around Marxism–Leninism, not Maoism. However, some of the parties and organizations within the
ICMLPO identify as Mao Zedong Thought or Maoist.

Afghanistan

The Progressive Youth Organization was a Maoist organization in Afghanistan. It was founded in 1965
with Akram Yari as its first leader, advocating the overthrow of the then-current order by means of people's
war.

The Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan was founded in 2004 through the merger of five MLM
parties.[53]

Australia

The Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist) is a Maoist organisation in Australia. It was founded
in 1964 as a pro-Mao split from the Australian Communist Party.[54]

Bangladesh

The Purba Banglar Sarbahara Party is a Maoist party in Bangladesh. It was founded in 1968 with Siraj
Sikder as its first leader. The party played a role in the Bangladesh Liberation War.

Belgium

The Sino-Soviet split had an important influence on communism in Belgium. The pro-Soviet Communist
Party of Belgium experienced a split of a Maoist wing under Jacques Grippa. The latter was a lower-
ranking CPB member before the split, but Grippa rose in prominence as he formed a worthy internal
Maoist opponent to the CPB leadership. His followers where sometimes referred to as Grippisten or
Grippistes. When it became clear that the differences between the pro-Moscow leadership and the pro-
Beijing wing were too great, Grippa and his entourage decided to split from the CPB and formed the
Communist Party of Belgium – Marxist–Leninist (PCBML). The PCBML had some influence, mostly in
the heavily industrialized Borinage region of Wallonia, but never managed to gather more support than the
CPB. The latter held most of its leadership and base within the pro-Soviet camp. However, the PCBML
was the first European Maoist party, and was recognized at the time of its foundation as the largest and
most important Maoist organization in Europe outside of Albania.[55][56]

Although the PCBML never really gained a foothold in Flanders, there was a reasonably successful Maoist
movement in this region. Out of the student unions that formed in the wake of the May 1968 protests, Alle
Macht Aan De Arbeiders (AMADA) or All Power To The Workers, was formed as a vanguard party-
under-construction. This Maoist group originated mostly out of students from the universities of Leuven
and Ghent, but did manage to gain some influence among the striking miners during the shut-downs of the
Belgian stonecoal mines in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This group became the Workers' Party of
Belgium (PVDA-PTB) in 1979 and still exists today, although its power base has shifted somewhat from
Flanders towards Wallonia. The WPB stayed loyal to the teachings of Mao for a long time, but after a
general congress held in 2008 the party formally broke with its Maoist/Stalinist past.[57]

Ecuador

The Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun, also known as Puka Inti, is a small Maoist guerrilla
organization in Ecuador.

India

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) is the leading Maoist organisation in India. The CPI (Maoist) is
designated as a terrorist organisation in India under Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.[58]

Iran

The Union of Iranian Communists (Sarbedaran) was an Iran Maoist organization. The UIC (S) was formed
in 1976 after the alliance of a number of Maoist groups carrying out military actions within Iran. In 1982,
the UIC (S) mobilized forces in forests around Amol and launched an insurgency against the Islamist
Government. The uprising was eventually a failure and many UIC (S) leaders were shot. The party
dissolved in 1982[59]

Following the dissolution of the Union of Iranian Communists, the Communist Party of Iran (Marxist–
Leninist–Maoist) was formed in 2001. The party is continuation of Sarbedaran Movement and the Union of
Iranian Communists (Sarbedaran). CPI (MLM) believes that Iran is a 'semifeudal-semicolonial' country and
is trying to launch 'People's war' in Iran.

Palestine

The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine is a Maoist political and military organization. The
DFLP's original political orientation was based on the view that Palestinian national goals could be
achieved only through revolution of the masses and people's war.

Philippines
The Communist Party of the Philippines is the largest communist party in the Philippines, active since
December 26, 1968 (Mao's birthday). It was formed as a result of the First Great Rectification Movement
and a split between the old Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas-1930 which the founders saw as revisionist. The
CPP was formed on Maoist lines in stark contrast with the old PKP which put primary focus to the
parliamentary struggle. The CPP was founded by Jose Maria Sison and other cadres from the old party.[60]

The CPP also has an armed wing which it exercises absolute control over, namely the New People's Army.
It currently wages a guerrilla war against the government of the Republic of the Philippines in the
countryside and is still currently active. Both the CPP and the NPA are part of the National Democratic
Front of the Philippines, a consolidation of Maoist sectoral organizations such as Kabataang Makabayan as
part of the united front strategy. The NDFP also represents the people's democratic government in peace
talks.[61]

Peru

In the late 1970s, the Peruvian Communist Party, Shining Path developed and synthesized Maoism into
Marxism–Leninism–Maoism, a contemporary variety of Marxism–Leninism that is a supposed higher level
of Marxism–Leninism that can be applied universally.[62]

Portugal

Maoist movements in Portugal were very active during the 1970s,


especially during the Carnation Revolution that led to the fall of the
nationalist government (the Estado Novo) in 1974.

The largest Maoist movement in Portugal was the Portuguese


Workers' Communist Party. The party was among the most active
resistance movements before the Portuguese democratic revolution
of 1974, especially among students of Lisbon. After the revolution,
The flag of FP-25
the MRPP achieved fame for its large and highly artistic mural
paintings.

Intensely active during 1974 and 1975, during that time the party had members that later came to be very
important in national politics. For example, a future Prime Minister of Portugal, José Manuel Durão
Barroso was active within Maoist movements in Portugal and identified as a Maoist. In the 1980s, the
Forças Populares 25 de Abril was another far-left Maoist armed organization operating in Portugal between
1980 and 1987 with the goal of creating socialism in post-revolutionary Portugal.

Spain

The Communist Party of Spain (Reconstituted) was a Spanish clandestine Maoist party. The armed wing of
the party was First of October Anti-Fascist Resistance Groups.

Sweden

In 1968, a small extremist Maoist sect called Rebels (Swedish: Rebellerna) was established in Stockholm.
Led by Francisco Sarrión, the group unsuccessfully demanded the Chinese embassy to admit them into the
Chinese Communist Party. The organization only lasted a few months.[63]
Turkey

The Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist–Leninist (TKP/ML) is a Maoist organization in Turkey currently


waging a people's war against the Turkish government. It was founded in 1972 as split from another illegal
Maoist party, the Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Party of Turkey (TİİKP) that was founded by Doğu
Perinçek in 1969, led by İbrahim Kaypakkaya. The armed wing of the party is named the Workers' and
Peasants' Liberation Army in Turkey (TİKKO).

TİİKP is succeeded by the Patriotic Party that is a Kemalist, left-wing nationalist and Eurasianist party.

United Kingdom

United States

After the tumultuous 1960s (particularly the events of 1968,


such as the launch of the Tet Offensive, the assassination of
Martin Luther King Jr., nation-wide university protests and the
election of Richard Nixon), proponents of Maoist ideology
constituted the "largest and most dynamic" branch of American
socialism.[65][66] From this branch came a collection of
"newspapers, journals, books, and pamphlets," each of which
spoke on the unreformability of the American system and
proclaimed the need for a concerted social revolution.[65]
Among the many Maoist principles, the group of aspiring
Mao Zedong meets Richard Nixon on
American revolutionaries sympathized with the idea of a
February 21, 1972, leading to a radical
protracted people's war, which would allow for citizens to
turn of events in which Nixon took steps
martially address the oppressive nature of global capitalism.[67]
to placate tensions between the People's
Also during the 1960s, mounting discontent with racial Republic of China and the United States,
oppression and socio-economic exploitation birthed the two beginning the slow process of
largest, officially-organized Maoist groups: namely, the reestablishing diplomatic relations
Revolutionary Communist Party and the October League.[68] between the two global powers[64]
But these were not the only groups: a slew of organizations and
movements emerged across the globe as well, including I Wor
Kuen, the Black Workers Congress, the Puerto Rican Revolutionary Workers Organization, the August
Twenty-Ninth Movement, the Workers Viewpoint Organization, and many others—all of which overtly
supported Maoist doctrine.[65]

Orchestrated by The Guardian, in the spring of 1973, an attempt to conflate the strands of American
Maoism was made with a series of sponsored forums, titled "What Road to Building a New Communist
Party?" That spring the forums drew 1,200 attendants to a New York City auditorium.[69] The central
message of the event revolved around "building an anti-revisionist, non-Trotskyist, non-anarchist party".[70]
From this other forums were held worldwide, covering topics such as "The Role of the Anti-Imperialist
Forces in the Antiwar Movement" and "The Question of the Black Nation"—each forum rallying, on
average, an audience of 500 activists, and serving as a "barometer of the movement's strength."[69]

The Americans' burgeoning Maoist and Marxist–Leninist movements proved optimistic for a potential
revolution, but "a lack of political development and rampant rightist and ultra-leftist opportunism" thwarted
the advancement of the greater communist initiative.[69] In 1972, Richard Nixon made a landmark visit to
the People's Republic of China to shake hands with Chairman Mao Zedong; this simple handshake marked
the gradual pacification of Eastern–Western hostility and the re-formation of relations between "the most
powerful and most populous" global powers: the United States and China.[71][72] Nearly a decade after the
Sino-Soviet split, this newfound amiability between the two nations quieted American-based counter-
capitalist rumblings and marked the steady decline of American Maoism, until its unofficial cessation in the
early-1980s.[73]

The Black Panthers Party (BPP) was another American-based, left-wing revolutionary party to oppose
American global imperialism; it was a self-described Black militant organization with metropolitan chapters
in Oakland, New York, Chicago, Seattle and Los Angeles, and an overt sympathizer with global anti-
imperialistic movements (e.g. Vietnam's resistance of American neo-colonial efforts).[74][75][76][77] It was
in 1971, a year before Nixon's monumental visit, that BPP leader Huey P. Newton landed in China,
whereafter he was immediately enthralled with the mystical East and the achievements of China's
communist revolution.[78] After his return to the United States, Newton said that "[e]verything I saw in
China demonstrated that the People's Republic is a free and liberated territory with a socialist government"
and "[t]o see a classless society in operation is unforgettable".[79] He extolled the Chinese police force as
one that "[served] the people" and considered the Chinese antithetical to American law enforcement which
according to Newton represented "one huge armed group that was opposed to the will of the people".[79]
In general, Newton's first encounter with anti-capitalist society commenced a psychological liberation and
embedded within him the desire to subvert the American system in favor of what the BPP called
"revolutionary intercommunalism".[80] Furthermore, the BPP itself was founded on a similar politico-
philosophical framework as that of Mao's CCP, that is, "the philosophical system of dialectical materialism"
coupled with traditional Marxist theory.[78] The words of Mao himself, quoted liberally in BPP speeches
and writings, served as a guiding light for the party's analysis and theoretical application of Marxist
ideology.[81]

In his autobiography Revolutionary Suicide, published in 1973, Newton wrote:

Chairman Mao says that death comes to all of us, but it varies in its significance: to die for the
reactionary is lighter than a feather; to die for the revolution is heavier than Mount Tai. [...]
When I presented my solutions to the problems of Black people, or when I expressed my
philosophy, people said, "Well, isn't that socialism?" Some of them were using the socialist
label to put me down, but I figured that if this was socialism, then socialism must be a correct
view. So I read more of the works of the socialists and began to see a strong similarity between
my beliefs and theirs. My conversion was complete when I read the four volumes of Mao Tse-
tung to learn more about the Chinese Revolution.[79]

Criticism and implementation


Maoism has fallen out of favour within the Chinese Communist Party, beginning with Deng Xiaoping's
reforms in 1978. Deng believed that Maoism showed the dangers of "ultra-leftism", manifested in the harm
perpetrated by the various mass movements that characterized the Maoist era. In Chinese communism, the
term "left" can be taken as a euphemism for Maoist policies. However, Deng stated that the revolutionary
side of Maoism should be considered separate from the governance side, leading to his famous epithet that
Mao was "70% right, 30% wrong".[82] Chinese scholars generally agree that Deng's interpretation of
Maoism preserves the legitimacy of Communist rule in China, but at the same time criticizes Mao's brand of
economic and political governance.

Critic Graham Young says that Maoists see Joseph Stalin as the last true socialist leader of the Soviet
Union, but allows that the Maoist assessments of Stalin vary between the extremely positive and the more
ambivalent.[83] Some political philosophers, such as Martin Cohen, have seen in Maoism an attempt to
combine Confucianism and socialism—what one such called "a
third way between communism and capitalism".[84]

Enver Hoxha critiqued Maoism from a Marxist–Leninist


perspective, arguing that New Democracy halts class struggle,[85]
allows unrestricted capitalist exploitation,[85] the theory of the three
worlds is "counter-revolutionary"[86] and questioned Mao's guerilla
warfare methods.[87]

Some say Mao departed from Leninism not only in his near-total
lack of interest in the urban working class, but also in his concept
of the nature and role of the party. For Lenin, the party was
sacrosanct because it was the incarnation of the "proletarian Despite falling out of favor within the
consciousness" and there was no question about who were the Chinese Communist Party by 1978,
teachers and who were the pupils. On the other hand, for Mao this Mao is still revered, with Deng's
question would always be virtually impossible to answer.[88] famous "70% right, 30% wrong" line

The implementation of Maoist thought in China was arguably


responsible for as many as 70 million deaths during peacetime,[89][90] with the Cultural Revolution, Anti-
Rightist Campaign of 1957–1958[91] and the Great Leap Forward. Some historians have argued that
because of Mao's land reforms during the Great Leap Forward which resulted in famines, thirty million
perished between 1958 and 1961. By the end of 1961, the birth rate was nearly cut in half because of
malnutrition.[92] Active campaigns, including party purges and "reeducation" resulted in imprisonment
and/or the execution of those deemed contrary to the implementation of Maoist ideals.[93] The incidents of
destruction of cultural heritage, religion and art remain controversial. Some Western scholars saw Maoism
specifically engaged in a battle to dominate and subdue nature and was a catastrophe for the
environment.[94]

Populism

Mao also believed strongly in the concept of a unified people. These notions were what prompted him to
investigate the peasant uprisings in Hunan while the rest of China's communists were in the cities and
focused on the orthodox Marxist proletariat.[95] Many of the pillars of Maoism such as the distrust of
intellectuals and the abhorrence of occupational specialty are typical populist ideas.[13] The concept of
"people's war" which is so central to Maoist thought is directly populist in its origins. Mao believed that
intellectuals and party cadres had to become first students of the masses to become teachers of the masses
later. This concept was vital to the strategy of the aforementioned "people's war".[13]

Nationalism

Mao's nationalist impulses also played a crucially important role in the adaption of Marxism to the Chinese
model and in the formation of Maoism.[96] Mao truly believed that China was to play a crucial preliminary
role in the socialist revolution internationally. This belief, or the fervor with which Mao held it, separated
Mao from the other Chinese communists and led Mao onto the path of what Leon Trotsky called
"Messianic Revolutionary Nationalism", which was central to his personal philosophy.[95] German post–
World War II far-right activist Michael Kühnen, himself a former Maoist, once praised Maoism as being a
Chinese form of Nazism.[97]

Mao-Spontex
Mao-Spontex refers to a Maoist interpretation in western Europe which stresses the importance of the
cultural revolution and overthrowing hierarchy.[98]

See also
Asiatic mode of production
Deng Xiaoping Theory
History of the People's Republic of China
Ideology of the Chinese Communist Party
Mao Zedong's cult of personality
Marxism–Leninism
Marxism–Leninism–Maoism
New Left in China
Three Represents
Scientific Outlook on Development
Socialism with Chinese characteristics
Xi Jinping Thought

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Further reading
Brown, Jeremy, and Matthew D. Johnson, eds. Maoism at the Grassroots: Everyday Life in
China's Era of High Socialism (Harvard UP, 2015) online review (https://muse.jhu.edu/articl
e/711044/summary).
Cook, Alexander C., ed. Mao's Little Red Book: A Global History (Cambridge UP, 2014).
Feigon, Lee. Mao: A Reinterpretation. Ivan R. Dee, Publisher.
Fields, Belden. “French Maoism,” in The 60s Without Apology, ed. Sohnya Sayrers et al.
(University of Minnesota Press, 1984), 148–78
Gregor, A. James and Maria Hsia Chang. "Maoism and Marxism in Comparative
Perspective." The Review of Politics. Vol. 40, No. 3, (1978). pp. 307–327. JSTOR 1407255
(https://www.jstor.org/stable/1407255).
Kang, Liu. "Maoism: Revolutionary globalism for the Third World revisited." Comparative
Literature Studies 52.1 (2015): 12–28. online (https://scholar.google.com/scholar?output=inst
link&q=info:Nit3OGBGmUoJ:scholar.google.com/&hl=en&as_sdt=1,27&as_ylo=2014&scillf
p=8304684927723402367&oi=lle)
Lanza, Fabio. The end of concern: Maoist China, activism, and Asian studies (Duke UP,
2017). online review (https://muse.jhu.edu/article/704924)
Lovell, Julia. Maoism: A Global History (2019), a comprehensive scholarly history; excerpt (h
ttps://www.amazon.com/Maoism-Global-History-Julia-Lovell-ebook/dp/B07L7TF741/)
Meisner, Maurice. "Leninism and Maoism: Some Populist Perspectives on Marxism–
Leninism in China." The China Quarterly. No. 45, January–March 1971. pp. 2–36.
JSTOR 651881 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/651881).
Mignon, Carlos, and Adam Fishwick. "Origins and evolution of Maoism in Argentina, 1968–
1971." Labor History 59.4 (2018): 454–471. online (https://dora.dmu.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/
2086/14717/Origins%20and%20Evolution%20of%20Maoism%20-%20LH%20FINAL.docx?
sequence=1&isAllowed=y)
Ning, Wang. "Introduction: global Maoism and cultural revolutions in the global context."
Comparative literature studies 52.1 (2015): 1–11. online (https://muse.jhu.edu/article/57608
0/pdf)
Palmer, David Scott. ed. The Shining Path of Peru (2nd ed 1994) excerpt (https://www.amaz
on.com/Shining-Path-Peru-NA-1994-09-15/dp/B01K17EEX0/)
Seth, Sanjay. “India Maoism: The Significance of Naxalbari,” in Critical Perspectives on
Media and Society, ed. R. Avery and D. Easton (Guilford Press, 1991), 289–313.
Starn, Orin. "Maoism in the Andes: The Communist Party of Peru-Shining Path and the
refusal of history." Journal of Latin American Studies 27.2 (1995): 399–421. online (http://ww
w.umass.edu/legal/Benavides/Fall2005/397U/Readings%20Legal%20397U/8%20Orin%20
Starn.pdf)
Srivastava, Arun. Maoism in India (2015) excerpt (https://www.amazon.com/MAOISM-INDIA-
Arun-Srivastava/dp/9351865134/)
Steiner, H. Arthur. "Maoism or Stalinism for Asia?" Far Eastern Survey. Institute of Pacific
Relations. Vol. 22, No. 1, January 14, 1953. p. 1–5. JSTOR 3024690 (https://www.jstor.org/st
able/3024690).
Marxism in the Chinese Revolution by Arif Dirlik.
Trotskyism and Maoism: Theory and Practise in France and the United States. A. Belden
Fields (1988).
Rethinking Mao: Explorations in Mao Zedong's Thought by Nick Knight.
The Function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao by Donald Lowe.
Maoism and the Chinese Revolution: A Critical Introduction by Elliott Liu.
Li Ta-chao and the Origins of Chinese Marxism by Maurice Meisner.
Marxism, Maoism, and Utopianism: Eight Essays by Maurice Meisner.
Mao's China and After by Maurice Mesiner.
Continuity and Rupture: Philosophy in the Maoist Terrain by J. Moufawad-Paul (2017).
The Political Thought of Mao Tse-Tung by Stuart Schram.
Mao Tse-Tung, the Marxist Lord of Misrule: On Practice and Contradiction by Slavoj Zizek.
Mao Tse-Tung Unrehearsed by Stuart Schram (Pelican).

External links
"Guiding thought of revolution: the heart of Maoism" (http://lesmaterialistes.com/files/images/
pdf1/Guidingthought.pdf) (PDF). international project.
Marx2Mao.org (http://www.marx2mao.com/Mao/Index.html). Mao Internet Library.
The Encyclopedia of Marxism (https://marxists.org/glossary/terms/m/a.htm#maoism). Mao
Zedong Thought.
The Encyclopedia of Marxism (https://www.marxists.org/glossary/people/m/a.htm#mao-tse-tu
ng). Mao's life.
Monthly Review (http://www.monthlyreview.org/0105commentary.htm) Archived (https://web.
archive.org/web/20110317032355/http://www.monthlyreview.org/0105commentary.htm)
2011-03-17 at the Wayback Machine (January 2005). Text of the leaflets distributed by the
Zhengzhou Four.
World Revolution Media (https://web.archive.org/web/20151016073833/http://revmedia.net/).
Maoist revolutionary film, music and art archive.
Batchelor, J. (2009). "Maoism and Classical Marxism" (http://cliojournal.wikispaces.com/Mao
ism+and+Classical+Marxism) Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20180902164316/http://
cliojournal.wikispaces.com/Maoism+and+Classical+Marxism) 2018-09-02 at the Wayback
Machine. Clio History Journal.
"A new economic study says China could grow more quickly by 2036 if Chairman Mao's
policies were brought back" (http://www.businessinsider.in/A-new-economic-study-says-Chi
na-could-grow-more-quickly-by-2036-if-Chairman-Maos-policies-were-brought-back/articles
how/48423199.cms). Business Insider. 10 August 2015.

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