Der Guote Gêrhart
Der Guote Gêrhart
Der Guote Gêrhart
to welcome me so well.
One of the squires informed me
that he was called Stranmûr. 1450
He was the territorial duke
and was the castellan of the castle.
[Gerhart continues:] He was so well mannered,
although he was a heathen,
that I am wishing him, to be sure, 1455
always the best in the name of God.
Now I praised God for the kindness
that he had turned my sorrow
so fully into happiness
and increased my joy 1460
in such a blissful manner for one man,
which I have never heard of before,
except for that moment,
when he informed me
about his own rulership over the harbor 1465
and that I was so fortunate to be freed
from paying a toll, indeed.
I gave great thanks to God
who had bestowed that grace upon me.
When I went to my private chamber, 1470
the lord offered me many honors
and upon his own friendship
ordered that I should receive
whatever I should ask for.
As a sign of his good breeding he granted me even more, 1475
more than what I would have requested from him,
and this all through the loyalty of companionship.
His dedication was new to me,36
yet I begged him
to approach me with the personal ‘you’. 1480
Thus he shared with me in lovely fellowship
loyal company.
One day he asked me,
when we were together, to let him
see the treasure of my merchandise. 1485
I was pleased about it. I allowed him to examine it
what I had brought with me for sale.
He looked at it carefully.
It all seemed valuable and wealthy to him,
[and said] that he had never seen 1490
anything in such splendor
35
I clearly recognized
that their pitiful suffering
came from heart-felt pain.
Then an old lord took me 2155
by my hand, and I asked him
in what language my lady, blessed by good fortune,
had been raised.
[Gerhart:] “Does she speak French!” He said: “Yes.”
Then I greeted my lady in that way, 2160
as it seemed fitting to me,
trying to avoid misbehavior.
She was very thankful to me
in her womanly courtliness.
Her eyes were filled with tears. 2165
I then said to the knight:
“Lord, speak on my behalf.”
He responded: “No, the treasure of fortune
adorns your soul.
After a wise flowering 2170
you have brought forth the fruit of fortune.
God was in a most kind mood,
when He granted to you human life
filled with such virtues.
You are so filled with pure wisdom, 2175
your mouth can speak for itself.”
Then I began to speak.
I said: “Lady, I am a man
who must pursue the life of a merchant,
I have always been bent on purchasing 2180
wherever I found affordable goods.
I have gained to some extent
many goods through purchase:
I have brought it here into this land.
The castellan desires to acquire it 2185
through offering you to me.
He wants me to have you in exchange,
if I give him everything what I own,
and he wants to give me the knights,
who endure a miserable life here. 2190
But now this purchase
is somewhat too costly for me,
if you were to be my payment.
A piece of cloth or silk
I might trade more easily, 2195
51
in great esteem
the kingdom’s crown, 3870
through which he gained much praise.
When he died an honorable death,
I inherited the rich kingdom
according to the laws, but I was
a young man, just a child. 3875
When the lords of the land
elected me according to princely virtues,
and treated me well,
as it behooved their honor,
I took their advice well to heart. 3880
They were pleased about that, observing that in me.
Both I and they were happy to learn
the good news
that King Reinmunt [of Norway]
had raised a dear child, 3885
very beautiful, not lacking in any blissfulness,
who was very fitting for me,
and the princes recommended
that I should marry her.
I sent my messengers there 3890
to find out what this beauty and her father might think about it.
Once they had seen her,
they returned and informed me
that the wishfulness of all good fortune
was fulfilled in her, 3895
and that Reinmunt of Norway
would be happy to have me as his son-in-law.
This my messengers told me then.
I was happy about it and traveled there
together with a delightful company; 3900
they had joined me
in their chivalric worthiness.
I selected the best whom I found
all over the kingdom of England:
twelve of them were the most outstanding, 3905
nearly sixty years of age,
and twelve of them were honorable
and had reached the age of about thirty.
Some of them were
mighty princes, 3910
the others were barons and knights.
I had also taken with me twelve maids,
90
his body was her body, and his good was her good.
Her heart contained the hero’s body,
his heart was in this pure woman.
When he laughed, she was happy;
when he lamented something, she did so with him; 4750
when he kissed her, she kissed him back.
Thus both their minds
expressed themselves in them equally
through love free from sorrow.
By means of constant love without any evil doubt 4755
their minds became strong again
through steady and great love.
They embraced each other
in a hearty hug.137
Their past sorrow had to move to pity 4760
anyone who watched them,
noting their joy shared between them.
They did not get tired of being together:
there were sweet hugs, soft embraces,
lovely kisses, sweet faces. 4765
They did not say anything else to each other but:
“Kiss me, kiss me, and kiss me,
kiss me, beloved, I am going to kiss you.
I feel so delighted in my heart
that I have found you, my love. 4770
Heartfelt beloved, you give me delight.
You are love in my heart
Honor be given to sweet Christ
in whose name you have arrived
granting me your blissful presence. 4775
Honored be the pure woman
who gave birth to you.
Oh dear, my love, I was so destroyed
when I lost you out of sight.
Your disappearance made its effects appear on me. 4780
I lost when you were lost.
Whatever would you had ever observed on me,
I shared with you.
You are mine, I am yours, I want to be yours.”
Each one then tenderly offered 4785
their red lips to the other.
This was a sweet kiss,
exchanged in a passionate manner.138
His cheek rested on hers
110
4920
a love which forced him to pursue intense love as well.141
I would be rather pompous to claim
that the prince of England
was dubbed a knight because of me;
instead it was the desire by God and the lady, 4925
which brought about my greatest fortune.
The day passed with joys.
After the night had spread its darkness
all over the world,
then very quickly 4930
the light of the next day appeared again.
The knightly company agreed
to attend mass,
where the prince received
the name of a knight and hence joined knighthood. 4935
With the double force of joy
this day was even better than the day before
in terms of the knights’ various amusements,
like the joy which had made the previous day
so enjoyable to all. 4940
That day was filled with many joys,
when the prince received the sword;
the lord had arrived as a squire
and here gained the name of a knight.
After my dear lord had become a knight 4945
in the knightly fashion,
and once the bohort had been completed
and everyone was supposed to sit down,
we did no longer waited:
my dear son and I rode then 4950
to where my lord was sitting.
I said: “Lord, since sweet Christ
has arranged it so
that this day is yours
(yesterday the festival was mine), 4955
everyone present is requesting
that they will be allowed to stay with you.
So you should ask them for that favor, and I will do so as well,
until your wedding festival will be over.”
My lord did not tarry, 4960
he rode together with me to the court.
My lord the archbishop
granted him that request.
114
he had a son,158
who had decided in his mind
already in his youth that he would acquire the praise of the world;
he was a true flower of virtues.
God had bestowed upon him 5405
an inner drive, and this already since his childhood,
to make his youthful honor
to flower as a blossoming branch,
which you can see in all of its glory.
It was certainly to be expected 5410
that the blooming flower
would yield a fruit of sweet goodness
by way of delightful breeding,
as flowers bring forth fruit.
But then the light of the shining flower dropped. 5415
What was supposed to develop into the fruit
following the promise of the blossom,
turned, unfortunately,
into crying and lamenting sorrow.
The brightness of the flower, and its fruit are dead. 5420
The sweet childish youthfulness,
the purely growing manly virtues
disappeared entirely in its blossom.
He was called Willehalm,
who was supposed to carry our crown. 5425
Let us tell you how he perished.
He led a delightful company
across the sea to Norway
and there got engaged with the king’s daughter.
I have never heard anywhere 5430
of such a lovely person.
When he took his future wife with him,
he drowned in the sea.
Many of us lords
had been with the princess 5435
who survived with us at sea.
[But] we suffered, together with our lady
great pain in imprisonment,
until a very good man
ransomed us with his goods. 5440
He brought us back from heathendom;
out of his strength of great inner humbleness
he let us journey home again.
He reached the agreement with us
125
of high-spirited knighthood.
After many joyful events the night came to an end.
When the morning dawned 6020
and the sun’s gleaming grew steadily,
many proud guests
went to the cathedral where the mass was read.
After the singing was over, it did not take long
before the knights returned 6025
with well-decked chargers
to the tournament enclosure.
The horse bells rang loudly,
the banners fluttered strongly in the wind,
the bohort was carried out in such a knightly fashion 6030
as it had never been seen before so beautifully.
After that had come to an end
and everyone went to sit down,
my lord did not fail to ask me
to take a seat at the table 6035
next to my lady.
My son sat next to him.
I can tell for sure
that never before has anyone among my companions
been seated in such great honors 6040
and in such great worthiness.
I was treated lavishly
with great respect and joy
by the cheerful crowed.
Everyone, both poor and rich, 6045
was happy to make sure
that my good fortune increased
and that God took away
all suffering from me with His might.
The entire group of knights wished that for me. 6050
When the worthy company got up
and endeavored to give everyone a good cheer
with a bohort and dance,
those lords and their companies went
then to the king 6055
whom he denied before
friendship and grace,
which they had lost
because of their great guilt.
They fell down in the grass before him 6060
and sought his gracefulness.
139
on behalf of my creator.
My heart says that I must follow you
insofar as I could not copy
in hundredfold efforts your example
and thus achieve the same goal. 6680
My fame has been defeated.
The scale weighs us differently;
the measuring scale grants me barely a small amount,
while the other scale gives you
twenty-five pounds in goodness, 6685
in purely high spirit.
While I founded a church on behalf of God
and endowed it, to please the divine command,
with servants and property,
then that still weighed very little 6690
in comparison with your sweet and great goodness.
The friendship of princes, counts, and their companions
you acquired by way of your great sweet goodness
and then you let them free in the name of God.
You took, on behalf of your creator, 6695
a noble, rich princess
treating her with full respect
and then you handed her over to your son as his wife
and entrusted her to him. Immediately thereupon
you received from God 6700
a true message.
You showed that you love, strengthened by His support,
God more than yourself, being obedient like a child.
You handed over your son’s wife
to her fiancé in the name of mighty Christ. 6705
Shortly thereafter
you gave the royal crown and the country
away in the name of God,
then also the shire, the dukedom,
cities, princely fame 6710
and much worldly reputation.
You rejected for the sake of your soul’s salvation
the mighty worthiness here in this life.190
Since now the heavenly crown
cannot be denied to you 6715
as an ever-lasting reward,
please pray to God
to have mercy on me
as a poor sinner.
154
Endnotes
1. To translate the Middle High German term ‘muot’ properly into English might be a near
impossibility. “Muot” means the affective powers of the human soul, but also refers to the
psychological, intellectual, and voluntary forces in the human mind. There are many possible
meanings in the modern context, such as ‘thought,’ ‘mind,’ ‘bravery,’ ‘courage,’ ‘attitude,’
‘sense,’ or ‘spirit.’ See Otfrid Ehrismann, Ehre und Mut, Âventiure und Minne (1995), 148-51.
Here and throughout I have heavily relied on the excellent Wörterbuchnetzt.de, online at
webpagehttp://woerterbuchnetz.de/, especially the standard dictionary by Matthias Lexer.
3. The poet seems to be unclear about the differences between Otto I, the founder of the
bishopric of Magdeburg, then his son, Otto II, also called ‘the Red,’ and Otto IV, rival king to
the Hohenstaufen King Frederick II; for Otto II, see Tina Bode, König und Bischof in ottonischer
Zeit (2015); cf. also the excellent article online at:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Otto_II,_Holy_Roman_Emperor (last accessed on Aug. 19, 2016).
In the introduction to this volume I discuss the historical issues involving Otto IV, who Rudolf
probably targeted with his romance.
4. Literally: ‘misdeeds,’ but in this context the poet really means ‘evil thoughts’ or ‘sinful
thinking.’
5. These are unfree, and yet noble servants at royal courts, assuming bureaucratic functions. The
ministeriales rose, in the course of time, to the new dominant group of aristocrats.
6. Thus the archbishop of Magedeburg, founded in 968 by Otto I, temporarily received the status
of a high ranking imperial advisor, which was, however, only a political move by Otto IV. The
emperor conceded many significant royal privileges to Archbishop Albrecht II on May 12, 1209;
globally, see Bernd Ulrich Hucker, Otto IV.: Der wiederentdeckte Kaiser (2003); Otto IV. Traum
vom welfischen Kaisertum, ed. Bernd Ulrich Hucker (2009); Wolfgang Huschner, “Zwischen
Staufern, Welfen und Päpsten (2012), 163–172. For a detailed chronology of Magdeburg, see
http://magdeburger-chronist.de/md-chronik/ch-1200.html (last accessed on Aug. 17, 2016).
7. The poet indicates here already how wrong Emperor Otto’s attitude was, which will grow
considerably in the following section.
8. “The Lord of Sabaoth was a title of Jehovah; the hosts were the armies of Israel (1 Sam.
160
17:45) but also included the angelic armies of heaven (Judg. 5:20; 2 Kgs. 6:17; Rom. 9:29;
James 5:4; see also D&C 87:7; 88:2; 95:7; 98:2).” Quoted from Bible Dictionary,
https://www.lds.org/scriptures/bd/sabaoth?lang=eng (last accessed on July 23, 2016).
9. These are the basic four elements, a fundamental concept in ancient and medieval scientific
thinking.
10. The poet simply enjoys playing with the alliteration and a figura etymologica: “ein leben
lebendez leben hat.”
11. The concept of loyalty matters deeply for Rudolf, since it determines the political, military,
and personal relationship between the knight and his lord and also between friends, not to forget
lovers and marriage partners, and ultimately between the Godhead and the human individual. See
now the contributions to Loyalty in the Middle Ages (2015).
13. The weak verb ‘erbeizen’ actually means ‘to get off a horse,’ ‘to step down,’ but since the
poet wanted to create a rhyme between ‘erbeiz’ and ‘bereit,’ he probably meant the opposite, that
is, ‘to get up.’ Unless, as I am suggesting here, he was actually sitting in his imperial prayer
alcove high up in the cathedral and so had to come down.
14. Rudolf means here the archbishop, since Cologne was one of the three seats of an
archbishop, all being part of the group of seven royal electors in Germany.
16. There is a slight contradiction here. While the emperor wanted to travel by himself to
Cologne, he still took a band of confidants with him. Arriving in Cologne, he was majestically
welcomed, so there was no secret about that. Yet, here, they all wonder about him having
traveled by himself. We have to imagine that the emperor, under normal circumstances, would
have been accompanied by his entire court, so there would have been a splendid welcome, which
is now totally subdued, even though the bishop and his people still greet him in all proper
fashion.
17. In the original the text says the opposite, which does not make sense here: They would not
have liked to come.
18. Chronologically, the narrator only means here to announce that the burghers would come to
the dinner. That is following only afterwards.
19. Even though this line does not make much sense, or would be entirely unnecessary, the need
for rhyming words “zestunde / munde” apparently motivated the poet to include this verse.
20. The poet uses here an archaic term, “wîgant,” meaning ‘hero,’ normally used only in older
heroic epic literature, but still employed also in late medieval German epic poems dedicated to
161
Dietrich.
21. The true meaning here would be that everyone, irrespective of his social status, spoke up. It
is very unlikely that truly ‘poor’ or ‘destitute’ people would have joined that imperial council.
22. Literally: whoever is practicing counseling, but the emperor is actively looking for advice.
23. Emperor Otto thereby might signal, which has triggered much research, as I have outlined in
the introduction, how much this romance reflects a new sense of urban pride and the imperial
cities’s independence from local authorities. However, we would have to be very careful in such
assessments because the poet simply draws from a host of rhetorical tropes and does not intend
in the present context to comment on actual historical power structures in the Holy Roman
Empire.
24. Here we immediately perceive the global contrast between those two men. The emperor was
driven to carry out his actions in favor of the Church in order to gain God’s favor; Gerhart tries
to hide his own accomplishments and thus displays a venerable form of humbleness and
selflessness.
25. Unclear meaning of “haz” (hatred) at this point. The poet says literally: The emperor did not
forget in his case his same hatred.
26. This collective noun ‘gestüele” has many different meanings, as we will observe later. It
refers to any kind of wooden construction, such as bleachers, a stand, a row of chairs, a throne,
or, as here, simply a chair.
27. Gerhart hence took the route down the Rhine to the North Sea, around Denmark and then
across the Baltic Sea to reach the Russian harbors, then those in the Baltic countries. Perhaps a
little more than other thirteenth-century romances, Rudolf explored spatial dimensions somewhat
more concretely, but we can easily recognize that ultimately his geographic concept remains
fuzzy and irrelevant for the narrative’s development. For the ‘spatial turn’ in medieval literature,
see Albrecht Classen, “The Innovative Perception of Space (Europe) in Late Medieval German
Literature” (2016).
28. This is an ancient city in the southern part of modern-day Uzbekistan, located on the fabled
Silk Route connecting Europe with China already in the Middle Ages. Samarkand is east of
Turkmenistan, north of Afghanistan, and northwest of Dushanbe, the capital of Turkmenistan.
There is no logical explanation how Gerhart reached that land after his time spent in the Baltic
countries, but Samarkand simply served as an iconic city of Oriental wealth and incredible
trading opportunities.
29. Like Damascus, Niniveh was also traditionally one of the famous Middle Eastern cities
where European merchants could make huge profits in trading with Asian partners, and this since
antiquity. This ancient Assyrian city is today located in northern modern-day Iraq on the eastern
bank of the Tigris river.
162
30. This is the topical reference to the unknown world, a typical feature in most travel literature
throughout times. The poet might have drawn from the anonymous Herzog Ernst (ms. B ca.
1220) where a storm also drives the protagonist away from the main course taking him from
Constantinople to the Holy Land. Herzog Ernst, ed. and trans. Bernhard Sowinski (1970).
31. The poet makes a sudden switch here, from the report by the sailor to the report by Gerhart
himself.
32. The words “marner” and “schifman” are used interchangeably here.
33. The poet regularly emphasizes the significance of the gaze when a person recognizes in a
crowd of people one outstanding individual. Emperor Otto was thus able to identify the Good
Gerhart immediately, standing amidst the crowd of esteemed Cologne citizens. This
phenomenon is called “kalokagathia,” implying a direct correlation between the external,
physical appearance and the spiritual, moral, and ethical virtues. Félix Bourriot, Kalos kagathos
– kalokagathia (1995). For the opposite dimension, the external ugliness, see Paul Michel,
“Formosa deformitas” (1970).
34. This seems to be rather made up by Gerhart since he had not even the faintest idea what
country he had reached after the twelve days of a raging storm.
35. The formulation here is most difficult; the poet indicates that there will be a change of his
previous politics on tariff, lifting it entirely for Christian merchants.
36. The poet is mostly playing with the assonance and alliteration of the two words: “triuwe”
(loyalty) and “niuwe” (new).
37. Gerhart is preparing the emperor, hence us as the audience, for the shock that is waiting for
us regarding the true nature of the ‘merchandise.’
38. It is clear that the poet wants to emphasize their youth, having outgrown their puberty, as
indicated by the first showing of a beard. This undermines the previous mentioning of their age
of 30, but medieval literature is never fully concerned with realistic and logical consistency.
39. It is difficult to render this cascading praise of womanhood into ordinary English. The poet
relies here on a long rhetorical tradition of excessive praise, which might be hard to swallow for
us today.
40. The poet refers specifically to the brilliance of her skin color.
41. Insofar as Rudolf delighted in playing with excessive descriptors, he was forced to repeat
himself constantly. There is no good way of rendering all this in ordinary English without being
highly repetitive.
42. The poet uses both words for ‘cheeks,’ “hiufel” and “wengelîn” without helping us
understand what the difference might be.
163
43. Again the text has the archaic phrase “wîgande” for hero, a word normally used only in early
medieval heroic poetry.
44. Some scholars, such as Zöller, Kaiser, Kaufmann und die Macht des Geldes (1993), have
suggested that the scribe had mistaken ‘Navarra’ in Spain with ‘Norway,’ but there is no firm
proof for that idea, except that it seems unrealistic to assume that the ship with the princess and
her companions had come so far off the course and gotten into the eastern Mediterranean after
they had left Norway. This would presume, however, that Rudolf truly intended to project a
realistic historical-geographical world view or was actually informed enough about the situation
in the western Mediterranean to understand where Morocco and Navarra were located. Further, it
seems unlikely that a scribe would have confused his original source so badly to copy down
‘Norway’ instead of Navarra. If we consider how unclear Rudolf proves to be also with respect
to England in the latter half of the romance, we may conclude that geography was simply not his
strongest ability when he composed his romance. However, throughout medieval literature,
spatial precision and correctness never mattered much, so Rudolf does not differ remarkably in
that regard compared to his contemporaries.
45. There is an unintentional irony here since Gerhart reached Morocco the same way, driven by
the mighty storm, arriving in a foreign country where he did not want to make a stop on his way
home. Hence, Stranmûr could apply exactly the same laws and confiscate all of Gerhart’s
property. However, he appears as a merchant and is not a member of the nobility. Nevertheless,
if the castellan were truly looking for ways to increase his wealth, he could treat him the same
way as he treats his aristocratic prisoners. Yet, he is also economically minded and wants to
attract other Christian merchants to his own harbor, whom he has promised freedom from paying
tax on their goods. Within the literary context, of course, such inquiries regarding consistency
would be inappropriate.
46. Stranmûr hence assures him that he still could carry out his ordinary merchant activities and
would not have to fear anything from him if he were not interested in the offered deal, the
exchange of the merchandise for the prisoners.
47. This is a typical form of repetition which Rudolf enjoys applying. I can only try to render this
passage as meaningfully as possible.
48. Both the Old Testament (Psalms) and the New Testament contain numerous passages Rudolf
could have drawn from for this theological statement. For instance, Prov. 14:31 “Anyone who
oppresses the poor is insulting God who made them. To help the poor is to honor God.” Or: Mat.
25:40 “And I, the King, will tell them, ‘When you did it to these my brothers you were doing it
to me!’” Or: Mat 25:45 “And I will answer, ‘When you refused to help the least of these my
brothers, you were refusing help to me.’ Mat. 25:46 “And they shall go away into eternal
punishment; but the righteous into everlasting life. Or: 1 Tim. 6:18 “Tell them to use their money
to do good. They should be rich in good works and should give happily to those in need, always
being ready to share with others whatever God has given them.”
49. We learn here for the first time Stranmûr’s full name.
164
50. Literally: from an arc, like Noah’s Arc, but it can only mean a ‘container,’ ‘vessel,’ or ‘chest’
in the present context.
51. The original has ‘markets’ in the singular, but from the subsequent text we know that Gerhart
traveled far and wide.
53. The text has “lêre,” meaning ‘teaching,’ ‘instruction,’ maybe also ‘command’ or
‘arrangement,’ but none of those words would fit in the current context.
54. While the editor of this text, John A. Asher, placed a comma here, a period makes more
sense, followed by the beginning of a new sentence.
55. Their lord is the English prince Willehalm, who was lost on the sea and had disappeared
while they were driven by the storm to the Moroccan harbor, as we will learn later. The English
lords refer here to Willehalm’s ‘wife,’ though she is only his fiancée at this point.
57. Erene is the name of the Norwegian princess, as we’ll learn only later.
58. The entire following section is very difficult to render into a logical English since the implied
causality is simply not given there, since the poet has the princess make a series of statements
that are not related to any request on her part.
59. Since Willhelam is only a young man at that point, not even knighted and certainly not yet
crowned king of England, I refer to him consistently as ‘prince’ here.
60. This is one of the many repetitions which characterize this text. In a straight prose translation
I would have simply struck this line.
61. Whereas before ‘childish’ underscored the lady’s innocence, purity, and virginity, now it
implies the opposite, that is, foolishness, immaturity, etc.
62. It is not clear whether the poet simply added the word ‘gir’ (greed) to rhyme on the indirect
personal pronoun ‘mir’ (to me), or whether he actually intended to criticize the castellan for his
materialistic interests. I tend to reject the latter position in light of the high praise which Gerhart
has given him before. The poet probably wanted to say simply: The castellan desired to
demonstrate his good breeding by honoring the merchant.
64. The text does not quite make sense, unless I misunderstand the syntax, since he first refers to
people in the city at large, and now we are supposed to assume that those are the former
prisoners. It seems best to create separate sentences and to assume that each one talks about
165
different people.
65. Possibly the poet wanted to say that the princess was the one who wore the crown of praise,
but the syntactical structure obfuscates a clear interpretation.
66. The term ‘degne’ or ‘degene’ (sword) is a synecdoche, or pars pro toto (a part representing
the whole), for ‘knight.’
67. That is, he asked his clerk to read a mass for them.
68. Rudolf had obviously no clear understanding of the Islamic religion and naively mixes, very
much like his predecessors and his contemporaries, names of ancient Greek gods with the name
of the Prophet Mohammed.
69. It would not make sense for a merchant from Cologne to look for a direction taking him to
Austria, coming from the Mediterranean. Cologne would be reached via the Channel, the North
Atlantic, and then upstream of the river Rhine. However, as we will hear in the epilogue, the text
source upon which Rudolf based his romance originated from Austria (either written or orally).
Hence, the original scribe might have mixed up things here.
70. “huote” actually means ‘care’ or ‘protection,’ but in order to avoid duplication, I use the
alternative term ‘embrace.’
71. Normally, the noun ‘zil’ means ‘goal,’ ‘end,’ ‘determination,’ ‘intention,’ ‘endpoint,’
‘closure,’ etc., but in our context, differently what the dictionary (Lexer) tells us, the poet
implies: ‘nothing.’
72. The entire passage is unclearly formulated; we do not know for sure whether Gerhart, his
wife, or the princess are talking. The editor, Asher, made efforts to include quotation marks to
identify the direct speech passages, but this gets confused.
73. The poet uses the unusual adjective, at least in this context, ‘ritterlich,’ which means
‘knightly,’ but we can definitely understand here the global meaning of ‘noble’ or ‘aristocratic.’
74. Rudolf here explores many different ways how to praise his lady as virtuous, youthful,
innocent, pure, etc., which is hard to translate into an adequate English without sounding almost
silly. He does not mean at all that she is only a child or a youth; after all, she is already engaged
and performs in a most mature manner, demonstrating a high level of mature intellect. Hence, the
poet tries to give us a sense of her beauty and overall charm, like a child, but already as a
woman, yet entire untainted by sinfulness, moral defects, etc.
75. Here is another example of how the poet plays with one key component, ‘saelde’ (happiness,
delight, good fortune, etc.) and utilizes it in many different phrases, without ever saying anything
new. He operates like a musician who utilizes the same leitmotif and let’s it come through in
many different contexts. It is almost impossible to translate all this into clear English.
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76. The text might be confusing: The “künic” is not yet the king of England, but the prince
Willehalm, and ‘ir man’ (her husband) is really only her fiancé.
77. One of many similar passages, working with the noun and adapting it as a verb, adverb, and
so forth. There are no adequate English terms for that artistic construction.
78. Literally, when they looked at each other with their eyes for the first time. The poet uses a
filler here that does not need to be translated since it is completely superfluous. See Dana E.
Stewart, The Arrow of Love (2003). Of course, love poets throughout time have emphasized how
much the erotic gaze has always served as the catalyst for love to bloom.
79. Gerhart is thinking that his lady would require as a husband a high ranking noble man who
would be worthy enough in her father’s, the king’s, eyes to receive a large fiefdom.
80. Again, a typically redundant formulation: ‘that his life is still alive.
81. He also, and actually more specifically, refers to her family members, her closest kin.
82. Literally: ‘governance,’ ‘rule,’ ‘rank,’ that is, her position as a royal princess.
83. This is a good example to illustrate the rather convoluted style pursued by Rudolf, which
constantly requires me to reformulate to help the reader understand the true meaning in modern
terms. Literally, these verses say: “His life has now unfortunately given an end with death.”
85. The text is very unclear here. The princess addresses the other person as “lîp” (body, which
also means: a person, somebody, life, etc.), but from the grammatical structure she can only
mean Gerhart.
86. She uses the term “gemahel” (husband), but she can only mean ‘fiancé.’ This is a pattern
throughout the romance.
87. Because of the rhyming structure, the syntax in the original is entirely different. For the
proper translation, I had to rearrange the verses, although I still tried to stay as close to the
original as possible.
88. Literally: ‘whatever I have given for you, gives me more and more love.’
89. Despite the common usage of the term ‘love’ in the conversations between Gerhart and the
princess, it does not carry an erotic meaning here; instead it expresses respect, admiration, praise,
and high recognition.
90. Of course, Gerhart does not delight about her feeling of sadness; on the contrary, he deeply
empathizes with her, but he reveals here his great respect for her virtues and constancy of love
for her fiancé.
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91. It remains unclear throughout the entire text whether Gerhart is erotically attracted to this
young princess, which a superficial reading might imply, or whether he simply draws spiritual
happiness from her and worships her as a god-like woman who is far beyond his social rank. He
wants her to marry his son, but the text might also suggest that he is interested in her more than a
father would be in his own daughter (here incest excluded). Considering the larger context and
the vocabulary employed for the many descriptions of her virtues and beauty, it seems most
reasonable to assume, despite the emotional intensity of the language, that Rudolf aimed for an
abstract glorification of womanhood.
93. The word does not yet exclusively mean ‘wedding’ in the modern German sense of the word,
and instead it is most commonly applied for a ‘courtly celebration,’ but subsequently Rudolf
merged ‘festival’ with ‘wedding’ since both events—his son being knighted and also his
wedding—are supposed to take place there.
94. It would be too difficult to determine whether Rudolf meant ‘patricians,’ ‘gentlemen,’
‘gentry,’ ‘esquire,’ etc. For a good list of aristocratic ranks and titles across Europe, see
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_and_noble_ranks#Minor_nobility.2C_gentry.2C_and_other
_aristocracy (last accessed Aug. 31, 2016).
95. The word “gestüele” covers many different kinds of wooden constructions, including a stand,
a throne, a row of chairs, bleachers, etc., here fitting for a tournament. See, for instance,
Wigamur, ed. Joseph M. Sullivan (2015), v. 2515.
97. As fleeting as the comment might be, here we learn of the official marriage between
Gerhart’s son, Gerhart, and Erene. It is unclear why no priest is involved; however, the
archbishop might have carried out the procedure, although the narrator does not say so.
98. The verb “buhurdieren” pertains to the activity of knightly jousting in groups, imitating
actual war situations, hence the noun ‘bohort’ or ‘melee.” This mock combat was the most
common activity during medieval tournaments. See, for instance, Joachim Bumke, Höfische
Kultur: Literatur und Gesellschaft im hohen Mittelalter (1986), vol. 1, 348-60; English
translation by Thomas Dunlap: Courtly Culture (1991), section 4.3; Richard W. Barber and Juliet
R. V. Barker, Tournaments (1989); see also the excellent contributions to Das ritterliche Turnier
im Mittelalter, ed. Josef Fleckenstein (1985); see also the useful overview online at:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tournament_(medieval)#Melee (last accessed on Aug. 31, 2016).
99. The narrative flow is uneven here. Hardly has Gerhart mentioned the strange appearance of
the miserably looking man, does he turn to his own son. We will have to wait for a while until
we will learn again about the new but strange guest.
100. The entire section is characterized by a narrative inconsistency not untypical of medieval
literature. First we hear of a strange guest, who will later turn out to be Willehalm, but this is
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immediately dropped. Then Gerhart’s son indulges in gazing at his future wife. Then he is
thinking about getting gifts for the guests, which leads over to a discussion of his need to be
knighted. Nothing here is carried to its full conclusion, which makes this romance at times hard
to read. In fact, we could go so far as to blame the poet for definite weakness in structuring his
text.
101. The narrator is concerned that we might confuse the material wealth of her external
appearance with the internal richness of her mind and soul.
102. Normally, at least in French and English traditions, the lord tapped the new knight on the
shoulders with the sword blade (dubbing or adoubement); but here the sword is attached to the
belt. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Accolade (last accessed on Aug. 31, 2016)
103. Literally, flutes, but there is supposed to be loud and festive music, so it could have been a
kind of tuba, a sacbut, or, most likely, a simple pipe. By the same token, it would not have been
drumbs, but tabors; see https://www.music.iastate.edu/antiqua/instrumt.html (last accessed on
July 31, 2016).
104. Literally, the poet is really saying this, as incomprehensible as it might sound: Quietly, in
soft customs. In many a sweet manner the sound was elevated!
105. “avoy” is a contraction from Old French “ah voi,” meaning: oh, look!
106. Even though Rudolf does not include any reference to King Arthur and the Round Table in
his text, the mentioning of the month of May with all of its natural delights is a direct allusion to
that royal world since Arthur is regularly said to have organized his court festival at that time of
the year. In other words, this long description of the court festival is an important trope directly
borrowed from courtly romances. Even though Gerhart is a merchant and even though the
festival takes place outside of the city, this is, after all, very much a courtly romance.
107. The poet does not realize the contradiction. First he had described the man as dirty,
sunburned, looking just miserable, now he emphasizes his stunning manly beauty. However, this
is a common technique in medieval romances to give vent to the strategy of ‘kalokagathia,’
through which inner beauty and nobility always shine forth even when the individual person has
gone through rough times, such as in the case of Tristan’s foster father Rual li Foitenant in
Gottfried’s romance (vv. 3757ff.)
108. While the text says ‘where his clothing covered his body,’ but the opposite is really implied.
109. “enbizzen” is the past participle of the strong verb ‘bizzen,’ meaning ‘to bite’ or ‘to sting,’
and here: ‘to hurt’ or ‘to wound.’
110. That is, not to have pre-marital sex; the marriage would have been officially fulfilled only
then.
111. As before a number of times, this is a topical expression: the flood of wild waves, meaning
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114. He refers to Christ’s Passion and applies that to his own situation.
115. Willehalm refers to the voyage on two separate ships. If he had stayed with Erene, he would
not have lost her out of sight. Of course, if he had stayed with her, he might have broken the oath
that he had pledged to her father not to sleep with her before their marriage.
116. This comment proves to be more interesting than it might be at first sight. After all,
Willehalm is the prince of England, so very powerful and rich, whereas Gerhart’s son is only a
merchant who has been knighted just shortly before. But Willehalm has lost everything, and the
son has gained everything. The poet does not indicate a reversal of social roles, but he suggests
that fortune is very volatile (cf. Boethius, Consolation of Philosophy, 525 C.E.).
117. This is one of countless other examples of how much hygiene mattered already in the
Middle Ages. Courtly romances and many art works from the Middle Ages reflect on baths,
personal health care, and cleanliness. Willehalm’s dirty body stands out in strong contrast to all
other participants of the court festival because he is deeply unhappy and had searched for his
beloved for a long time. See the contributions to Hygiene, Medicine, and Well Being: Cultural
Explorations of Everyday Living Conditions in the Premodern Age, ed. Albrecht Classen
(forthcoming).
118. Again, the poet just delights, as was very common in medieval literature, to dwell for a long
time on clothes, fashion, and personal accoutrements, not hesitating to repeat himself several
times. See Elke Brüggen, Kleidung und Mode in der höfischen Epik des 12. und 13.
Jahrhunderts (1989); for an excellent survey with critical comments, see now Emily J. Rozier,
“Fashion” (2015), vol. 1, 415-30.
119. As before, the phrase “gestüele” is used commonly here; it is a plural noun for ‘chair,’ so
can mean many different things, such as a ‘wooden structure,’ ‘row of chairs,’ ‘podium,’ or even
‘throne.’ Best seems to me ‘throne’ in this context because father and son appear before the
archbishop.
120. Most problematically, the poet here consistently uses the term ‘gewalt,’ which carries a vast
range of meanings, the least of which would be the modern ‘power’ or ‘violence.’ ‘Authority’
and ‘legal rights’ might come closer to what he means.
121. Here he talks most specifically about ‘married wife,’ but they are really only engaged.
122. Although the most comments about the Day of Judgment can be found in the New
Testament, there are also many in the Old Testament;, such as Exodus 32:33; Daniel 7:9-10; or
Ecclesiastes 12:14.
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123. The archbishop is now addressing Gerhart’s son, who hence must carry the same name as
his father; so this is Gerhart junior.
124. The Fall of the Angels, ed. Christoph Auffarth and Loren T. Stuckenbruck (2004). The
account of the fallen angel derives from apocryphal stories and was codified already in the early
Middle Ages; see Brian Murdoch, The Medieval Popular Bible (2003).
126. Again, in reality, Willehalm is not yet king and not yet married to Erene. However, for the
archbishop the engagement counts as almost tantamount to official marriage.
127. From a pragmatic perspective, this question is, of course, just nonsense because both men
have already spelled out in greatest detail what they want young Gerhart to do.
129. She uses the diminutive form of father, hence ‘little father,’ or, more colloquially, ‘daddy,’
but stylistically this would be a break.
130. Even though the verb “cundewieren” is registered in Lexer and other dictionaries as an
ordinary, commonly used word, the poet probably thereby also signaled his knowledge of
Wolfram von Eschenbach’s famous Parzival (ca. 1205) in which Parzival’s wife is called
“Cundwiramurs” (trans. Cyril Edwards, 2006). Wolfram projects a profound love between the
married couple, which Rudolf here tries to replicate through this allusion to her name by means
of this verb.
131. Both syntactically and grammatically the entire sentence is extremely difficult to
comprehend, especially because the poet paid primary attention to the rhyming scheme and not
to the meaning of the sentence itself.
132. As is typical of Rudolf’s style, he repeats himself several times, turning and switching the
syntactical structure to a point where logic disappears and we are overpowered by the countless
puns on the same basic words of heart, love, pain, and joy.
133. This is the same critical point determining the entire romance; do the protagonists choose
their own suffering, or are they objects of their emotions, as these lines insinuate.
134. The difficulty here consists of the poet’s efforts to develop an entire theory of love, of love
pain, joy, and sorrow, and all this without having available a more differentiated vocabulary;
hence his common strategy to resort to the same words and to modify them just slightly to say
almost the same, and yet not quite after all.
135. The original uses only the singular, but the following clause implies that he is holding her
with both of his arms.
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136. There is no way of rendering this phrase in a reasonable English: “ein einie ein.”
137. Literally: Each pressed the other close to him/herself / with the arms.
138. “vriuntlîch ergân” is a litotes, meaning, an understatement expression for the kiss which
they exchange; however, the poet also wants to avoid any possible allusion to excessive
eroticism.
139. Literally: The greeting then did not continue any longer / before the noble knights arrived.
140. Again, this is the mass tournament, a melee, in which a group of knights fights against
another group, creating mock combats.
141. Rudolf intriguingly plays with the word “minne,” drawing many different registers of
meaning, but he certainly does not mean that the archbishop was filled with erotic love; the true
meaning is an ethical sensation, a deep respect, and admiration, for which the word ‘love’ might
be the only useful expression even in English.
142. Although the original uses the subjunctive, there is no reason to avoid the indicative here.
143. Here the poet finally formulates it correctly himself; Willehalm is only a prince, not a king
yet. However, in the original, Rudolf commonly refers to him as a king for metric or rhyming
reasons.
144. We have to assume that the wedding was performed by the archbishop, but the text itself
never exactly mentions that holy ceremony.
145. If we needed any other proof that the poet does not have a real merchant in mind, then this
scene confirms this entirely. Gerhart seems to have more wealth than even the mightiest and
richest members of the aristocracy. We can thus put to rest much of earlier scholarship, such as
by Zöller, Kaiser, Kaufmann und die Macht des Geldes (1993), that had tried to correlate this
text with the rising merchant class, as if Der guote Gerhart truly reflected changes in the social
structure of that time. Nevertheless, Zöller’s investigations, by themselves, situating Rudolf’s
romance within the historical context, still deserve our great respect.
146. In other words, the archbishop promises them to protect them according to the traditional
customs and to guarantee their freedom from undue external exploitations.
147. Literally: “I granted myself the feeling of love.” He means that he is deeply delighted about
the two young people being so strongly in love with each other. This is subsequently explained
in greater detail since other people, witnessing the love of that couple, experience the same
sensation as Gerhart.
148. The following is a long, convoluted sentence, but it is possible to render it into English,
despite the cumbersome syntax.
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149. The word “urborn” does not appear in Lexer or elsewhere. The scribe might have meant
“erbe,” ‘inheritance,’ ‘property,’ or ‘treasure.’
150. This is one of the rare occasions where Gerhart’s own wife is given a short presence.
Otherwise, she almost never voices her opinion and is not actively involved in any of the events
organized by Gerhart.
151. These are the maids whom Gerhart had assigned as companions to his lady and who are
staying behind in Cologne. They are not to be confused with the maids who had accompanied
Erene from Norway.
152. As impressive as Rudolf’s general awareness of other countries might be, including
Morocco and Norway (probably Navarra; see note 44 above), he only knows that a big river runs
through London. This is the Thames, a name he appears to have been entirely unfamiliar with,
although the etymology points to very ancient, maybe even pre-Celtic, yet still Indo-European
roots of the name; see the excellent article online at
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/River_Thames#Etymology (last accessed on Aug. 8,, 2016).
‘Lundenne’ is actually the Old English word for ‘London,” Robert William Ackerman, An Index
of the Arthurian Names in Middle English (1952), 147.
153. Rudolf here follows the same topographic model as before: every time the sea voyage
comes to a temporary end, the travelers reach a mountain and at first do not know where they
are. This was the same when Gerhart reached Morocco, and subsequently when he returned from
there, arriving at a point where the two ships separated for their respective home journey.
154. Here we finally get the clear message that the king of England was called the same as his
son, Willehalm. This then parallels the situation in Gerhart’s family, with his son also called the
same as his father, Gerhart. Consequently, as we have observed already in the Introduction, this
is not a romance idealizing the world of the urban class, but an aristocratic ‘mirror for princes,’
insofar as the courtly audience is admonished to live up to its own ideals as best represented by
Gerhart.
155. These could be nothing but invented names; however, it might be possible that Rudolf had
heard of the Bishop of London, Henry Sandwich, appointed in 1263; yet this would be virtually
too late considering the dating of Der guote Gerhart (ca. 1215-1220). For a complete list of
archbishops and bishops, see http://www.genuki.org.uk/big/eng/History/Archbishops.html (last
accessed Aug. 8, 2016). Alternatively, it might have been Henry Sandford, Bishop of Rochester
near London from 1226 to 1235; see Harry Rothwell, ed., English Historical Documents (1975),
1031-34. Again, this would be too late considering the date when Rudolf likely composed his
work. Moreover, Sandford was a rather obscure figure and most likely entirely unknown on the
Continent. An easier solution might be that the poet had in mind a corrupted form of
‘Canterbury.’ As to Eberwich, it is worth considering that it might be a reference to York:
‘Euerwik’ is mentioned in a record of 1297, according to Eilert Ekwall’s The Concise Oxford
Dictionary of Place-Names (1936), 519. Still, we cannot assume that Rudolf really had any good
sense of English politics, geography, or history. Further, the two individuals mentioned here are
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identified as bishops, whereas York and Canterbury are the other seats of archbishops in
England. I would like to thank Prof. Andrew Breeze, Pamplona, for his helpful suggestions.
156. It is unclear why even the inn-keeper is associated with the court, displaying courtly virtues,
unless Rudolf intended to project all worthy figures in this romance as courtly, well-mannered,
closely following the principle ethics and morality of courtly life.
158. Literally: when the lord died, his son was born. However, the subordinate clause refers to a
much earlier point in time.
159. It remains unclear when the couple got married, since there are no remarks prior to this
about a formal wedding.
160. “gehiure” appears here only for the rhyme’s sake; it is normally used only as an adjective
with the meaning of ‘soft,’ ‘pleasant,’ ‘familiar.’
161. This is, again, one of those difficult passages where the poet combines different emotions,
sorrow and joy in order to capture the intensity and sweetness of the emotions experienced by
everyone. The joy is mixed with pain resulting from the long separation.
162. Again, Rudolf was not clear at all about the actual ecclesiastical structure of England, where
there were only two archbishops: in Canterbury and in York. Since the poet knew of the
archbishop of Cologne, he obviously simply but erroneously assumed that the London bishop
would hold the rank of archbishop as well. That is, however, not the case, at least not in the
Middle Ages. The function of the Archbishop of Westminster was instituted only in 1850, when
Pope Pius IX issued the Bull Universalis Ecclesiae on September 29, 1850. See
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archbishop_of_Westminster (last accessed on Aug. 25, 2016).
163. “heimlîche” actually means ‘private,’ ‘secret,’ ‘confidential,’ ‘comfortable,’ ‘personal,’ etc.
164. The poet resorts to a highly metaphorized language here, relying on the reference to lips as
a substitute for the person of the queen, which then serves as a substitute for the fact that she
talked with the guests.
165. The scribe seems to have confused lines here since different matters are mixed.
166. It would not have been a foolish idea to travel by ship from Scotland or Wales to London,
but it seems more likely that the poet had no clear idea about the geographic conditions of
England.
167. It is unclear whether Rudolf thought of Yperia (Spain) or Ypern in Belgium. But “Ibern” is
actually the word for ‘Ireland,’ “Ivernia” or “Hibernia.” Gottfried von Straßburg includes this
line in his Tristan (8814): “mit geselleschaft s’Îbernia sîn” (to travel to Ireland in company).
Tristan, ed. Friedrich Ranke, trans. Rüdiger Krohn (1980). In his register of names, however,
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Krohn identifies “Iberne” in line 8814 as “Spain” (vol. 3, 285). This makes sense if we consider
the etymology of modern-day Iberia: “The Iberian Peninsula has always been associated with the
Ebro, Iberos in ancient Greek and Iberus or Hiberus in Latin. The association was so well known
it was hardly necessary to state; for example, Iberia was the country ‘this side of the Iberus’ in
Strabo. Pliny goes so far as to assert that the Greeks had called ‘the whole of Spain’ Hiberia
because of the Hiberus River. The river appears in the Ebro Treaty of 226 BC between Rome and
Carthage, setting the limit of Carthaginian interest at the Ebro. The fullest description of the
treaty, stated in Appian, uses Iberus. With reference to this border, Polybius states that the
‘native name’ is Iber, apparently the original word, stripped of its Greek or Latin -os or -us
termination.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iberian_Peninsula#Etymology (last accessed on Aug.
9, 2016).
169. “bohorts” are methods in a tournament to fight in groups against each other.
170. It is never quite clear why the poet repeats himself so many time, using almost the same
words. We can only surmise that he was enamored with the attractive mechanism of having
words rhyming with each other and with the strategy of a chiastic word order.
171. In a way, Rudolf replicates exactly the same situation in which his romance would have
been performed, presented by being read aloud to the courtly audience. This is hence another
narrative strategy to mirror the external framework through an account about parallel events
within the story.
172. The poet does not specify that they drink wine, he only says: “wonderful drinks,” but since
it was common practice in the Middle Ages for members of the aristocracy to drink wine, while
the peasants were limited to beer and ale. See Ernst Schubert, Essen und Trinken im Mittelalter
(2006), 169-205; Melitta Weiss Adamson, Food in Medieval Times (2004), 49-51, 93-95, et
passim.
173. In other words, there is a collective effort to secure from the king his forgiveness of the evil
deeds which those lords had committed who had taken royal lands and properties during
Willehalm’s absence without having been entitled to them.
174. This refers to the prisoners whom Gerhart had ransomed from the Moroccan castellan. It
might also include a reference to all the expenditures which Gerhart had with the festival in
honor of Willehalm and Erene back in Cologne.
175. Even though scholarship has reached the consensus that Rudolf did not project an ideal
image of the rising burgher class or of thirteenth-century cities as gaining unforeseen power and
influence, throughout the narrative, such as here, the mercantile vocabulary is clearly present.
176. Willehalm does not imply that Gerhart has no love for his own son, but underscores only
how much the merchant has embraced the English prince with all of his love.
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177. It is unclear where this figure might come from. The castellan Stranmûr had surmised that
Gerhart could earn, as a ransom for the prisoners, hundred thousand marks (v. 1729). Perhaps
Willehalm calculates that half of that money would have to be paid for the English prisoners, the
other half for the Norwegian prisoners.
179. Here we face another one of those passages in which it is hard to recreate the syntactical
structure, to connect the verb with the subject, to reformulate the chiasms, and to render the
endless play on a few key words in their artistic interconnectedness into a meaningful English.
180. Though Rudolf uses slightly different words, he repeats the same statement twice: “ougen
sehen” (‘see through the eyes’) and “ougen brehen” (‘break through the eyes’).
181. Once again, the poet delights in repeating the same words and playing with them in new
syntactical contexts, here “nôt,” meaning ‘worry,’ ‘sorrow,’ ‘emergency,’ ‘suffering,’ ‘pain,’ etc.
182. The poet uses the past participle form of the verb ‘senden,’ “gesant,” meaning ‘sent.’ This
rhymes on the noun “lant,” but he really wants to imply the active voice, since there is no
indication that those princes had been sent as their kings’ diplomats or emissaries.
183. For the sake of the rhyme she uses the diminutive of “vater,” “väterlin,” which normally
could mean a more affectionate expression.
184. We must keep in mind that Gerhart speaks fluently English; hence he must have had many
business dealing with England before, which would not be unusual for Cologne merchants. See,
for instance, The Overseas Trade of Bristol in the Later Middle Ages, selected and ed. E. M.
Carus-Wilson. Sec. ed. (1967/1968); T. H. Lloyd, The English Wool Trade in the Middle Ages
(1977); English Medieval Industries: Craftsmen, Techniques, Products, ed. John Blair and
Nigel Ramsay (2001); see now Jeroen Puttevils, “Medieval Merchants” (2015), 1039-56.
185. This is Gerhart’s usual humility formula, pretending as if he had barely ever helped the
English prince regaining his beloved fiancée and the throne of his kingdom. The very opposite is,
of course, the case.
186. Note the significant parallels between Gerhart’s departure from the castellan in Morocco
and his departure from the king of England. Emotions of friendship and love apparently bond
people all over the world and across all religious divides if they pursue the same courtly virtues
and values, as Rudolf indicates through his romance.
188. This would be an extreme form of litotes, or an expression of humility, especially since the
entire account so far has covered years doing good deeds and involved the merchant’s entire
fortune, both abroad as a merchant and back home on the domestic market, which he has
constantly risked on behalf of the English lords and the Norwegian princess.
176
189. Literally: the truth of the report. “maere” is a highly open term, carrying numerous
meanings, including ‘story,’ ‘account,’ ‘news,’ ‘miracle,’ etc.
190. The entire section represents a remarkable narrative strategy by Rudolf who makes Emperor
Otto retell in briefest form the entire account delivered by Gerhart, and this almost like a
synopsis following the lengthy report by the protagonist.
191. The verb “ougen” might be unusual, but it simply means ‘to bring to the eyes,’ or ‘to
expose,’ ‘to make visible to the eyes.’
192. This is a famous quote from 2 Peter 3:8: “But do not forget this one thing, dear friends:
With the Lord a day is like a thousand years, and a thousand years are like a day. The Lord is not
slow in keeping his promise, as some understand slowness. He is patient with you, not wanting
anyone to perish, but everyone to come to repentance.”
194. This is not an error by the translator, but the usual characteristic of Rudolf, repeating
himself by slightly varying the same statement several times.
195. Contrary to this statement, we know that he had become a victim of his own pride; hence
his visit to Cologne to learn Gerhart’s story. But the poet needed to find a rhyming word on
“vogt”: “Dô der rœmische vogt, / dem nie wart laster ûz erbrogt, . . . .”
196. We cannot say for sure whether Rudolf means that the unnamed man who had come from
Austria brought a written copy with him or simply told the entire story from memory: “der seite
ez ze mære / dem werden Steinachære.” Or he might have had a manuscript and read from that
out aloud. It seems very hard to imagine how Rudolf would have been able to retain the entire
account in his memory, especially if it had been in Latin, and then rendered it into Middle High
German verses. The most likely scenario seems to be that our poet had a Latin text in front of
him and translated from that, transforming a prose text into a rhymed romance.
197. The poet refers to the typical situation that a text was read aloud to an audience; silent
reading was reserved for religious, private devotion. This huge topic has been thoroughly
examined, above all, by Manfred G. Scholz, Hören und Lesen (1980); D. H. Green, Medieval
Listening and Reading (1994).
198. Rudolf approaches his self-presentation here in the same way as he does in his later
Willehalm von Orlens, employing the ‘captatio benevolentiae’ topos. See Armin Schulz,
Erzähltheorie in mediävistischer Perspektive (2012), 383.
200. Middle High German proves to be very difficult at times because individual words such as
“versprechen” such as here can have many different meanings, from ‘to promise’ to ‘to vouch,’
‘to protect,’ ‘to engage,’ ‘to contradict,’ ‘to reject,’ ‘to pledge,’ ‘to speak badly about oneself,’
177
201. Unless I misunderstand this line, Rudolf formulates a contradictory statement, since he just
has urged his readers not to strive for fame. He might mean, though: “where she desires reward
without fame.” Possibly, the poet intended the adverb “nâch” to mean ‘beyond,’ or ‘apart,’
hence: without fame?