Male Rape
Male Rape
Male Rape
Introduction
• About 3% of American men “ a total of 2.78 million men “ have experienced a rape at some point in their
lifetime (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006).
• In 2003, one in every ten rape victims was male. While there are no reliable annual surveys of sexual
assaults on children, the Justice Department has estimated that one of six victims are under age 12
(National Crime Victimization Study, 2003).
• 71% of male victims were first raped before their 18th birthday; 16.6% were 18-24 years old, and 12.3%
were 25 or older (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006).
• Males are the least likely to report a sexual assault, though it is estimated that they make up 10% of all
victims (RAINN, 2006).
• 22% of male inmates have been raped at least once during their incarceration; roughly 420,000 prisoners
each year (Human Rights Watch, 2001).
Overview
Society is becoming increasingly aware of male rape. However, experts believe that current male rape statistics
vastly under-represent the actual number of males age 12 and over who are raped each year. Rape crisis
counselors estimate that while only one in 50 raped women report the crime to the police, the rates of under-
reporting among men are even higher (Brochman, 1991). Until the mid-1980s, most literature discussed this violent
crime in the context of women only. The lack of tracking of sexual crimes against men and the lack of research
about the effects of male rape are indicative of the attitude held by society at large -- that while male rape occurs, it
is not an acceptable topic for discussion.
Historically, the rape of males was more widely recognized in ancient times. Several of the legends in Greek
mythology involved abductions and sexual assaults of males by other males or gods. The rape of a defeated male
enemy was considered the special right of the victorious soldier in some societies and was a signal of the totality of
the defeat. There was a widespread belief that a male who was sexually penetrated, even if it was by forced sexual
assault, thus "lost his manhood," and could no longer be a warrior or ruler. Gang rape of a male was considered an
ultimate form of punishment and, as such, was known to the Romans as punishment for adultery and the Persians
and Iranians as punishment for violation of the sanctity of the harem (Donaldson, 1990).
Nicholas Groth, a clinical psychologist and author of Men Who Rape: The Psychology of the Offender, says all
sexual assault is an act of aggression, regardless of the gender or age of the victim or the assailant. Neither sexual
desire nor sexual deprivation is the primary motivating force behind sexual assault. It is not about sexual
gratification, but rather a sexual aggressor using somebody else as a means of expressing their own power and
control.
Much has been written about the psychological trauma associated with the rape of female victims. While less
research has been conducted about male rape victims, case research suggests that males also commonly
experience many of the reactions that females experience. These reactions include: depression, anger, guilt, self-
blame, sexual dysfunctions, flashbacks, and suicidal feelings (Isley, 1991). Other problems facing males include an
increased sense of vulnerability, damaged self-image and emotional distancing (Mezey & King, 1989). Male rape
victims not only have to confront unsympathetic attitudes if they choose to press charges, they also often hear
unsupportive statements from their friends, family and acquaintances (Brochman, 1991). People will tend to fault
the male victim instead of the rapist. Stephen Donaldson, president of Stop Prisoner Rape (a national education
and advocacy group), says that the suppression of knowledge of male rape is so powerful and pervasive that
criminals such as burglars and robbers sometimes rape their male victims as a sideline solely to prevent them from
going to the police.
There are many reasons that male victims do not come forward and report being raped, but perhaps the biggest
reason for many males is the fear of being perceived as homosexual. However, male sexual assault has nothing to
do with the sexual orientation of the attacker or the victim, just as a sexual assault does not make the victim
survivor gay, bisexual or heterosexual. It is a violent crime that affects heterosexual men as much as gay men. The
phrase "homosexual rape," for instance, which is often used by uninformed persons to designate male-male rape,
camouflages the fact that the majority of the rapists are not generally homosexual (Donaldson, 1990).
In a well-known study of offenders and victims conducted by Nicholas Groth and Ann Burgess, one-half of the
offender population described their consenting sexual encounters to be with women only, while 38 percent had
consenting sexual encounters with men and women. Additionally, one-half of the victim population was strictly
heterosexual. Among the offenders studied, the gender of the victim did not appear to be of specific significance to
half of the offenders. Instead, they appeared to be relatively indiscriminate with regard to their choice of a victim --
that is, their victims included both males and females, as well as both adults and children (Groth & Burgess, 1980).
The choice of a victim seemed to be more a matter of accessibility than of sexual orientation, gender or age.
Many people believe that the majority of male rape occurs in prison; however, there is existing research which
shatters this myth. A study of incarcerated and non-incarcerated male rape victims in Tennessee concluded that
the similarities between these two groups would suggest that the sexual assault of men may not be due to
conditions unique to a prison and that all men are potential victims (Lipscomb et al., 1992).
Research indicates that the most common sites for male rape involving post-puberty victims are outdoors in remote
areas and in automobiles (the latter usually involving hitchhikers). Boys in their early and mid-teens are more likely
to be victimized than older males (studies indicate a median victim age of 17). The form of assault usually involves
penetration of the victim anally and/or orally, rather than stimulation of the victim's penis. Gang rape is more
common in cases involving male victims than those involving female victims. Also, multiple sexual acts are more
likely to be demanded, weapons are more likely to be displayed and used, and physical injury is more likely to
occur, with the injuries that do occur being more serious than with injured female rape victims (Porter, 1986).
Definition
Sexual assault and rape include any unwanted sexual acts. The assailant can be a stranger, an acquaintance, a
family member, or someone the victim knows well and trusts. Rape and sexual assault are crimes of violence and
are used to exert power and control over another person. The legal definitions of rape and sexual assault can vary
from state to state (National Center for Victims of Crime, GetHep Series: Sexual Assault Legislation). However,
usually a sexual assault occurs when someone touches any part of another person's body in a sexual way, even
through their clothes, without that person's consent. Rape of males is any kind of sexual assault that involves
forced penetration of the anus or mouth by a penis, finger or any other object. Both rape and sexual assault
includes situations when the victim cannot say "no" because he is disabled, unconscious, drunk or high.
In some states, the word "rape" is used only to define a forced act of vaginal sexual intercourse, and an act of
forced anal intercourse is termed "sodomy." In some states, the crime of sodomy also includes any oral sexual act.
There are some states that now use gender-neutral terms to define acts of forced anal, vaginal or oral intercourse.
Also, some states no longer use the terms "rape" and "sodomy," rather all sex crimes are described as sexual
assaults or criminal sexual conduct of various degrees depending on the use and amount of force or coercion on
the part of the assailant (National Center for Victims of Crime, GetHep Series: Sexual Assault Legislation).
Victims' Response
It is not uncommon for a male rape victim to blame himself for the rape, believing that he in some way gave
permission to the rapist (Brochman, 1991). Male rape victims suffer a similar fear that female rape victims face --
that people will believe the myth that they may have enjoyed being raped. Some men may believe they were not
raped or that they gave consent because they became sexually aroused, had an erection, or ejaculated during the
sexual assault. These are normal, involuntary physiological reactions. It does not mean that the victim wanted to be
raped or sexually assaulted, or that the survivor enjoyed the traumatic experience. Sexual arousal does not
necessarily mean there was consent.
According to Groth, some assailants may try to get their victim to ejaculate because for the rapist, it symbolizes
their complete sexual control over their victim's body. Since ejaculation is not always within conscious control but
rather an involuntary physiological reaction, rapists frequently succeed at getting their male victims to ejaculate. As
Groth and Burgess have found in their research, this aspect of the attack is extremely stressful and confusing to the
victim. In misidentifying ejaculation with orgasm, the victim may be bewildered by his physiological response during
the sexual assault and, therefore, may be discouraged from reporting the assault for fear his sexuality may become
suspect (Groth & Burgess, 1980).
Another major concern facing male rape victims is society's belief that men should be able to protect themselves
and, therefore, it is somehow their fault that they were raped. The experience of a rape may affect gay and
heterosexual men differently. Most rape counselors point out that gay men have difficulties in their sexual and
emotional relationships with other men and think that the assault occurred because they are gay, whereas straight
men often begin to question their sexual identity and are more disturbed by the sexual aspect of the assault than
the violence involved (Brochman, 1991).
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Copyright © 2008 by the National Center for Victims of Crime. This information may be freely distributed, provided
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