ORIGIN OF THE PEYOTE RELIGION IN THE UNITED STATES

Author(s): Omer C. Stewart

Source: Plains Anthropologist, Vol. 19, No. 65 (August 1974), pp. 211-223
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Plains Anthropological Society
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 ORIGIN OF THE PEYOTE RELIGION
IN THE UNITED STATES
by
OmerC. Stewart

ABSTRACT Ethnographic reports of Mexican Indian use of

Peyote are limited to the Tarahumara, Huichol, and
Peyotism in the United States was dependent upon the
Peyote cactus, Lophophora williamsii, which has a very limited their neighbors who were visited by Carl Lumholtz,
distribution along the lower Rio Grande River, centered around 1890 to 1898. He reported on their Peyote Religion at
Laredo, Texas. The Lipan Apache Indians in the vicinity of about the same time James Mooney was describing
Laredo, 1760 to 1850's, learned of the properties of Peyote and
the Peyote Religion he discovered in Oklahoma in
the ritual for its use from Coahuiltecan-speaking Carrizo and
Tonkawa and in turn taught Peyotism to the Comanche and 1891. Lumholtz (1902,1:362) described the "perilous
Kiowa. journey" the Tarahumara made from their mountain
retreats to the eastern edge of their pre-Columbian
Since the 1880's it has been known that the territory and into the region of the Bolson de
Kiowa, Comanche, Kiowa-Apache, Caddo, Wich Mapimi, near the railroad station of Jimenez, Chi
ita, Cheyenne, and Arapaho of the southwestern huahua, to gather Peyote. The Huichol traveled to
region of the present state of Oklahoma have used Real Catorce, in the State of San Louis Potosi to
Peyote in rituals. It has been common knowledge collect supplies of the little cactus. The Chihuahua
among those who knew of Peyote that the source of source of Peyote is about 300 miles south of El Paso
supply was north central Mexico and that section of and about 150 miles southwest of Presidio, Texas.
Texas southeast of Laredo. From the 1880's to the The Huichol Peyote fields are another 300 miles
present, Eagle Pass and Laredo, Texas, have been further south from Jimenez.
known as ports of entry for the importation of Notwithstanding the statement and map of
Peyote from Mexico, although the small, spineless Rouhier, I have found no documented evidence that
cactus could be collected on the dry, rocky hills east Peyote has ever been collected north of parallel 30?
of Laredo, near Aguilares, Oilton, and Mirando City, north latitude. Boke and Anderson (1970:569) ex
in Webb County, Texas. The border town of Roma, pressed a similar view based on modern botanical
Starr County, Texas, is near the range of hills in field work devoted to collecting Lophophora as
northeastern Mexico designated "Lomerias de Pey follows: "Boke's field collections . . . came from a
otes" (Rouhier 1927:12) and which parallels the Rio site on U.S. Highway 67 about six miles south of
Grande for almost 200 miles, from near Eagle Pass to Shafter, Texas. This location is as far west and north
Roma. as the species is known to exist." By coincidence,
For the United States, Laredo has been far and this was the same locality near which Dr. V. Havard,
away the most important center of Peyote distribu Captain and assistant Surgeon, U.S. Army, learned
tion since 1886, with Eagle Pass a distant second. I of Peyote in 1880 while stationed near Presidio,
have found no documented record of Indians actu Texas, 20 miles south of Shafter. Of the vicinity of
ally gathering Peyote in the United States, except Presidio, Havard (1885:420) wrote: "Of the abun
east of Laredo in the vicinity of the towns named dant Cacti the most remarkable species are: Anhe
above. This is surprising in view of the fact that lonia fissurata (Pellote) bearing a beautiful flower
Rouhier (1927:8) places the northern limit of natural and used medicinally by Mexicans; Anhelonia Wil
Peyote growth at a line from "Deming, New Mexico liamsii not before observed on this side of the Rio
to Corpus Christi, Texas." On his map Rouhier was Grande/' Havard (1885:521) was later more
more explicit in depicting the natural area of Peyote, definite:
ending the northwestern zone just southeast of El
ANHALONIUM FISSURATUM, ENG. (Peyote.) Napi
Paso (Fig. 1). form cactus, with flat, fissured top, hardly rising above the

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 ground, producing a handsome pink flower in the early sum
mer. Found on rocky highlands west of Devil's River [which
enters the Rio Grande just west of Del Rio, Texas], specially
in Presidio County, extending thence into Mexico.
The fleshy part of the plant is used, and pieces are found
in most Mexican houses. An infusion of it is said to be good
in fevers. It is principally as an intoxicant that the Peyote has
become noted, being often added to "tizwin" or other mild
fermented native drink to render it more inebriating. If chew
ed it produces a sort of delirious exhilaration which has won
for it the designation of "dry whiskey."
It is remarkable that this first "Flora of Western riffL *\ |fl fflffl^ / ffiffll SourceareesofPevoteUhe,

and Southern Texas" failed to mention that Peyote \ / MAPIM,/aiffl(S^ A I?; \ i

was used by Indians, but did record its use by Mexi ^^^^j^*^ JSfr^J^ Other documented source areas.
cans. Havard (1885:500) noted the much wider dis ^^S. ' . J ?aU**WG? Wl'j'- | <? _, Distribution of Lophophora
-V - - \ - _ -CJ I? I \ - J _ _ latter E. Anderson 1989)
tribution of "Sophora secundiflora, Lag. (Frijolillo;
Coral Bean)" from the Gulf Coast to El Paso and
added, "According to Dr. Rothrock . ^_'The In
dians near San Antonio used this bean as an intoxi
cant, half a bean producing delirious exhilaration
... a whole bean would kill a man'." Of Opuntia
(Prickly Pear) Havard (1885:521) noted: "Mexicans
and Indians are fond of them." Thus Havard dem
onstrated an interest in reporting Indian use of Figure 1. Source areasof Peyote.
plants, so that his failure to mention Indian use of
Peyote and only its use by Mexicans, implies that
suggest that the same should be made contraband
the Indians may not have obtained Peyote from its
natural growth area in west Texas in Havard's time.
The view that Havard presented in 1896 to the effect Special Agent E. E. White replaced Hall,and on
June 6, 1888, he posted an order for the Kiowa,
that: "The Kiowa Indians were formerly much
addicted to the use of the plant [peyote] in their re Comanche, and Wichita Reservation prohibiting
use of Peyote. He explained his action in his annual
ligious ceremonies when dwelling on the Rio Grande
and, although now living in the Indian territory, have
report (1888:98-99) dated 18 August 1888, as fol
lows:
not yet given it up," comes with slight alteration
from Drs. Prentiss and Morgan, who cited James Thus it is seen that this hallucination is liable to assume a
Mooney in their 1895 article in the Therapeutic dangerous form ... I issued an order in writing, forbidding
any Indian to use the beans [Peyote] or have any in his pos
Gazette. Havard's 1885 statement represents his session, and declaring that I would punish any violations of
own field observation, but his 1896 article, "Drink the order by withholding rations, annuity goods, and lease
Plants of the North American Indians," is a popular money. At first the Comanches declared that they would not
presentation of some of his own research, plus a obey the order. They said they would rather die than be de
prived of their Woqui. I went down to Fort Sill and had a talk
summary of some published work of others.
with them [especially Chief Quanah Parker, a leader of the
Although European botanists, building upon re Peyote Religion], the result of which was an agreement that
ports of early Spanish researchers (such as Hernan I would permit them to eat their [Peyote] beans one night at
dez's book of 1790) named and described Peyote each full moon for three or four months . . ."
before Havard, his seems to have been the first White reported also "For two years or more . . .
American reference, and it remained little noticed many of the Comanches and Apaches and a few of
even though it had been published by the U.S. the Kiowa have become addicted to the use of a fruit
National Museum. The next published reference which they procure from Mexico."
appeared in 1886 in the annual report of J. Lee Hall, The question that has not been answered up to
Agent of the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita now is this: How could the Indians in what is now
Agency, Anadarko Indian Territory. Caddoes, Dela western Oklahoma become addicted to, or learn the
wares, and Kiowa-Apaches were also under the properties of, an obscure little spineless cactus
agency. Hall said little except that "The Comanches which grew only along the Rio Grande and in
and a few of the Kiowas secure the tops of a kind of Mexico at least 300 miles from the nearest edge of
cactus that comes from Mexico, which they eat, the Reservation? Little effort has been directed to
and it produces the same effect as opium . . . answering this question by the ethnologists who

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 have reported on Peyotism since James Mooney that Dr. J. R. Briggs in Fort Worth, Texas, was
made the first announcement of the ritual use of experimenting on himself by eating Peyote, which
Peyote in a speech to the Washington Anthropol he called Mescale Buttons, and recording his physi
ogical Society, November, 1891, followed by arti ological reactions. He reported his experience in the
cles in January, 1892. Strangely, it is a letter Medical Register, April 9, 1887, in part as follows:
stimulated by that first order by Special Agent
Learning first from my brother, who has spent several
White, June, 1888, prohibiting the use of Peyote on
years among the different tribes of wild Indians, and subse
the Kiowa-Comanche Reservation which provides quently from Mexicans, that both Indians and Mexicans eat
more insight than any other single document of the (or chew and swallow the juice) this fruit for purposes of in
period. It is a letter from E. L. Clark, identified by toxication, I became interested in its physiological effects.
White in his letter transmitting Clark's letter to The Indians use it that they may forget their troubles and see
"beautiful visions" ... so far as I am aware it is indigenous
Washington, July 6,1888, as "a gentleman who has
to Mexico only, and is very valuable, being sent from there
lived among the Comanche many years and knows to the various tribes of wild Indians throughout the South
their habits and language probably better than any west and sold for a high price. It is regarded by the Indians as
person on the Reservation. He is a truthful man a sacred plant, and is eaten only by the "medicine men," the
chief, and other notable worthies. . . An Indian will eat from
. . ." Although available in the National Archives, it
six to ten of these "buttons," after properly arranging him
appears that Clark's letter has been overlooked by self in his "tepee" . . .
everyone except Slotkin, who reproduced part of it
in a footnote (1956:107). Clark wrote, in part: Briggs admitted he had never seen Indians using
The Spanish name is Piote or Peotah . . . The Indians of this Peyote, but the second hand account of the amount
reservation have used very little of this article prior to 4 years eaten and the mention that the Indians properly ar
ago except a few of the Quahadis [Comanche of the band of
ranged themselves in a tepee suggest the authenti
Quanah Parker] who happened to be associated with the
city of the report to Briggs. The consequences of
Lipan Apaches. These Apaches having practiced the use of
the Wok-wave for the last 20 or 30 years. . . Briggs' letter were outlined in an article entitled
Ten years ago [1878] during the period of the subjugation "Rough and Ready Research - 1887 Style" by G.
of the Kiowa and Comanche and other Indians of this and A. Bender (1898:159-166). Parke, Davis Er Com
Cheyenne Reservations by General Mackensie there was
pany, Detroit, entered into correspondence with
but a very little of this medicine in circulation and became
very difficult for the Indians to obtain. They paid one dollar a Briggs with a request for supplies to test for its use
a piece for it, but since that time it has been introduced more fulness. On June, 1887, Briggs reported Kiowa
and more by Mexicans and renegade Apaches and Com Indians were using Peyote. He said he could obtain
anches. But now having been such a source of speculation the cactus from a Mexican for $ 15, a bushel of dried
the price is greatly reduced. I understand it is kept by almost
all of the little stores in Greer County near the border of this
buttons, approximately 3500 pieces. By August,
reservation, also in large quantities at Doran's Store . . . 1887, the Mexican was identified as E. A. Paffrath,
Four or five years ago [i.e., 1883 or 1884], a Mexican named an associate of general merchandise wholesaler J.
Sit-chees-toqueor Che-wow-wah, having been a captive of R. Wood of Vernon, Texas.
the Comanche . . . escaped punishment by remaining with
the Apache in New Mexico. He returned to this reservation
An interesting point to me in this correspondence
during P. B. Hunt's term of office 11878-1885], bringing with is the fact that the first wholesaler of Peyote buttons
him quite a sack full of these Opium Buttons (as I call them) discovered by Briggs for Parke, Davis & Company
and traded them to the Comanches for several head of hor was located at Vernon, Wilberger County, north
ses and cattle he now holds on West Cache Creek . . . He is
central Texas, about 20 miles from the edge of the
still one of the ring leaders in the use of the Medicine . . .
This Old Man Paddy Quail . . . calls himself a medicine
Kiowa, Comanche and Wichita Reservation in Okla
man ... His whole attention is directed towards the [Pey homa, and only 60 miles by modern roads from
ote] Button; calling a party of young men numbering from 8 Cache, Oklahoma, the home of Chief Quanah
to 15 together for purpose as often as twice or three times a Parker. On the other hand, about 450 miles separ
week.
ates Vernon from Laredo, Texas, and there is a dis
The usual dose of these Buttons some four years ago
[1884] were from 4 to 6 per night. . . Now they use from 20 tance of about 380 miles between Vernon and Eagle
to 50 per night . . . Seeing or imagining all kinds of things. Pass, Texas.
These visions. . . were communicated to them through the Paffrath would not reveal to Parke, Davis ?r
Wok-Wave and they come direct from the Great Spirit [they
said]. Company the source of his supplies and after some
delays in payments and questioning of the medicinal
The above was written three years before the value of Peyote, Parke, Davis & Company estab
Kiowa Peyote Ritual was observed by Mooney in the lished liason with another source of Peyote buttons.
company of a Mexican and a Comanche (Mooney Anna B. Nickels, of Laredo, Texas, a collector and
1892a).
dealer in cactus, informed the Detroit company in 29
By remarkable coincidence it was in June, 1886, May 1888, that she had 3000 plants growing in her

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 garden, and could collect all she could "find sale
for." In a letter dated 11 July 1888, Mrs. Nickels vol
unteered information that

The Mexicans here in Laredo buy them [Peyote buttons] off

me at 5 cents each, 1 or 2 at a time to make a drink (they say
for headache). They pound fresh ones and soak them in
water, then strain and drink the water. They use the pulp left
to bind on any sort of sores (Bender 1968:164).
Mrs. Nickels also wrote: "I am certain the Mescal
buttons are the real ones used by the Indians as a
drink because the same man that goes with me col
lecting them gathered 30,000 of the same last fall
[1887] for a Mexican Merchant of this place and he Lffi/yrf Mir BED Source areas of Peyote (after Rouhier 1927)
sliced and dried them here in Laredo and shipped
them to some Agency ... I am also sure 'tis Anhal
V\ I ' 7 Location of Southern Pl8ins tribes
onium Williamsii." It was from the supplies of \ vlTTl T\ ^4iP^ A in 1832 (after Mooney 1898)

Peyote obtained from Texas that Parke, Davis &

Company in 1888 provided materials to L. Lewin and
P. Henning in Berlin, Germany, with which to start
) X1XW1
C V ^Ww. yjs, V K8r8nkawa V rTTZj
Caddo ^nche ^
their historic scientific analysis of the cactus "- Y/A'.'.'S.\ Tonkawa |;;;;;;; | Wichita
(Bender 1968:163). , v- r:-^ '_ ? :. frrmrii ca^ i^^a osa9e
The records presented above answer the question
Figure 2. Location of Southern Plains tribes in 1832 (after
as to the source of supply of Peyote used by the Mooney 1898).
Indians of western Oklahoma territory in the 1880's.
It was supplied from Laredo by wholesalers with the
aid of Mexican collectors. The size of the supply and
ability of local Laredo merchants to satisfy the religious ritual of the type suggested by references
demand, mostly by mail, was documented in 1909 of the 1880's and described by Mooney in 1892? Did
by Chief Special Officer of the Bureau of Indian Af these Oklahoma tribes learn the ritual as they
fairs, William E. Johnson, who carried out his plan learned of the medicinal and stimulating qualities of
to stop the Peyote traffic, because Peyote was an the cactus plant? Historic evidence strongly sup
intoxicant, by the simple device of buying and ports the idea that Peyotists in Oklahoma in the
destroying "the entire visible supply at Laredo, 1880's had learned of Peyote during the century and
Texas, amounting to about 200,000 peyotes" a half before 1880, while the tribes who were finally
(Johnson 1909a). Nine firms in and near Laredo sold settled in Oklahoma were themselves in the Peyote
their stocks of Peyote for $2.50 per thousand (John growing areas of southeast Texas, and in north cen
son 1909b). tral Mexico.
Even with the insights provided by the documents If we start with Mooney's map of the distribution
already examined, there remains the question of of South Plains Tribes as of 1832, we see that the
how the Indians learned of Peyote so that they Carrizo, Lipan Apache, and Mescalero Apache were
would want to obtain supplies at some trouble and the tribes assigned to the northern Mexico Peyote
expense to themselves. As a medicine, as reported growing area of that date. It was in the territory of
by Mrs. Nickels (1888) and Dr. V. Havard (1885) the Coahuilteco tribes, given by Mooney to the Lip
there would be no need for the thousands of buttons an, that the Jaliscan Friars in 1688 established the
shipped to the reservations. The large supplies pro mission of Nombre de Jesus Peyotes, which was re
vided in the 1880's and thereafter, as revealed by the named ten years later by the Franciscans as Mission
information presented above, suggests that there del Dulce Nombre Jesus de Peyotes (Bancroft 1883,
were many Peyote religious services as described by 1:378). Neophytes from this area were transferred to
Mooney and suggested by documents reviewed San Antoriio by Father Olivares in 1718. Also from
above during which 20 to 30 Indians assembled and the mission in the Peyote area near Laredo was
ate one or more buttons each during the religious Father Hidalgo, who reported use of Peyote among
service. the Caddo of east Texas in 1716, even though the
A problem remains. How did the Kiowa, Com Caddo lived well beyond the natural range of Peyote
anche, Lipan Apache, and other tribes acquire suf (Swanton 1942:219).
ficient knowledge of Peyote to develop a complex From 1757 to 1771, missions expressly for the

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Lipan Apache were maintained by the Spanish in a store of it, and . . . they make a sort of rosary of it, and
Texas, first on the San Saba River about a hundred keep it by them to use as need be (Ewers 1969:62).

miles north of the Peyote-growing area, then at San Berlandier reports on both the friendship and en
Lorenzo de la Santa Cruz on the upper Nueces River mity between the Lipan and Comanche. When a
about fifty miles from the Peyote fields of the Rio war between them began, the Lipan killed a Com
Grande (Tunnell and Newcomb 1969). The Lipan anche man who had married a Lipan woman and
Apache were associated with other mission Indians,
had settled with the Lipan (Ewers 1969:62): "The
with Tloxcalteco Indians, and with Mexican militia Lipans, after living at peace with the Comanches for
men and farmers. While the Spanish authorities many years, have since sworn eternal warfare
were helping the Lipan Apache move into south against them . . ."
eastern Texas, Father Bartholome Garcia, at the In 1828, Berlandier wrote: "During our f irst stay at
mission of San Antonio, published (1760) a manual the presidio of Laredo, the Lipans roamed through
aid in confessions in several dialects of the Coahuil
the streets after sundown singing their songs of
tecan linguistic family (Swanton 1940:4). The peace" (p. 65). Further along we read: "Creole [i.e.,
questions prepared in native languages included: Mexican] prisoners taken by the Indians in war
"Have you eaten Peyote? Have you eaten fixollio?" against the villages and garrisons of the frontiers re
The Carrizo were one of the groups of Coahuiltecan ceive fair treatment . . . The Comanches and the
speaking Indians among whom the Spanish were Lipans waged a lengthy war against the inhabitants
helping the Apache-speaking Lipan to settle within of the inland provinces of the east. . . but never did
the Peyote-growing area. they slay captives who fell into their hands ..." (p.
In 1770, Father Lizarras reported the Apache in 75). "Among the Lipans there are Creole [Mexican]
Mexico at San Fernando, across the Rio Grande prisoners, but the Comanches hold five or six hun
from Eagle Pass, at Gigedo [Xigedo], fifty miles dred" (p. 76).
south of Eagle Pass, at the Mission of Peyotes, and The journals of Bollaert (1956) for the period from
at Bizarron. The same year Father de la Pena at the December, 1841, to April, 1844, reported that the
mission Nombre de Jesus de Peyote reported Comanche spent months at a time in southeastern
Mescalero Apache participating in Peyote ceremon Texas living on wild mustangs, which were killed in
ies with local Julimenos Indians (Stewart 1948:34). great numbers. Bollaert (1850:277) also reported:
In the 1830 Journals of Berlandier(1969) edited by "Lipan women are noted for their prettiness and
John C. Ewers, we find confirmed the association of
good figures; on this account the Comanche have
the Coahuiltecan and Apache-speaking Indians in often made war upon the Lipan so as to become
the Peyote-growing area of the lower Rio Grande. In possessed of their women."
his map based on Berlandier's journals and the maps For further bases for Comanche raiding into
of Stephen A. Austin, 1829, and of General Teran, Mexico, see the article by R. A. Smith (1961) with
Ewers places only the Lipan and Carrizo in the vicin the map entitled "Comanche roads from the South
ity of the Peyote fields of the Laredo region. The Plains into Mexico, about 1840-1870," from which
Mescalero are located as of 1830 west of the Pecos the roads were copied on a map (Fig. 3) for this ar
in Texas north of the Big Bend area and beyond the ticle. Smith documents raids for the years 1834-1844
extreme northern and western limit of abundant from official records in the Mexican states of
Peyote growth. Kiowa, Kiowa-Apache, and Com Durango, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon and
anche are shown in west Texas on the headwaters
Tamaulipas. Motivation for the raids, according to
of the Colorado and Brazos Rivers. Smith (1961:54-56) were:
A few quotations from Berlandier's journal indi
cate the way the Comanche and their northern allies The demand for Mexican livestock, captives, and plunder
could have learned of Peyote in southern Texas in increased after American commissioners made treaties of
amity and trade with the Indians of the South Plains in the
1830. For example, while discussing Indian drinking
1830's. The Comanche and Kiowa consequently stepped up
habits, he wrote
their predatory raids below the Rio Grande . . . Their deep
Thus the Lipans and Carrizos, and almost all the rest of the est penetrations of Mexico put the Indians at points a thou
peoples who live along the Rio Bravo del Norte [Rio Grande] sand miles straight south of their home range in Kansas and
Oklahoma . . .
are the ones who consume the most hard liquor .... Be
fore the time of the conquerors, several of the Anahuac na
Smith wrote further (1961:59): "Plains Indians
tions used to get drunk by chewing a plant known in Mexi
can as peiot/and in Creole as peyote. The coastal peoples, might spend an entire winter in the Bolson [de
the Tancahues [Tonkawas], the Lipans, and several other Mapimi], enjoying the climate, rounding out herds
native groups of the northern reaches of Tamaulipas still use for the long drives, and giving grass time to grow out
this intoxicating plant in their feasts. Each year, they gather
along the trail northward." One can suspect the

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warriors might also have learned about and experi entities, but in 1907, the Handbook (Hodge 1907:
mented with the little spineless cactus, Peyote, 1:209) reported: "Some Carrizo captives still live
which grew in the area. "From the Bolson they among the Kiowas."
made raids over neighboring departments . . . They In 1935, Opler (1938, 1939) learned from a Lipan
gathered in hundreds of women and children, much Apache informant the tradition that it was the
plunder, and thousands of head of horses and mules Carrizo who taught Peyotism to both the Tonkawa
over the years," wrote Smith (1961:56). One Com and the Lipan. Recall that the three tribes were
anche "spoke Spanish fluently and desired to join us reported as using Peyote by Berlandier in his 1830
Mexicans and to become a Catholic" after he was journal. La Barre (1938) cited Opler to focus atten
captured, as Smith (1961:66) found reported in one tion on the Carrizo as an intermediary for the
document of a successful reprisal by Mexican transmission of Peyotism to the Indians in the
troops. United States.
In the 1890/s, the Kiowa settled on their reserva Not previously published is this same view, sent
tion in Oklahoma and further documented Kiowa, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1909 by
Comanche, and Kiowa-Apache raids into Mexico Special Officer W. E. Johnson, after working in and
for the period 1834 to 1874, by means of their unique around Laredo and Eagle Pass in the attempt to stop
pictorial calendar history painted on buffalo hides. the shipment of Peyote as mentioned above. John
Mooney (1898:164) came to the conclusion that the son wrote, in part:
Kiowa made a lasting peace with the Comanche in The establishment of the commercial market of the pey
about 1790, which could be considered an alliance otes (sic) at Laredo, Texas, has a peculiar history. About
which was equal to a confederation of the two thirty years ago [i.e., 1879] in the vicinity of Carrizo, Texas,
tribes. Mooney (1898:164-165) explained further: now the county seat of Zapata Co., Texas, there was a con
siderable band of Indians known as the "Carrizo Indians;"
these Indians, now extinct, were large users of the peyotes;
The raids of the Kiowa on the Mexican settlements, hith
they were used chiefly in connection with their dances; the
erto desultory and ineffective, now became constant and
Indians would sit about the fire. At intervals during the
destructive and continued until both tribes were finally sub
dance the leader would take a bean, chew it a few times and
jugated and confined to their reservations after the outbreak
then pass it on to the next one, who would also chew the
of 1874 . . . Old men are still living in the tribe [in 1896] who
same bean, and so on, until the entire company had chewed
have raided as far south as the city of Durango (which they
on this same quid.
knew by this name) ... In the east they made captives on
The fame of these performances reached the Indians of
Matagorda Bay, Texas.
Oklahoma Territory. About twenty-three years ago [i.e.,
1886], a white man appeared at Laredo from the Territory in
The calendar history specified raids into Tamauli
quest of peyotes. He learned from the Indians up north, that
pas in 1840-1841, 1842-1843, and 1850-1851. Chi in a range of hills about forty miles east of Laredo, these
huahua was named for 1834-1835, 1853-1854, and peyotes could be found. He employed Mexicans to gather a
1855-1856. Of special interest is the raid during the supply, which he took north with him (1909b).
winter of 1844-1845, for which Comanche, Kiowa,
and Kiowa-Apache were together on the Salado By strange coincidence, Special Officer Johnson
River called "Sen P'a, 'Cactus River'." The Salado in 1909 learned some of the same facts that were
flows through the Peyote Hills, the Lomerias de recorded in the Parke, Davis & Company letters.
Peyotes, and Peyote is called "Seni." Possibly the The man from up north may have been Mr. Paffrath
Kiowa name should have been translated "Peyote (1887) of Vernon, Texas. The Mexican collector may
River." have been the one Mrs. Nickels (1888) reported sold
In light of these data, it is evident that a number of 30,000 Peyote plants, sliced and dried. The Indians
different tribal groups had opportunities to learn of may have been the Kiowa with their Carrizo cap
Peyote in Texas and Mexico during the century tives, who knew the Laredo Peyote area so inti
before its use in Oklahoma was discovered in 1886. mately.
Any one of the tribes which knew of Peyote, or all The Tonkawa were shown by Mooney (1898), as
together, may have been instrumental in the estab of 1832, as northern neighbors of the Carrizo and
lishment of the Peyote Religion in Oklahoma in time Lipan. Berlandier (Ewers 1969), observing the re
for it to have become an established complex ritual gion of Laredo in 1830, identified the Tonkawa as
for Mooney to observe and describe in 1891. Coa being in the Peyote-growing area and using Peyote
huiltecan speakers, Julimenos and Carrizo, in the along with the Lipan and Carrizo. Indian tradition of
vicinity of Laredo, the center of abundant harvests the Tonkawa being devotees of Peyotism learned
of the Peyote cactus at the northern limits of its from the Carrizo (Opler 1938) gains significance
growth, might be thought of as the primary teach when it is discovered that informants reported to La
ers. Both groups have disappeared as identifiable Barre (1938:117,119) that the Oto and Sac learned a

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 Christianized Peyotism directly from the Tonkawa
as early as 1876. The diffusion of Peyotism from
Tonkawa to Oto was also reported by E. S. Curtis
(1930,XIX:203), by Shonle (1925:54), and by
Howard (1956:432).
Because of the stormy history of the Tonkawa,
some further background seems appropriate. Ac
cordingtoH. E. Bolton(1910,11:778-783) who wrote
the article on the Tonkawa for the Handbook, there
is an extensive record of Tonkawa relations with the
French, Spanish, Comanche, and Apache, alter
nately friendly and hostile, in Texas from 1691 to pWpf>
\ J \^n> . \\JDO ^OT^ 2Ji^^
ilrfW5 Jff I I I 1927)
1/ Rouhier I I ft Source areas of Peyote (after
1857. During that century and a half the Tonkawa
were frequently in or near the growth area of \ 'f Qs I * ! ?^ f-1-j I f *J - J - J Other documented source areas
-:::
Peyote. The reason for the 1857 date is supplied by
\ A n _j ff r , J. T^kU*^ S' ?"~" ~ Comanche roads from the South
Bolton as follows: ~ \ - - % i- -XjjjJ J j [ |V\2ua >_ Plains into Mexico about 1849-1870
\ \ #fiP\M<nf ~] ~ (after R.A.Smith 1961).
In the fall of 1855 the Government settled them [the Ton
kawa] together with the Caddo, Kichai, Waco, Tawakoni
[Wichita], and Penateka Comanche, upon two small reser
vations on the Clear Fork of Brazos r., Texas. In conse
quence of the violent opposition of the Texans, culminating
in an attack upon the agency, the Indians were removed in
1857 to Washita r., Okla., the Tonkawa being temporarily Figure 3. Comanche roads from the South Plains into Mexico,
about 1840-1870 (after R. A. Smith 1961).
camped about the mouth of Tonkawa cr., just above the
present Anadarko.
It is obvious that two years on the same reserva
tion would have been sufficient time for Peyotist
Tonkawa to have instructed Comanche, Caddo and nee, etc., from sharing Peyotism with the Tonkawa.
Wichita in the use of Peyote if they were all friendly In any event, the Tonkawa as Peyotists before 1830
with one another. Bolton documents subsequent and as prosyletizers to the Oto and Sac (La Barre
Tonkawa history which clouds the issue: 1938:117-119) are examples of cultural continuity in
spite of difficulties. Opler (1939:433) suggests cul
In the confusion brought about by the civil war the other
tribes saw an opportunity to pay off old scores against the tural continuity. The Oakland Agency is 650 miles
Tonkawa, who were generally hated for their cannibalistic from the source of Peyote at Laredo.
practices as well as for serving as government scouts From the historical data presented, it is clear that
against the more western tribes. On the excuse that the Ton
the Lipan Apache had ample opportunity to learn
kawa and their agent were in alliance with the Confederacy,
a body of Delaware, Shawnee, and Caddo attacked the about Peyotism as early as 1770 in the Spanish
Anadarko agency and the Tonkawa camp on the night of missions of the Peyote area. The confirmation of
Oct. 25,1862, killing two of the agency employees and mas their use of Peyote by Berlandier in 1830 establishes
sacring 137 men, women, and children out of a total of the continuation of the practice. The Lipan were
about 300 of the Tonkawa tribe. The survivors, after some
named as teachers of Peyotism to the Comanche
years of miserable wandering, were finally gathered in at
Fort Griffin, Texas, to save them from complete extermina during the years 1850 to 1880 by Clark in his letter of
tion by their [Indian] enemies. In 1884 all that were left ? 92, 1888, cited above.
including a number of Lipan ? were removed to Oklahoma, Early influence as conveyors of Peyotism from
being assigned the next year to their present [1910] location Mexico to tribes in the United States was attributed
at Oakland Agency, near Ponca.
to the Lipan by Opler (1936, 1938, and 1939). La
For the Oto and Sac to report learning of Peyote Barre (1938) repeated Opler's views.
from the Tonkawa, who moved in 1884 to an A little new evidence of direct influence of Lipan
adjoining reservation in northern Oklahoma from Apache on Comanche Peyotism was recorded by
their refuge in Texas, suggests that the Tonkawa McAllester (1949:32-33), who found two old Lipan
had in fact retained their use of Peyote from the time living with the Comanche in Oklahoma who sup
they were in the Peyote area as recorded by Berlan plied Lipan Apache Peyote songs, which were
dier in 1830. The enmity between the Tonkawa and learned and sung by the Comanche. One of the
their neighbors of 1859-1862 in southwestern Okla Lipan Peyote singers named by McAllester was
homa could have inhibited the Kiowa, Comanche, called Civato, which suggests he is the same person
Kiowa-Apache, Wichita, Delaware, Caddo, Shaw as "Chevata (Billy Chevatts), a Lipan Apache who

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came to live with the Comanche," and who appears Mescalero raids into Chihuahua did not end until the
with Comanche on an old Fort Sill photograph of death of Victorio in 1880. In 1896, the Tarahumara
Indian men in a Peyote tepee. Furthermore, the reported to Lumholtz (19021:359-373) that Peyote
White boy, Herman Lehman (1927), who was cap would protect him from the Apache, indicating that
tured by Apache in Texas in 1870, named Chiwat as the fear of Apache raids, probably Mescalero,
one of the young warriors about his own age of persisted among that tribe of Mexican Indians.
twelve who captured him. Pinero, who also helped Except for the one reference from Coahuila given
capture Herman, wrote: "Before closing this chap above, no documents explicitly connect the Mesca
ter I want to say that one of the Apaches that stole lero with Peyotism in Mexico. We are dependent
me . . . afterward became a chief of his tribe . . . upon later reports of traditions from New Mexico
This chiefs name is Chiwat, and he now lives and Oklahoma to project back Mescalero Peyotism.
among the Comanches at Indiahoma, in Oklahoma. Although recorded long after the observations, it
His picture appears elsewhere in this book. Pinero remains true that the two earliest accounts of
and Esacona also live here." Peyotism in the United States, following the period
By coincidence, Pinero made a sworn statement of Spanish occupation, come from two boys cap
regarding Peyotism on September 24, 1918, which tured by the Indians from non-Indian homes. If
appeared in the American Indian YMCA Bulletin, correctly dated, the observations of Andele or
November, 1918. He said in part: Andes Martinez, shortly after being taken by Mes
My name is Pa-na-ro. I am a Lipan Apache; I live five miles calero from his home at Las Vegas, New Mexico, in
northeast of Indiahoma, [Comanche County] Oklahoma, on
1866, would be the earliest known dated Peyote
my own allotment. I am about 57 years old.
I knew about peyote before any of these Indians in the rituals during the American period. The following is
Oklahoma country knew about it. I first ate peyote in Mex from Methvin (1899:37) who recorded the life story
ico. My great-grandfather was the first [Lipan] to make use of Andele: "But as he [Andele] anxiously watched
of it in Mexico, and it was brought among the Indians here he discovered the [Mescalero] Indians, painted in
years after. It was used as a medicine at first, and no woman
or young people ate it as they do now. It is called mescal
most fantastic style, were gathering around a tepee
peyote in Mexico; here in Oklahoma it is called peyote . . . . . . The tom-tom, the rattle gourd, and the discord
One time when I was sixteen years old [ca. 1878] I ate forty ant song began in earnest, and the Indians were
peyote beans at a feast and was crazy for two days . . . indulging in a . . . [Peyote meeting]." The cere
Pe-na-ro reported that the Peyote rituals were un mony lasted all night.
sanitary. Another captive of the Lipan and Mescalero, this
From the unusual and unexpected sources above one a White boy of German parents, Herman
comes evidence to support the earlier opinion that Lehman (1899:95; and 1927:80), already mentioned,
the Lipan were primary contributors to the process who was interviewed twice by writers of books,
of the establishment of the Peyote Religion in gave slightly different accounts. In both he reported
Oklahoma. The data presented demands the inter four-day rituals with the use of "hoosh," a close
pretation that the Lipan could have taught Peyotism approximation to the Apache word for Peyote. "We
to the Comanche without the intermediary of the all ate nothing but 'hoosh' for four days, and we felt
Mescalero. so light and happy that we loved everybody and
On Mooney's (1898) map showing the location of wanted to fly away. There is a plant which grows in
southern Plains tribes in 1832, partially reproduced Mexico which is called peyote, and is held in great
for this paper (Fig. 2), the Mescalero occupy the veneration by the Indians and it is quite possible that
greatest extent of territory both in the United States the medicine men used this in preparation of the
and in Mexico. The territory assigned to the Mesca 'hoosh' also." Although originally captured by
lero by Mooney encompassed the Peyote-growing Lipan, Lehman traveled with the Mescalero before
area of west Texas, according to Rouhier (1927), as ending his captivity with the Comanche.
well as the confirmed Peyote growing region of The fame of the Mescalero as the probable
Chihuahua, including part of the Bolson de Mapimi. originators of the Peyote Religion in the United
An entire book is required to adequately document States was established by James Mooney, in at
the extent of Apache raiding in northern Mexico for least five published statements to that effect from
the period, 1769-1791. M. L. Moorhead's (1968) 1896 to 1915. It is possible that Mooney overempha
book The Apache Frontier, sets forth the problems sized the importance of the Mescalero Apache in the
Jacobo Ugarte had in trying to keep peace along the history of Peyotism, just as he overemphasized their
northern border of New Spain. The Mescalero were Peyotism, under its false name mescal, by writing:
primarily in Chihuahua, but were recorded in the "The Mescalero Apache take their name from it"
Peyote area of Coahuila in 1770, as reported above. [Peyote called Mescal] (Mooney 1896b:7). In 1897,

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Mooney wrote (p. 330): "The Kiowas have come the 1950's (Boke and Anderson 1970:569); and
from the north and first learned of the plant from the where Roland H. Wauer, Chief Park Naturalist, Big
southern tribes, particularly the Mescaleros of New Bend Natural Park, reported it occurred (Wauer
Mexico, who are regarded by all their neighbors as 1974).
the highpriests of the ceremony." Before a congres Shafter, Texas, is about 240 miles from Mesca
sional committee in 1915, Mooney was a little less lero, New Mexico, as the crow flies, not as far as the
explicitly in favor of the Mescalero: "The Kiowa say Comanche reservation is from the Peyote fields of
the Comanche knew of it before they did. Both Eagle Pass or Laredo.
tribes say they got it from the Mescalero and There is good evidence of Mescalero raiding into
Tonkawa" (Statement 1915:70). Mexico from 1700 to 1880 (Sonnichsen 1958),
Mooney's emphasis on the Mescalero may have where they could have learned of the properties of
come about through his friendship with the Mexican Peyote by experimentation, by being instructed by
captive of the Mescalero, Andele, mentioned Mexican captives, or by association with either
above, who later lived with the Kiowa and who was Huichol or Tarahumara Indians. Considering this, as
Mooney's friend, interpreter, and, apparently, com well as the statement by Andele that he observed a
panion in Mooney's first participation in a Peyote Peyote meeting in 1866, the traditional date learned
meeting in 1891. by Opler (1936:191, fn.) is surprising. He wrote:
Notwithstanding Mooney's statements as to the "Peyote was introduced among the Mescalero
position of the Mescalero in Peyotism, his visit to the about 1870. After 1910 its use was decidedly on the
Mescalero reservation in September, 1897, in order wane."
to advance his knowledge of the history of the From the evidence here presented the claim for
Peyote Religion, was disappointing. Introducing a the Mescalero playing a significant role as intermed
short report of Mooney's year's activities, the iaries for the transmission of Peyotism from Mexico
Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology re to Oklahoma appears very weak indeed.
peated Mooney's error regarding the basis for the The origin of Peyote ritual described by Mooney
name of the Mescalero (1900:xvi): (1892, 1896b, 1897, 1910) remains controversial.
Basically, questions arrange themselves around two
These Indians, whose popular name is derived from their problems: (1) How many and which of the elements
use of the "mescal" or peyote, are regarded by the Plains of ritual and theology of the Peyote Religion can be
tribes as masters in all that concerns the plant; but from in
attributed to diffusion, or borrowing, from Mexico?
formation received through their best informants, as well as
from actually witnessing the ceremony, Mr. Mooney found (2) What part of the Peyote Religion in the United
the rite to be declining among them, largely through the dif States came from local, non-Mexican, tribal cere
ficulty of procuring the plant in their isolated condition, as it monies through development in the United States
requires five days' journey on horseback to obtain a supply. and which tribes contributed which elements of
ritual or theology?
The Mescal cactus, agave, from which the Mes Mooney's ideas, expressed in the Handbook
calero were named, furnished a staple food, and (1910, 11:237) seem to have been accepted more or
was not Peyote {Handbook, 1:846). less as final. He wrote:
As to the location of the Peyote field from which North of the Rio Grande this top [of the cactus] alone is
the Mescalero collected supplies, the information used, being sliced and dried to form the so-called "button."
that "it requires five days' journey" is very indefin In Mexico the whole plant is cut into slices, dried, and used
ite. The Annual Report (1900:xvii) gives the addi in decoction, while the ceremony also is essentially different
from that of the northern tribes . . .
tional information that "Mr. Mooney next proceed
Among the Tarahumara and others of Mexico the chief
ed to the mountain country of Texas, southeast of El feature of the ceremony, as described by Lumholtz, is a
Paso, for the purpose of locating the peyote, from dance. Among the Kiowa, Comanche, and other Plains
information given by the Mescalero. Two or more tribes it is rather a ceremony of prayer and quiet contempla
tion.
varieties of the plant were found in this section, on
both sides of the Rio Grande. In January Mr. Lumholtz and others have made clear, however,
Mooney continued southward to the Tarahumari that notwithstanding the dancing, Mexican Peyo
country. . ." (cited as Mooney 1900). As short as it tism also involved "prayers and quiet contempla
is, the above report places the Peyote field visited by tion." In fact, dozens of elements of ritual and
Mooney in 1897 at, or near, Shafter, Texas, where theology in Mexico are similar to those in the United
Havard made collections in the early 1880's, where States. Space does not permit full treatment of this
J. G. McAllister collected it in the 1940's (W. W. comparison, but is presented with the data above to
Newcomb 1971); where Norman Boke collected it in support the belief that ideas and cultural elements

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 diffused from Mexico along with the Peyote cactus. observer in a Kiowa Peyote meeting, Mooney
Mooney's description of the Peyote ritual of the (1892b:65) mentioned Christian elements as fol
Kiowa and Comanche may well serve as the basis lows:
for discussion {Handbook, 1910, ll:337):
It may be proper to state that many of the . . . [Peyote]
It is usually performed as an invocation for the recovery of eaters wear crucifixes, which they regard as sacred em
some sick person. It is held in a tipi specially erected for the blems of the rite, the cross representing the cross of scented
purpose, and begins usually at night, continuing until the leaves upon which the consecrated . . . [Peyote button]
sun is well up in the morning. As many men as can sit com rests during the ceremony, while the Christ is the . . . [Pey
fortably within the tipi may participate, but, as a rule, ote] goddess.
women do not take part in the ceremony proper, but occupy
themselves with the preparation of the sacred food and of Lumholtz (1902) in many places reported the
the feast in which all join at the close of the performance. A integration of Christianity and Peyotism in Mexico.
fire is kept burning in the center of the tipi, inclosed within a The Peyotism learned while visiting missions in
crescent-shaped mound, on the top of which is placed a sa Mexico may have been tinged with Christianity, so
cred peyote. Following an opening prayer by the chief
that Christian elements were in Peyotism before it
priest, four peyotes are distributed to each participant, who
chews and swallows them, after which the sacred songs be reached the U.S. Christianity in Peyotism may have
gin to the accompaniment of the drum and rattle, each man become stronger in the United States as a result of
singing four songs in turn, and are kept up all night, varied continuing acculturative pressures from Christian
by the intervals of prayer and other distributions of peyote, churches in the U.S.
with a peculiar baptismal ceremony at midnight. The num
The aim of this paper has been to focus upon the
ber of "buttons" eaten by one individual during the night
varies from 10 to 40, and even more, the drug producing a problems resulting from a religion based upon a pro
sort of spiritual exaltation differing entirely from that pro duct which occurs only naturally hundreds of miles
duced by any other known drug, and apparently without any from the place where the religion was discovered.
reaction. The effect is heightened by the weird lullaby of the
No final answers are proposed to all the questions
songs, the constant sound of the drum and rattle, and the
fitful glare of the fire. At some point during the ceremony the
raised, but it is hoped that the tentative answers
sick person is usually brought in to be prayed for, and is al bring some new light on the subject.
lowed to eat one or more specially consecrated peyotes. At
daylight the Morning Star song is sung, when the women
pass in the sacred food, of which each worshiper partakes,
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