Development of The Hydrogen Bomb - Document Set
Development of The Hydrogen Bomb - Document Set
Source Information: Time Magazine Article, What Is the Difference Between a Hydrogen Bomb
and an Atomic Bomb?
A mushroom cloud forms over Nagasaki, Japan after the dropping of the second atomic bomb. Time
Life Pictures—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
BY MELISSA CHAN
SEPTEMBER 22, 2017
North Korea warned this week that it might test a hydrogen bomb in the Pacific
Ocean, after saying the country had already successfully detonated one.
A hydrogen bomb has never been used in battle by any country, but experts say it
has the power to wipe out entire cities and kill significantly more people than the
already powerful atomic bomb, which the U.S. dropped in Japan during World
War II, killing tens of thousands of people.
As global tensions continue to rise over North Korea’s nuclear weapons program,
here’s what to know about atomic and hydrogen bombs:
More than 200,000 people died in Japan after the U.S. dropped the world’s first
atomic bomb on Hiroshima and then another one three days later in Nagasaki
during World War II in 1945, according to the Associated Press. The bombings in
the two cities were so devastating, they forced Japan to surrender.
But a hydrogen bomb has the potential to be 1,000 times more powerful than an
atomic bomb, according to several nuclear experts. The U.S. witnessed the
magnitude of a hydrogen bomb when it tested one within the country in 1954, the
New York Times reported.
Hydrogen bombs cause a bigger explosion, which means the shock waves, blast,
heat and radiation all have larger reach than an atomic bomb, according to
Edward Morse, a professor of nuclear engineering at University of California,
Berkeley.
Although no other country has used such a weapon of mass destruction since
World War II, experts say it would be even more catastrophic if a hydrogen bomb
were to be dropped instead of an atomic one.
“It will basically wipe out any of modern cities,” Hall said. “A regular atomic
bomb would still be devastating, but it would not do nearly as much damage as an
H-bomb.”
Hiroshima in ruins following the atomic bomb blast. Bernard Hoffman—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty
Images
Simply speaking, experts say a hydrogen bomb is the more advanced version of
an atomic bomb. “You have to master the A-bomb first,” Hall said.
“The way the hydrogen bomb works — it’s really a combination of fission and
fusion together,” said Eric Norman, who also teaches nuclear engineering at UC
Berkeley.
Morse said the atomic bombs dropped on Japan were each equivalent to just
about 10,000 kilotons of TNT. “Those were the little guys,” Morse said. “Those
were small bombs, and they were bad enough.” Hydrogen bombs, he said, would
result in a yield of about 100,000 kilotons of TNT, up to several million kilotons
of TNT, which would mean more deaths.
Hydrogen bombs are also harder to produce but lighter in weight, meaning they
could travel farther on top of a missile, according to experts.
Both bombs are extremely lethal and have the power to kill people within
seconds, as well as hours later due to radiation. Blasts from both bombs would
also instantly burn wood structures to the ground, topple big buildings and
render roads unusable.
Sourcing Questions
Based on the article, what is the main difference
between the Hydrogen and Atomic Bomb?
Contextualization Questions
The year this article was written was 2017, why
do you think that they would be writing about
this historical event in the modern day?
Are there any modern day events revolving
around nuclear bombs that were going on
around the same time this article was written?
Corroboration Tasks
What themes and/or topics are addressed in
both sections of this article?
Introduction
In the early morning hours of July 16, 1945, great anticipation and fear ran rampant at White Sands
Missile Range near Alamogordo, New Mexico. Robert Oppenheimer, director of the Manhattan
Project, could hardly breathe. Years of secrecy, research, and tests were riding on this
moment. "For the last few seconds, he stared directly ahead and when the announcer shouted
Now!' and there came this tremendous burst of light followed abruptly there after by the deep
growling of the explosion, his face relaxed into an expression of tremendous relief," recalled
General L. R. Groves of Oppenheimer, in a memorandum for Secretary of War George
Marshall. The explosion carrying more power than 20,000 tons of TNT and visible for more
than 200 miles succeeded. The world's first atomic bomb had been detonated.
With the advent of the nuclear age, new dilemmas in the art of warfare arose. The war in Europe
had concluded in May. The Pacific war would receive full attention from the United States War
Department. As late as May 1945, the U.S. was engaged in heavy fighting with the Japanese
at Iwo Jima and Okinawa. In these most bloody conflicts, the United States had sustained more
than 75,000 casualties. These victories insured the United States was within air striking
distance of the Japanese mainland. The bombing of Pearl Harbor by the Japanese to initiate
United States entrance into the war, just four years before, was still fresh on the minds of many
Americans. A feeling of vindication and a desire to end the war strengthened the resolve of the
United States to quickly and decisively conclude it. President Harry Truman had many
alternatives at his disposal for ending the war: invade the Japanese mainland, hold a
demonstration of the destructive power of the atomic bomb for Japanese dignitaries, drop an
atomic bomb on selected industrial Japanese cities, bomb and blockade the islands, wait for
Soviet entry into the war on August 15, or mediate a compromised peace. Operation Olympia,
a full scale landing of United States armed forces, was already planned for Kyushu on
November 1, 1945 and a bomb and blockade plan had already been instituted over the
Japanese mainland for several months.
The Japanese resolve to fight had been seriously hampered in the preceding months. Their losses
at Iwo Jima and Okinawa had been staggering. Their navy had ceased to exist as an effective
fighting force and the air corps had been decimated. American B-29's made bombing runs over
military targets on the Japanese mainland an integral part of their air campaign. Japan's lack of
air power hindered their ability to fight. The imprecision of bombing and the use of devastating
city bombing in Europe eventually swayed United States Pacific theater military leaders to
authorize bombing of Japanese mainland cities. Tokyo, Nagoya, Osaka, and Kobe all were
decimated by incendiary and other bombs. In all, hundreds of thousands of civilians were killed
in these air strikes meant to deter the resolve of the Japanese people. Yet, Japanese resolve
stayed strong and the idea of a bloody "house to house" invasion of the Japanese mainland
would produce thousands more American and Allied casualties. The Allies in late July 1945
declared at Potsdam that the Japanese must unconditionally surrender.
Vocabulary
incendiary bomb
The incendiary bomb was a mixture of thermite and oxidizing agents employed by the Allies and
Axis powers after 1943. Sometimes incorporating napalm, these bombs were responsible for
burning over 41.5 square miles of Tokyo by the United States in March 1945.
unconditional surrender
Unconditional surrender is a term used by victors in war to describe the type of settlement they
wish to extoll from the vanquished. The settlement demands that the loser make no demands
during surrender proceedings. Unconditional surrender was first enunciated by the Allies during
World War II at a summit meeting at Casablanca in January 1943.
providence
divine guidance or care
ultimatum
the final propositions, conditions, or terms offered by either of the parties during a diplomatic
negotiation
Source
Read the press release from President Truman on August 6, 1945 following the dropping of the
atomic bomb noting important details about its production and the rhetoric used.
Using Source 2
Sourcing Questions
Contextualization Questions
Corroboration Tasks
https://www.atomicheritage.org/history/debate-over-japanese-surrender
Traditionalist School
The “traditionalist school” accepts the explanation given by President Truman, Secretary of
War Henry L. Stimson, and others in the government in the aftermath of the war. The
traditionalist conception is that the atomic bombs were crucial to forcing Japan to accept
surrender, and that the bombings prevented a planned invasion of Japan that might have
cost more lives. Emperor Hirohito’s citation of the “new and most cruel bomb” in his speech
announcing surrender bolsters this theory’s credibility.
Historians have critiqued various parts of this rationale for the bombings, including
casualty estimates from the planned invasion. Retrospective estimates vary wildly, and
are often lower than the figures stated by Truman and Stimson. But there is also a sizable
literature disagreeing with the central premise: that the bombs led to the surrender.
Revisionist School
The oldest and most prominent critics of the
traditionalist school have been the “revisionist
school,” starting with Gar Alperovitz in the
1960s. The revisionists argue that Japan was
already ready to surrender before the atomic
bombs. They say the decision to use the
bombs anyway indicates ulterior motives on
the part of the US government. Japan was
attempting to use the Soviet Union to mediate
a negotiated peace in 1945 (a doomed effort,
since the Soviets were already planning on breaking off their non-aggression pact and
invading). Revisionists argue that this shows the bombings were unnecessary.
The other piece of evidence behind this claim is the US Strategic Bombing Survey,
conducted after the war. It concluded that Japan would have surrendered anyway before
November (the planned start date for the full-scale invasion). Some historians have
identified flaws in the survey, based on contemporary evidence. Others have argued that
the US had no reason to trust the sincerity of the Japanese outreach to the Soviets, and
that evidence from within Japan indicates that the Japanese Cabinet was not fully
committed to the idea of a negotiated peace.
Revisionists have also contended that surrender could have happened without the
bombings if the US had compromised on its goal of unconditional surrender. The sticking
point for the Japanese was retaining the emperor in his position. It is unclear if they would
have accepted the reduction of the emperor to a figurehead, as eventually happened after
the war. Many officials advocated for maintaining the emperor’s authority as a condition
for surrender even after the Hiroshima bombing.
Sourcing Questions
Based on the source what are some reasons for
defending both sides of this argument?
Contextualization Questions
What side of the argument do you think most
americans were on in 1945?
Corroboration Tasks
Based on the article and the speech, in listening
to the speech which side of the argument do you
think that it would side under?
https://www.trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/index.php?pid=642&st=hydrogen&st1
Public Papers
Harry S. Truman
1945-1953
Using Source 4
Sourcing Questions
Based on the fact that this is a press release to
the public, how might that influence its tone and
purpose?
Contextualization Questions
This press release is dated January 31st 1950,
based on this date can we think of any events
that were happening in the world during this
time?
Corroboration Tasks
What is the general theme of this specific press
release?
Sourcing Questions
Looking that the year of this memorandum is
1949 what events were transpiring during this
time period?
Contextualization Questions
What themes and topics are discussed in this
memorandum?
Corroboration Tasks
Is it clear, based on previous discussed sources
what the theme of this memorandum is the basis
for?
Life Magazine October 31st 1952 “The United States tested the world's first hydrogen on the
Pacific Island of Eniwetok”
Life Magazine January 30th, 1950. “Atom Bomb destruction compared to the Hydrogen Bomb
using the city of Chicago”.
McMillan, Priscilla Johnson. The Ruin of J. Robert Oppenheimer, and the Birth of the Modern
Arms Race. Viking, 2005.
Using Source 6
Sourcing Questions
In looking at the first picture and recognizing the
date what events had transpired right before this
date in history?
Contextualization Questions
In looking at the dates of the first two pictures
what worldwide event can you infer that the
United States was preparing for?
Corroboration Tasks
What themes are overall brought to the attention
of the American People through these three
sources?
“I remembered the line from the Hindu scripture the Bhagavad-Gita, ” he
said. “‘Now I am become Death, the destroyer of worlds.’ I suppose we all
thought that, one way or another.”
On August 6, the U.S. dropped the bomb on Hiroshima, Japan, wiping out
90 percent of the city and killing 80,000 people. Three days later, the U.S.
killed 40,000 people in Nagasaki with another bomb. Tens of thousands
more would die from radiation exposure. Japan surrendered a few days after
the second bombing, ending World War II.
The mushroom cloud produced by the first explosion by the Americans of a hydrogen
bomb at Eniwetok Atoll in the South Pacific. Known as Operation Ivy, this test
represented a major step forwards in terms of the destructive power achievable with
atomic weapons. (Credit: SSPL/Getty Images)
Ham isn’t convinced that Oppenheimer felt remorse specifically for the
bombing of Japan, which the scientist may have viewed as a necessary evil.
Rather, he thinks that Oppenheimer was more concerned about the
devastation that future nuclear war could bring.
After the war, Oppenheimer took steps to prevent such a future. He began
working with the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission to control the use of
nuclear weapons. In 1949, when Truman approached the commission about
creating a hydrogen bomb, Oppenheimer opposed it.
Despite his opposition, the U.S. developed an H-bomb and tested it in 1952.
But Oppenheimer’s resistance ended up costing him his job. During the
McCarthy era, the government stripped him of his job with the commission,
citing his opposition to the hydrogen bomb as well as his purported
Communist ties.
Sourcing Questions
Based on the fact that this is a public article what
is the overall tone of the topic provided?
Contextualization Questions
What events based on the article and what we
have already looked at lead to this opposition?
Corroboration Tasks
What is the overall method and topic of this
article?
Sourcing Questions
What type of source is this?
Contextualization Questions
What does DMZ refer to?
Corroboration Tasks
What opinion about denuclearization does the
cartoonist portray in this source?
Since taking office, the Trump Administration has demanded the “denuclearization” of
the Korean Peninsula. President Donald Trump raised the stakes when he met with
North Korean leader Kim Jong-un at a summit in Singapore in June 2018. Their joint
declaration promised that North Korea would commit itself “to work toward complete
denuclearization” of the region. An inter-Korean summit held in mid September
reinforced the call to action.
But where did the word “denuclearization” come from, and is it unique to the dangerous
situation currently found on the Korean Peninsula?
In a front-page op-ed in The New York Times entitled, “The Word That Could Help the
World Avoid Nuclear War,” Jeffrey Lewis, the director of the East Asia nonproliferation
program at the Middlebury Center of International Studies at Monterey, writes that the
term “is more or less native to the Korean Peninsula” and “a relic from the 1990s.”
Yet a deeper dive into the history of the word “denuclearization” reveals a longer and
more varied backstory. It also reveals that the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula
would bestow new significance upon the term.
The word “denuclearization” first emerged in the late 1950s in reference to Central
Europe. It derived from the term “demilitarization,” which had most recently been used
in a 1955 British arms control proposal for Central Europe as a means of reunifying
Germany and aligning it with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Both East
and West rejected that plan, but the idea of arms limitations in Central Europe endured.
In October 1957, Poland’s Foreign Minister Adam Rapacki proposed at the United
Nations General Assembly the prohibition of nuclear weapons in East Germany, West
Germany, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Rapacki issued his proposal in response to the
presence of U.S. tactical nuclear weapons in West Germany and potential plans to share
nuclear weapons amongst NATO allies. Although Rapacki did not initially use the term
“denuclearization” in the presentation of his scheme, within a few months the word
became associated with the so-called “Rapacki Plan.”
The word itself did not have any special connotation in relation to the Rapacki Plan.
Pundits used the term “denuclearization” synonymously with “atom-free zone,”
“nuclear-free zone,” “nuclear disengagement,” “de-atomization,” and “limited
disarmament,” amongst other phrases, to describe the contours of the Polish proposal.
While some Western officials sympathetic to the Polish effort secretly encouraged
Rapacki to abandon the term “disengagement” given its negative connotations in the
West, both sides of the Cold War used the word “denuclearization” freely.
In one example, Nikolai Patolichev, a Soviet First Deputy Foreign Minister, used it in
early 1958 as he dismissed a rumor that Moscow had established rocket-launching
bases in Czechoslovakia, East Germany, and Poland: “It’s a lie. It doesn’t make sense for
us to support the Rapacki plan for the denuclearization of Central Europe and build
rocket bases at the same time,” he said. In another example, Canadian Undersecretary
of State Jules Léger wrote in a secret cable of his worries that if the West rejected the
Rapacki Plan outright, “neither the U.S. nor the U.S.S.R. will ever be able to agree to the
denuclearization of any region in which nuclear weapons have already been placed.”
The West rejected the Rapacki Plan in 1958, but the issue of denuclearization in Europe
persisted. It again rose to prominence in the early 1980s during the so-called
Euromissiles Crisis, when proposals for the deployment of new generations of nuclear
weapons in Europe sparked global protest. For example, George F. Kennan, the
so-called father of the U.S. containment doctrine, penned an op-ed in The New York
Times urging both sides of the Cold War to prohibit nuclear weapons from Central and
Northern Europe. As a point of emphasis, Kennan simply entitled his article
“Denuclearization.”
The term, though, was hardly confined to the European theater during the Cold War. In
November 1961, the United Nations passed a resolution that called on its members to
“consider and respect the continent of Africa as a denuclearized zone” in the wake of
French nuclear testing in the Sahara Desert. The occasion seemingly marked the first
time that the word formally entered into the international legal lexicon, as it was never
used when twelve nations made Antarctica the world’s first denuclearized zone in 1959.
However, given that key nuclear nations like Great Britain, France, and the United
States abstained from voting on the African initiative, the gesture had limited
significance.
A more notable achievement occurred later in the decade, when Latin America became
the first denuclearized zone in an inhabited region. The negotiations took place amongst
21 nations under the auspices of the Preparatory Commission for the Denuclearization
of Latin America. The nations gathered had planned to call the final agreement the
“Treaty for the Denuclearization of Latin America,” but in February 1967, only two
weeks before the Treaty opened for signature, Brazil suggested that the title be
changed.
Brazil had been the first to use the word for Latin America in the fall of 1962, initially as
a proposed extension of the African effort and then as a solution to the Cuban Missile
Crisis. With the missiles removed from Cuba, Brazil claimed by 1967 that the term was
outdated for the region. Moreover, Brazil believed that the term “offered some
ambiguities” and failed to account for the desire of Latin American peoples to use
nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. This observation had controversial undertones,
as Brazil (and some others) fought to have the right to “peaceful nuclear explosions”
(PNEs) under the Treaty, which would allow the use of nuclear explosive devices (all but
indistinguishable from nuclear weapons) for large-scale civil engineering projects. In the
end, the title was changed to the “Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in
Latin America,” and the right to PNEs remained disputed.
Even within Asia, the term is not unique to the Korean Peninsula. As early as January
1958, Japanese socialist politicians called for an “Asian denuclearized zone” in the mold
of the pending Rapacki Plan. U.S. officials worried that the proposal might include such
key U.S. allies as Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea. Nor did the term suddenly appear in
the early 1990s specifically for the Korean Peninsula. For example, in September 1986
North Korea hosted delegates from more than eighty nations at the “Pyongyang
International Conference for Denuclearization and Peace on the Korean Peninsula” as a
ruse for its own nuclear aspirations.
Nevertheless, the use of the word for the Korean Peninsula has specific meanings. Lewis
makes the important point that experts have intentionally used the term
“denuclearization” over “disarmament” in order to capture the complexity of the
situation on the Korean Peninsula, which includes the legacy of U.S. nuclear weapons in
the region and the “nuclear umbrella” of extended deterrence the United States
provides South Korea. Meanwhile, North Korea adheres to a unique interpretation of
“denuclearization,” one that aspires to the “opacity” of Israel – possess nuclear weapons,
but do not flaunt them.
Should the key parties prohibit nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula, the word
“denuclearization” would achieve new significance. No regional denuclearization
agreement has ever removed an indigenous nuclear weapons capability. The Treaty of
Pelindaba, which formally denuclearized Africa in 2009, opened for signature in 1996,
three years after South Africa became the only nation ever to renounce its nuclear
weapons.
Likewise, the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula would be unprecedented for the
United States. The U.S. has never led the creation of a denuclearized zone in an
inhabited region (it did, more or less, for the uninhabited regions of Antarctica, outer
space, and the seabed). Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s,
the United States helped to lead the removal of Russian nuclear weapons from former
Soviet satellite states like Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine, but these arrangements
did not establish regional denuclearized zones. Neither did the 1990 Treaty on the Final
Settlement with Respect to Germany, despite its prohibition of nuclear weapons from
Berlin and the territory that had comprised East Germany.
Before Trump, the United States had also never called for a summit for the purposes of
regional denuclearization. In 1958, the United States rejected Soviet calls for a summit
in part because the Rapacki Plan appeared to be “the only idea seemingly approaching
negotiability.” In this sense, Trump’s approach is already groundbreaking.
As many experts have pointed out, the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula
remains unlikely. Nuclear weapons provide North Korea with security and prestige,
while the United States could be reluctant to undermine the protection it provides
South Korea. North Korea’s demand for linking regional denuclearization with a formal
agreement to end the Korean War further complicates the situation. If both sides can
somehow agree to “ban the bomb” from the Korean Peninsula, though, it would
undoubtedly help to make the world a safer place.
Less noticeably, it would also bestow new significance upon the word “denuclearization”
beyond a storied past.
Using Source 9
Sourcing Questions
What type of source is this?
Contextualization Questions
Describe different times in history when
denuclearization or disarmament have been
considered?
Corroboration Tasks
What theme do you see throughout the different
times in history when denuclearization has been
considered?
WASHINGTON – When President Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un sit down
Wednesday in Vietnam, one of their goals will be rather basic: defining the very topic
of their negotiations, denuclearization.
The United States basically defines the term as having North Korea eliminate all of its
nuclear weapons programs. North Koreans see it as removal of all nuclear assets
from the region – including those the United States put there to protect South Korea
and other allies.
Bridging this definition gap is key to this week's second summit between Trump and
Kim in Hanoi.
Few details were provided about the agenda on Wednesday and Thursday. But they
did confirm that Trump and Kim intend to meet alone without aides, just as they did
during their first summit last year in Singapore.
Trump and aides want the North Koreans to commit to detailed, concrete ways to
eliminate their nuclear weapons programs. But Kim and his government want the U.S.
to do something first: ease economic sanctions that are crippling their country.
Addressing this standoff is part of the effort to define denuclearization, officials said.
Trump has downplayed expectations, saying last week that he was in no "rush" to
demand denuclearization and insisting he remained confident Kim eventually would
do so.
"I don’t think this will be the last meeting by any chance, but I do think that the
relationship is very strong," Trump told reporters.
Kristine Lee, research associate with the Asia-Pacific Security Program at the Center
for a New American Security, said the definition of denuclearization has been "a
sticking point" because of U.S. assets in the region.
"Denuclearization for North Korea has long meant the removal of all of these assets
(missile defense systems, stealth fighters) from the peninsula," she said. "Whereas for
the United States, this refers exclusively to the elimination of North Korea's nuclear
program."
A group of more than 40 retired military generals and diplomats urged Trump to
consider some kind of sanctions relief. They also backed a proposal to have the
United States and North Korea set up liaison offices in each other's cities – not
embassies, but offices that can be used to transmit government-to-government
messages.
Trump "must move beyond symbolism if he hopes to make real headway towards
ending the danger of the North Korean nuclear program," read the letter released by
the American Collage of National Security Leaders.
A group of House Democrats, meanwhile, have asked Trump for more details about
the North Korea talks.
The letter was signed by chairmen Eliot Engel, D-N.Y., of the House Committee on
Foreign Affairs; Adam Smith, D-Wash., Committee on Armed Services; and Adam
Schiff, D-Calif., Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.
Sourcing Questions
What type of source is this?
Contextualization Questions
In what region of the World is denuclearization
being addressed in this source?
Corroboration Tasks
Describe some of the advice Trump received in
preparation for these negotiations.
Sourcing Questions
What type of source is this?
Contextualization Questions
Who is Secretary Acheson? What department
does he head?
Corroboration Tasks
According to Acheson, how likely is it that a
disarmament agreement can be reached?
Sourcing Questions
Who sent this report to the President?
Contextualization Questions
What is the report saying will be the main benefit
from the development of the “Super Bomb”?
Corroboration Tasks
Who is recommended for being a part of the
sub-committee?