6 Interviewing techniques for migrant

minority groups
Luis Sánchez-Ayala

Any research attempt requires a serious engagement and the full com-
prehension of all the elements directly and indirectly related to the study.
When the study involves human subjects, the research is a real challenge,
more so if it involves interviewing members of minority migrant groups.
This type of human subject represents a sensitive population and there-
fore special awareness is needed, not only because of the complexity
related to human nature, but also because of the particularities of dealing
with migrants who are considered, either by assertion or assignment, as
minorities.1
Success in obtaining the necessary information when interviewing a
migrant minority group depends on three factors. The first factor is the
preparation that takes place prior to the interview process. The second
factor is the application of the appropriate interview technique. The third
factor is the proper analysis of the information. These factors can deter-
mine the interaction between the interviewer and the respondent, and the
quality and richness of the data gathered.
The interview process of migrant populations and minority groups
requires special attention. It is very important to keep open possibilities
to fully engage in their everyday life, and to capture the complexity of
social relations embedded in their daily experiences. However, the most
important aspect when interviewing such groups is the way in which the
interviewer identifies her- or himself and engages in the conversation with
the potential interviewees. In other words, it is important to reflect on the
ways in which the researcher could potentially influence the interview.

6.1 POSITIONALITY

The first step before conducting fieldwork, and also before engaging in
any writing, is to consider our own positionality: the ways in which the
values and subjectivity of the researcher are part of the construction of
knowledge. This is perhaps the most difficult task to achieve during the
interview process. A failure to do so can lead to misrepresentation of the

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 118 Handbook of research methods in migration

potential results of the research. Considerations of positionality allow the

researcher to be aware of its potential to influence the interviews and thus
the end results. Therefore, positionality is a concept that requires close
examination prior to engaging in research, and most certainly before con-
ducting research dealing with qualitative methods.
Positionality is the notion that our location in the social structure and
the institutions we belong to affect the ways in which we understand the
world (Johnston et al., 2000, p. 604). Such a position acts on and reacts
to our knowledge about things, both material and abstract. Therefore,
there is no independent or objective position from which one can freely
and fully observe the complexity of our world. Value-free research, if not
impossible, is almost impossible to obtain. It is important to understand
that research is shaped by the actions and values of the researcher (Limb
and Dwyer, 2001, p. 8). No one has ever devised a method for detaching
the scholar from the circumstances of life or from the fact of his involve-
ment (conscious or unconscious) with a class, a set of beliefs, or a social
position, or from the mere activity of being a member of a society (Said,
1979, p. 10).
Positionality is also a matter of representation, in other words, how the
interviewer sees and perceives the interviewee. This can be described as
an unequal relation of power where the interviewer is in the position of
interpreting the lives of the interviewees. If the interviewer is not aware
of such a relationship the results of the interviews could construct social
reality instead of reflecting it. In that case the interviewer could be at risk
of privileging certain points of view while silencing others. Therefore, how
the interviewer constructs and represents ‘others’ through any judgment
made for that matter responds in great part to their own personal situ-
ation and positionality. Failure to acknowledge this before engaging in
the interviewing process represents an obstacle to full consideration of
all the possible angles of observation. Such obstacles not only critically
limit the construction of a proper interview instrument, but also affect its
effective application in the field.
The subject of positionality requires self-reflexivity. When thinking
about who to interview it is important to reflect on how the researcher’s
identity will shape the interactions that he or she will have with the inter-
viewees. In this sense, the interviewee can treat the interviewer with either
acceptance and trust, or skepticism and rejection. The interviewer can deal
with this positioning as an insider or as an outsider with respect to the
person or group being interviewed.
An insider position, or sharing the same background or similar identity
with the informant, can have positive effects. It can facilitate the develop-
ment of a rapport between interviewer and interviewee, thus producing

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 Interviewing techniques for migrant minority groups 119

rich, detailed conversation based on empathy and mutual respect and

understanding (Valentine, 1997, p. 113). Similarly, the researcher may
find it easier to build a bond with the research participants and conduct
interviews if the project is linked to his or her own interests, or if he or she
is interviewing people with whom he or she has something in common.
In this sense, the researcher’s personal position could allow her or him to
have a much clearer understanding of the interviewee’s position and prob-
lematic. This insider position can also situate the researcher in an advanta-
geous position of having firsthand information, through life experiences,
and even through common language, culture, background, and so on.
On the other hand, an outsider position can actually facilitate the
progress of the interview. In this sense, the interviewer can be situated in
a neutral position as an independent element. Such status can bring the
necessary trust in the interviewer-interviewee relationship and thus create
the proper environment for the development of a rich and detailed con-
versation. Similarly, an outsider can be perceived as a better position to
preserve the interviewee’s anonymity, and therefore the interviewee may
find it easier to speak and answer questions freely.
However, it is possible to be positioned as an outsider and at the same
time achieve an insider relationship with the interviewee. This is possible
through an insider companion or co-researcher. In this sense, the insider
companion or co-researcher is the link that can create the environment
of familiarity and trust between the interviewer and the interviewees, and
thus open the doors for a fluid conversation. Yet, as is the case of the main
researcher, such an insider companion or co-researcher needs to be aware
of her or his own biases and position.
Nevertheless, the interviewer needs to be very alert, as this insider/
outsider border can be both beneficial and harmful to the research. An
insider interviewer can also have the effect of making the researcher appear
too close for comfort, making the people wary of sharing (Mohammad,
2001, p. 108). However, the danger lies in the possibility that the inter-
viewer can get emotionally attached to the interviewee and thus uncon-
sciously restrain her- or himself to see only one side, or to unconsciously
not allow her- or himself to reflect upon views that are opposed to her or
his own views. Moreover, an outsider position can be perceived as distant,
and this can affect the development of the interview.
I will illustrate how this issue of positionality fits into a study involving
interviews with migrant minority groups. During my research on Puerto
Rican migration to Orlando, Florida, USA, I had to deal with my own
positionality. In that research I was looking at the formation of a Puerto
Rican community, as a migrant minority group in the Orlando area, and
the perceived differences between being a Puerto Rican born in Puerto

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 120 Handbook of research methods in migration

Rico and being a Puerto Rican born in the mainland USA. In this context,
the nature of my own identity as a Puerto Rican born in Puerto Rico made
my case more complex.
As I came into contact with individuals and institutions, my own posi-
tionality became part of my research as some of my interviewees related to
me and assumed I was part of the community. Since I am Puerto Rican,
island-born, and lived in Florida, most of my interviewees assumed my
research was an ‘inside job,’ a situation which they welcomed gratefully
as something positive for the better of the ‘community.’ In this sense,
both the topic of my research and my identity removed many obstacles in
terms of my access to their lives. I ended up getting to know, in person,
several important figures and elected officials in Central Florida, including
officials representing the government of Puerto Rico in the Orlando met-
ropolitan area. In most cases, these individuals offered me their help and
support. Therefore, I took advantage of my own positionality as an insider
sharing in their background and identity. As a result, I was able to endure
a rich and detailed conversation that provided me with inside information
about the community and its actors.
On the other hand, the same position that opened the doors of possibil-
ity among the Puerto Rican migrant community also introduced compli-
cations in the development of the interviews. On one occasion in which
I failed to strike a balance between being a researcher and being one of
‘them,’ one of the interviewees did not perceive me as part of their com-
munity. The interview started well; the interviewee was supportive and
gave me valuable information. However, after an hour of conversation
the interviewee noticed a green wristband that I have on my left hand. The
color green in Puerto Rico stands for independence for Puerto Rico. At
the beginning of the interview, when I asked about the reason he migrated
from the island to Florida, the interviewee made clear that he migrated in
part due to political reasons, and since he was (and still is) part of the pro-
statehood party in Puerto Rico, he was forced to migrate due to political
‘persecution’ from the pro-commonwealth government that had been in
power at the time. After that point the interview started to fall apart. He
became somewhat arrogant in his responses, attributing a political agenda
to all my questions, and although he proceeded respectfully, he started to
add comments about how pro-independence people should stay on the
island. Since that experience I became more alert of any message that I
could consciously or unconsciously send to my interviewees that could
potentially affect the development of the interviews.
This is an example of the importance of why the interviewer needs to
be aware of personal circumstances and constraints. Failure to engage the
appropriate position could lead the interview and the study to misleading

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 Interviewing techniques for migrant minority groups 121

generalizations. In this sense, the researcher’s own position can be both

enabling and disabling. It all depends on the ability of the researcher to
make visible the exact nature of her or his biases through a self-reflexive
understanding of the researcher’s social locatedness at the moment.
All these considerations are critical for the accuracy of the interview
process, even more so when dealing with a sensitive population like a
migrant minority group. This type of population requires careful attention
due to the perception, either by assertion or assignment, of uniqueness,
individuality, and sometimes rejection and marginalization. Yet these con-
siderations alone are not enough; to fully understand migrants we need to
understand their spatial context.

6.2 SPATIAL CONSIDERATIONS FOR

INTERVIEWING MIGRANTS

Human mobility is a spatial phenomenon. Any serious attempt to

understand migration must take into account the spatial setting and cir-
cumstances, in both the place of origin and the destination place, of the
migrants to be interviewed. We must not forget that the causes of migra-
tion are not unrelated to the consequences of migration in the places of
emigration (Samers, 2010). This includes socio-economic issues, but more
importantly their sense or level of integration into the spatial setting.
These factors will determine how these migrants construct their collec-
tive identity, in both their place of origin and their place of destination
(for example, whether they perceive themselves as welcome, unwelcome,
included, marginalized, empowered, discriminated against, insider, out-
sider, and so on), and in turn how receptive they are to sharing their stories
and life experiences with another person. For instance, as Mitchell (1993,
p. 277) puts it, individuals who have economic and/or cultural power are
able to challenge and in some cases transform the notions of exclusion
toward migrants, predominant in the host countries. Therefore, due to
their particular spatial circumstances, such migrants are less likely to per-
ceive themselves as a vulnerable minority group, and, thus, would be more
receptive to share their stories and life experiences.
Therefore, to fully understand migrants we need to understand at least
two basic spatial concepts. The first concept is place. Contrary to the
concept of space, place is less abstract, as it is a site of meanings. In other
words, what makes place are the social meanings that individuals and
groups assign to any given space. Place signifies and is full of meanings
that relate to lived experiences. In this sense, place can be viewed on a
smaller scale than space (Cresswell, 2004).

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 122 Handbook of research methods in migration

It is critical to understand migrants’ place-making process. Most of the

time an interview is not enough to fully understand their stories. During
an interview there are things that could be omitted, forgotten, hidden, or
ignored. In this sense, the migrant’s place-making process can help us put
all the pieces together. In other words, we can understand their attitudes
by looking at their constructed sites and their contextual meanings. Place
and its symbolic contents play a central role in people’s lives; people act
and behave in great deal according to what they see. Therefore, places can
be understood as our unwitting autobiography, reflecting our lives, our
values and aspiration, in tangible, visible form (Lewis et al., 1973).
The other spatial concept relevant when looking at the life experi-
ences of migrants is territory. Delaney (2005, p. 14) defines territory as a
bounded social space that inscribes a certain sort of meanings onto defined
segments of the material world. Therefore, territoriality is an important
element of how cultures, societies, collectives, and institutions organize
themselves in space (Delaney, 2005, p. 7). In other words, territoriality is
a human strategy to affect, influence, and control (Sack, 1986, p. 2). The
point is that when we look through territory what we will always see are
constellations of social relations of power (Delaney, 2005, p. 16).
Therefore, to understand territory is to understand the boundaries and
spatial extension of the social arrangement within the migrants’ places. In
this sense, we must be very much aware of the context of their territory
before entering it. This knowledge not only will help the interview process
itself by making the interviewer more aware of the ‘hidden externalities’ of
the interview setting, but it will also provide some of the necessary tools to
select and organize the interview instrument.

6.3 THE INTERVIEW TECHNIQUE

An interview does not consist of only asking questions; there are differ-
ent techniques and ways in which to implement an interview in the field
in order to properly obtain the necessary information. The first step the
researcher must take is to reflect on how much interaction with the inter-
viewees is required. In other words, the proper selection of an interview
technique depends on the type of information desired, according to the
research plan and goals. This consideration is particularly important when
dealing with a sensitive population, such as is the specific case of migrant
groups, that either by assertion or assignment is considered a minority
population in a particular place. We must have in mind that not everyone
migrates; therefore, those who migrate can be identified as a minority.
Migration is a process which affects every dimension of social existence,

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 Interviewing techniques for migrant minority groups 123

and which develops its own complex dynamics (Castles and Miller, 2009,
p. 21). In this sense, migrants, but more so those moving into a new social
and cultural setting, could perceive themselves as being in a disadvanta-
geous and vulnerable position, and thus would be reluctant to share their
lived experiences. Therefore, getting too close could be interpreted as an
intrusion, but, on the other hand, being too far could limit the quality of
the research results.
In this sense, too much interaction with the interviewees can result in an
excess of information. This can leave the researcher with too many irrel-
evant details, and thus hold back the progress of the research. The excess
of information can make the process of data analysis and reflection a very
complex one. Similarly, too much interaction can limit the total number
of interviews conducted, affecting the findings of the research. On the
other hand, the opposite can occur; insufficient interaction can limit the
collection of valuable information, leaving the researcher with incomplete
or inadequate data. This in turn can critically affect the outcome of the
research as well.
The technique requiring the most interaction with research subjects is
in-depth interviews. In investigating the different aspects related to minor-
ity migrant groups it is imperative to get the most information possible
about their life experiences and perceptions, as well as their physical sur-
roundings. In-depth interviews are sensitive and people-oriented, allow-
ing interviewees to construct their own accounts of their experiences by
describing and explaining their lives in their own words (Valentine, 1997,
p. 111). In other words, this technique represents a window into the inter-
viewees’ consciousness. Such consciousness allows us to access the most
complicated social issues because social issues are abstractions from con-
crete lived experiences (Limb and Dwyer, 2001; Seidman, 1998).
In-depth interviews can be structured, unstructured, or semi-structured.
Structured interviews follow a predetermined plan. This plan includes a
standardized list of questions which are asked in a strict order. On the
contrary, unstructured interviews do not follow any standardized list of
questions. In this technique the researcher starts the conversation and then
allows the interviewee to direct the rest of the conversation. Finally, semi-
structured interviews have elements of both structured and unstructured
interviews. In this technique the interviewer establishes a general direction
for the conversation but still ensures flexibility for the interviewee to direct
part of the conversation.
Another technique that requires direct interaction between the researcher
and the respondents is the group interview or focus group. Similar to in-
depth interviews, focus groups can be structured, unstructured, or semi-
structured. However, focus groups entail a collective interview process,

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 124 Handbook of research methods in migration

and therefore individuals can be influenced by other participants of the

focus group.
On the other hand, the technique requiring the least interaction between
the researcher and the respondents is the use of questionnaires. The degree of
interaction of this technique fluctuates depending on the method of admin-
istration of the questionnaire; the questionnaire can be self-administered or
supervised. In self-administered questionnaires the respondents complete
the form themselves with no or minimal interaction with the researcher,
while supervised questionnaires involve more interaction between the
researcher and the respondent, as the researcher interacts directly with the
respondent. Nonetheless, questionnaires are a good tool to use in order
to gain valuable information about the overall perceptions of the general
populace. In this sense, the questionnaire can include specific questions that
can provide a glimpse into individual patterns and collective behavior.
The appropriate selection of a technique depends on the goals of the
research. A study interested in the full stories and experiences of the inter-
viewee must keep possibilities open and not limit respondents’ answers; the
proper technique in that case would be in-depth interviews. Conversely, if
the research seeks to explore collective behavior and patterns, the proper
technique would be the use of questionnaires. However, if the research
is interested in exploring the simultaneous reactions and divergences of
various individuals, the proper technique would be the focus group. It is
also important to know whether or not the researcher needs or wants to
establish a general direction for the conversation and pursue specific topics
raised by the respondent. This information is necessary in order to select
a structured, unstructured, or semi-structured method of conducting the
selected technique.
Once a technique had been selected it is crucial to decide what is going
to be asked. Have in mind that selecting the right questions is as important
as the selection of the interview technique itself. This in turn will ensure
that the necessary information is collected in order to successfully meet
the research plan. Therefore, the selection of the questions must take into
account the specific circumstances and spatial situation of the respondent.
There are two types of questions, closed-ended questions and open-
ended questions. The use of closed questions involves a predetermined set
of answers provided by the researcher to the respondent to select one or
more. Conversely, the questions that allow the respondent to provide her
or his own answers are open-ended questions. Closed-ended questions are
used more often in questionnaires because they provide more uniformity
and are more easily processed, while in-depth interviews rely almost exclu-
sively on open-ended questions because doing so keeps possibilities open
for the respondents to fully share their life experiences.

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 Interviewing techniques for migrant minority groups 125

Nonetheless, equally important in the process of selecting the proper

interview technique is the use of other sources of complementary infor-
mation and data to support the primary information gathered during the
interview process. In this sense, participant and/or site observation and
document analysis can be of great help.
Participant and site observation allows the researcher to study behavior
in its natural setting and to fully understand the spatial context of the
everyday life of those being researched. In other words, observing also
means involvement in the migrant community and recurrent contact
with the real actors, keeping in mind that the spatial setting of those
being observed is an important factor in social and cultural relations. In
this sense, social relations can be understood by actively examining such
spaces. That space serves as a way to understand people’s behavior. People
do not just see the space; they read it and interpret what is in it. Symbols
reflect values, aspirations, fears, biases in a tangible and visible form.
Therefore, participant and site observation provides the researcher with
the opportunity to engage in the web of immigrants’ lives.
On the other hand, document analysis consists of the analysis of publi-
cations and documents such as newspapers, similar studies, census data,
archive material, audiovisual material, and so on. Text analysis serves as
a source of complementary information and data to support the informa-
tion gathered through other primary data gathering techniques. In this
sense, these secondary sources can be useful for the necessary theoretical
and background data and information that is vital for a full and proper
understanding of the results of the research. Therefore, document analysis
can be a good source from which to draw a geographical portrait and a
demographic and economic profile of the interviewees.
Nonetheless, all the previously mentioned techniques can provide valu-
able qualitative and quantitative information. Through each one of those
techniques, regardless of its diverse forms of implementation, we can
observe associations and trends that can be statistically compared, as well
as stories and experiences that can be qualitatively analysed. Still, the rich-
ness of the data gathered, qualitative and/or quantitative, through these
techniques ultimately depends on how they are implemented in the field.

6.4 THE INTERVIEW PROCESS

Once the issues of positionality and the selection of the technique have
been properly addressed, the next step is to get started with the fieldwork.
In this process the researcher/interviewer must give close attention to
certain factors that are vital for the success of the research. Those factors

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 126 Handbook of research methods in migration

are how to approach the respondents/interviewees, how to manage/inter-

pret the body language during the interview, sample size, and sampling
method.
Dealing with a population of migrant minorities the researcher must
find the best mode to approach and formulate questions for the potential
interviewees. This is critical for the success of the entire study. An inad-
equate first approach could have adverse consequences, being perceived
as an intrusion or even as an insult, and thus jeopardizing the interview
process. Within this context, we must have in mind that the current social
arrangements of power are organized around conditions of membership.
In most places there are groups who are denied full participation (Castles
and Davidson, 2000). For individuals that translates into issues of inclu-
sion and exclusion from society. This is critical in the case of migrant
minority groups, as they are particularly aware of this. Non-members
have no guaranteed place in the collective and are always liable to expul-
sion (Walzer, 1983, p. 32). In this sense, feelings of exclusion can be trans-
lated into distrust, and therefore block the rapport between the researcher
and the interviewer, and in some instances even make difficult the process
of finding potential interviewees. Therefore, any attempt to interview a
migrant must deal with these issues. Ignoring this could have adverse con-
sequences for the final results of the research. Therefore, in avoiding such
consequences, participant and site observation could be of great help, as
the researcher could acquire essential information beforehand regarding
the interviewees’ daily life and spatial circumstances.
However, on some occasions it is necessary to formulate questions in a
rather indirect form. In other words, it can be the best choice to formulate
questions that might involve a sensitive issue for the interviewee in a subtle
way. In this sense, if the interviewer perceives that the interviewee might
perceive that a specific question is too sensitive, or that the respondent
may feel uncomfortable, or may think that the answer to the question
could be self-incriminating, the interviewer can formulate the question
using indefinite terms (for example, do you think someone, have you heard
about, are you aware of). This issue needs close attention, even more so
when interviewing a sensitive population such as migrant minority groups.
In this case, it is essential to approach and formulate the questions to the
interviewee subjects in an appropriate manner.
To provide a concrete example of such a situation, I will use my own
experience conducting interviews with minority migrant groups in the
Caribbean coastal regions of Nicaragua. On that occasion I was research-
ing separatist movements among the minorities, migrants and descend-
ants of migrants who had previously come to those regions of Nicaragua.
I was very aware of the historical development of the region and the

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 Interviewing techniques for migrant minority groups 127

armed conflict with the government; therefore, I knew beforehand the

sensitive nature that the separatism topic represents for the people of the
region. Nevertheless, I was able to obtain the necessary information for
my research by indirectly asking about the interviewees’ separatist senti-
ments. In order to achieve this, I asked interviewees about their awareness
of existing levels of separatist feelings instead of their actual separatist
feelings. With this technique respondents openly expressed their feelings
without the fear of being labeled as separatists. Consequently, I did not
encounter major problems regarding the interviewees’ reactions toward
my presence in their community or their willingness to talk to me and
answer my questions.
Similarly, a factor of critical importance is how to direct the conversa-
tion with the interviewees. It is vital to keep the conversation focused
and directed toward the aims of the research. The researcher must have
a clear idea of what is going to be asked and how it should be asked. In
this sense, the proper conduct of the interview requires a balance between
the researcher and the subject. Such balance is possible by adding some
formality and emphasizing our position as researchers. This would keep
away any potential situation that could mislead the development of the
conversation, and, thus, the richness of the data gathered.
Nevertheless, knowledge of the potential messages that the body lan-
guage of both the researcher and the respondent could send is crucial in the
development of the interview process. In this sense, the researcher needs
to be aware of existing dress codes, acceptable/unacceptable manners and
gestures, and language usage. The oversight of any of these factors could
seriously jeopardize the interview, and in extreme cases, it could even
result in a dangerous or unpleasant situation for the interviewer.
For instance, let us refer to the previously mentioned interview I con-
ducted with a Puerto Rican community leader in Orlando, Florida, USA.
On that occasion I failed to adequately give the necessary attention to
the issue of body language. As a result of my negligence the interviewee
perceived some unspoken messages from me that he understood as being
contradictory to his views, and, thus, threatening. This caused the deteri-
oration of the conversation, and consequently the eventual termination of
the interview.
However, the researcher not only needs to be alert to the possible mes-
sages she or he could be sending through his or her body language, but
should also be aware of the body language of the interviewee. In this sense,
the interviewer must interpret the body language of the interviewees. In
other words, the interview process requires interpretation of what people
mean based upon what they say, and also interpretation of what they say
through the use of popular sayings and metaphors; more importantly,

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 128 Handbook of research methods in migration

though, meaning can be communicated through gestures. Failure to cor-

rectly interpret such meanings can significantly affect and/or limit the
results of the interview.
The last two important factors for the interview process are the size
of the sample population and the sampling method that will be used.
Usually only a segment of the people or the phenomena associated with a
case is actually studied. This is why we talk about sample population and
sampling method. The sample size will determine how many interviews
are necessary or desired for the research. One of the most common ques-
tions when doing research is how big or how small the sample population
should be. There is no absolute answer to this question. In other words,
it depends on the goals of the research. In a study privileging quantitative
information where representativeness is important, the question of the
population size is more relevant. In that situation, the size of the sample
population should be a number from which we can make generalizations
with the smallest possible margin of error. Therefore, in this case, the
sample size would depend on (1) the study’s goals and (2) the size of the
population itself.
On the other hand, in a study with emphasis upon an analysis of
meanings in a specific context, where the sample is not intended to be
representative, the question of the population size is less relevant. Thus,
qualitatively speaking, there are no rules for sample size. In this sense, the
size depends on what you want to know, why you want to know it, what
information is useful, and the available time and resources.
Let me illustrate. During both of my research experiences, interviewing
members of the immigrant Puerto Rican minority of Orlando, Florida
and the migrant minorities of the Caribbean coastal areas of Nicaragua,
I was interested in individual perceptions rather than collective behavior.
In other words, I was more concerned with exploring the whole range
of realistic responses from interviewees rather than achieving a specific
number of interviews. Therefore, in both cases the actual size of the inter-
view group was a secondary issue. Yet, that does not mean that I was not
interested in acquiring quantitative data; rather it means that I was more
interested in analysing the meanings of the interviewees’ narratives than
the representativeness of the sample size.
The next issue is how to select the potential participants, or the sampling
method. As is the case with sample size, ultimately the sampling method
also depends on the goals of the research. Nonetheless, there are two
general types of sampling methods: (1) non-probability sampling and (2)
probability sampling.
Non-probability sampling does not involve sampling based on a random
selection. Among the more useful non-probability sampling methods are

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 Interviewing techniques for migrant minority groups 129

purposeful sampling, snowball sampling, and quota sampling. When

using purposeful sampling the researcher must have a complete knowledge
of the population. This is necessary because with this sampling method the
researcher purposefully selects the subjects to be observed on the basis of
which ones will be the most useful for the goals of the research. Snowball
sampling, on the other hand, is appropriate when members of the target
population are difficult to locate or the researcher does not have the infor-
mation necessary to locate them. In this sense, the researcher interviews
any member of the target population that she or he can locate, and then
the interviewee suggests additional people to be interviewed or provides
the information needed to locate more potential interviewees. Lastly,
quota sampling, even though it is a non-probability method, has some ele-
ments of probability sampling. This is because quota sampling deals with
the representativeness of the sample population. In this sense, when using
quota sampling the researcher wants to maintain certain proportions
representative of the target population; however, the respondents are not
necessarily randomly selected.
The other set of sampling methods are the probability type. The prin-
ciple behind this type of sampling is to construct a reliable description
of the total target population. Therefore, probability sampling looks for
a sample that maintains the same elements and variations that exist in
the target population. Generally, the sample is selected using a random
mechanism, and the data obtained are analysed using sophisticated sta-
tistical techniques. Some of the most useful probability sampling methods
are simple random sampling, systematic sampling, and cluster sampling.
In simple random sampling the potential participants are selected ran-
domly. The researcher does such selection by generating a list of the target
population, and then assigning a number to each one of them. Then, a
given table of random numbers is used to select the elements that will be
part of the sample. That is, participating elements are determined by ran-
domly selecting numbers on the table. That can be done in any way pos-
sible, for example, by pointing to numbers on the table with eyes closed, or
choosing row X and column Y and selecting the number in that position.
Those numbers then will be matched to the numbers given to each one of
the members of the target population, and the individuals having those
numbers will be included in the sample.
Nevertheless, an easier way of selecting the sample from the target
population list is by using systematic sampling. In this type of sampling,
instead of selecting numbers from a table of random numbers, you can
select the sample directly from the target population list. That can be done
by selecting individuals from the list at predetermined intervals. That is,
for example, by systematically selecting every second (or fifth, or tenth,

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 130 Handbook of research methods in migration

and so on) element in the total list to be included in the sample. Usually
the researcher can start by randomly selecting the first individual and then
selecting at systematic intervals. Ultimately, the interval will be deter-
mined by the total target population and/or the desired size of the sample.
However, in cases in which a list of the total target population is not
available, or is somehow too difficult to generate, the research can system-
atically generate its sample on the field. In this sense, the presence of a list
is not strictly necessary, as the researcher can interview every second or
fifth person he or she encounters on the street, at the park, or in the mall,
for example. In such a case, the researcher predetermines the sampling
method but does not generate a sample prior to the interview process. The
sample is rather generated throughout the development of the interviews
themselves. In this sense, the systematic interval will be determined not as
much by the total target population, but by the desired size of the sample.
On the other hand, cluster sampling involves the sampling of groups of
elements or individuals that are part of the target population. Therefore,
this type of sampling requires various stages of sampling. First, the
researcher samples a group from the total target population. Second,
the researcher samples subgroups from the previously sampled groups
or clusters. This sampling method can be used when a list of the target
population is impossible or too difficult to obtain or generate. Therefore,
the researcher can select a sample from a known group or members of the
target population.
All these sampling methods – simple random, systematic, and cluster –
can be stratified, grouping individuals or the units that form a population
into homogeneous groups. Such stratification is done before sampling to
improve the representativeness of the sample in order to generate gener-
alizations about the total target population with the least possible error.
A single study can use more than one sampling method. Remember that
the selection of the sampling method depends on the goals of the study
itself. In this sense, research involving migrant minority groups presents
some complexity. To fully comprehend such complexity is essential for
exploring the various aspects that affect, shape, and determine human
behavior. Consequently, the wider the methods of analysis, the better
chances we have of reaching a detailed understanding of such human
agency. In this sense, the combination of various interview techniques with
various sampling methods can generate richer results composed of both
qualitative and quantitative elements.
I was able to prove the richness of these results through my research
experiences, in which I combined several methods and techniques. That
practice not only allowed me to gain a better understanding of the human
agency behind the behavior and practices of the migrant minority groups

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 Interviewing techniques for migrant minority groups 131

of the Caribbean coastal areas of Nicaragua and the Puerto Rican

diasporic community of Orlando, Florida, but it also provided me with
better tools with which to critically analyse the information obtained
through interviews. In the case of the Puerto Rican diasporic community
I used purposeful criterion sampling to contact ‘visible’ key actors of the
Orlando Puerto Rican diasporic community such as elected government
officials, political leaders and policy-makers, religious leaders, civic and
cultural leaders, and business owners. This practice was crucial to my data
collection because I was interested in selecting participants with influ-
ence over public opinion. These participants reflected a wide range in the
larger population that I intended to study, and therefore I purposefully
selected different individuals with various political views and cultural and
economic backgrounds. On the other hand, I was also interested in inter-
viewing ‘ordinary’ members of the community. However, since I knew
very few people in Orlando, it was difficult for me to locate my study popu-
lation. Therefore I used snowball sampling to contact individuals and
various Puerto Rican organizations in the area. In other words, I asked
the respondents I was able to identify to recruit or locate other possible
respondents.
The case of the minority groups in the Caribbean coastal areas of
Nicaragua was similar. On that occasion I interviewed both ‘decision
makers’ and ‘ordinary people.’ However, I did not have a list of the entire
population of migrant minority groups in the area. Such a list, if it does
not already exist, is almost impossible to generate. Therefore, the inter-
views with ordinary people were carried out following a systematic sam-
pling procedure. In other words, I generated my sample not on the basis
of the total population, but on the basis of a predetermined number that
I decided was the adequate number of interviews I needed. Consequently,
the sample was determined during the development of the interview
process. In other words, interviews were conducted in the main street and
marketplaces of each location I selected. The random selection method
employed was that every third person that passed between 8:00 am and
5:00 pm was interviewed. In the case of the decision-makers, such as com-
munity, religious, and political leaders, both purposeful and snowball
sampling were used. In this sense, I purposefully interviewed some of the
‘visible’ decision-makers of the region, and at the same time I asked the
respondents to identify or locate other decision-makers.
Yet, there is a factor related to the selection of the interviewees that is
worth emphasizing. In that regard, the selection of a sampling method
should be made according to the research goals. In other words, the
researcher must have a very clear idea of what she or he wants to know,
and why she or he wants to know it. This will define then whom to look

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 132 Handbook of research methods in migration

for and how to look for them, whether they be individuals or groups.
Consequently, this will determine which sampling method, or methods,
would be the most appropriate and how large or small the sample popula-
tion should be. For instance, the information obtained from an interview
with a person in a position or status of visibility will differ greatly from
the information obtained from an interview with an ordinary person or
member of the group.
Leaders and decision-makers (that is, elected governmental officials,
political leaders and policy-makers, religious leaders, civic and cultural
leaders, and business owners) have the power to influence public opinion
and they are more aware of community and/or group matters than the
everyday populace. They are visible figures, important personalities with
followers who consider them to be leaders. Consequently, in their cases,
processes of power relations are very much at play. These individuals
occupy positions of power and have the authority to define knowledge and
draw boundaries of affiliation. Contrary to ordinary people, their power
to decide and influence provides the means to promote and institutionalize
particular ways, forms, and norms in society.

6.5 ANALYSIS OF THE GATHERED INFORMATION

After the fieldwork has been successfully completed and all the interviews
have been conducted comes the final step of the research: analysis of the
information gathered. However, not all the data can be analysed using
the same criteria. Therefore, for the purpose of an analysis, a distinction
between quantitative and qualitative information must be made.
Qualitative information should be analysed by building several broad
themes of analysis to address the research questions. Therefore, field notes,
tape-recording of the interviews, and visual information such as photo-
graphs can be crucially important in extracting relevant details and salient
themes of great relevance for the analysis. However, the construction of
such themes of analysis needs to follow certain steps. First, transcribe
the interviews and evaluate the information provided in them in order to
develop a content analysis of each respondent’s perceptions and behavior.
Second, code the transcribed texts from the interviews, and organize that
information into categories. By coding the transcribed texts the researcher
can transform the raw data obtained from the interviews into a standard-
ized form that facilitates its understanding and analysis. The exact coded
concepts are determined recursively throughout the research process. In
other words, the concepts to be coded and analysed are the most recur-
rent themes and concepts mentioned and/or discussed by the interviewees

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 Interviewing techniques for migrant minority groups 133

themselves. This method of analysis is designed to qualitatively examine

textual, graphic, audio, and video data. It allows the researcher to use
grounded theory to identify themes in the data not contained in the exist-
ing literature. In addition, codes reflecting concepts closely related to the
theory contained in the existing literature can be used as well. Finally, a
series of patterns among codes must be identified in order to delineate
the most significant themes that in turn will allow the researcher to gain a
broad and clear understanding of the interviewees’ narratives, and, thus,
of the problem being studied.
As is evident, a statistical approach with such qualitative information
would seriously limit a meaningful analysis of people’s stories and experi-
ences. On the other hand, quantitative data must be analysed through the
use of the proper statistical methods and techniques. Therefore, in the type
of research that involves interviewing migrant minority groups we should
pay special attention to social statistics. Such statistics allow the researcher
to summarize data, measure associations, and make inferences.
Some of the most frequently used social statistics can be grouped into
two categories: descriptive statistics and inferential statistics. Descriptive
statistics help us summarize observations made about a sample and quan-
titatively describe the characteristics of a sample. In this sense, univariate
data can be summarized through averages such as the mode, median,
and mean and measures of dispersion such as the range and the standard
deviation, whereas bivariate (two variables) and multivariate analysis can
be done through tables and percentage distributions.
Likewise, descriptive statistics help describe the relationship among var-
iables in a sample. Perhaps the most commonly used method for describ-
ing the association between two variables is regression analysis. However,
there are many other ways to measure such associations. For example,
for nominal variables (variables that are categorical and not numeric)
some commonly used measures of association are Lambda, Percentage
Difference, and Phi Coefficient. On the other hand, for ordinal variables
(variables that permit a rank ordering of the objects) some commonly
used measures of association are Gamma, Kendall’s tau- (b and c), and
Spearman’s Rank-Order Correlation. Any introductory statistics text-
book will give you a more comprehensive understanding of this subject.
At the other end of the spectrum, inferential statistics involve much
more than just descriptions; rather they make inferences about the larger
population to which the sample population belongs. Some inferential
statistics estimate the single variable characteristics of the population
through averages such as the mode, median, mean, and percentages,
while other inferential statistics estimate the relationships between vari-
ables in the population. However, such inferences about the relationships

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 134 Handbook of research methods in migration

between variables involve a test of statistical significance (for example,

Chi Square test of statistical significance). Again, any introductory statis-
tics textbook will give you a more comprehensive understanding of this
subject.
Nonetheless, beyond statistics and content analysis, there is another tool
of great value for the analysis of the gathered information. Geographic
Information Systems (GIS) can open a door of possibilities in understand-
ing patterns, tendencies, distributions, behavior, perceptions, and much
more related to our interviewees. In other words, because everything
happens in a space and/or has spatial consequences, we cannot ignore an
event’s spatial or geographical dimension. In that regard, GIS is a power-
ful tool that can integrate hardware, software, and data for capturing,
managing, analysing, and displaying all forms of georeferenced informa-
tion (information whose spatial location has been determined or estab-
lished). Therefore, GIS allows us to view, understand, question, interpret,
and visualize data (both qualitative and quantitative) in many ways that
reveal relationships, patterns, and trends in the form of maps, globes,
reports, and charts.
This kind of spatial analysis can complement in many ways not only the
findings of our research, but also our own understanding of the phenom-
ena being studied. In this sense, using GIS technologies can help us answer
questions such as why migrants move where they moved, what relation-
ships exist between their places of origin and their places of destination,
whether or not they are clustered together in one place, and why or why
not, whether migrants present the same characteristics and/or behavior in
all locations, and whether there is any difference in a particular phenome-
non dependent upon location. Therefore, GIS can help us to find features,
patterns, and map quantities, see concentrations and the relationships
between places, map where and how things move over a period of time,
and map conditions before and after an action or event to see its impact.
In conclusion, the spatial analysis of your data can provide an additional
level of information to your research beyond simply producing graphs,
tables, and interview transcripts.
Ultimately, the success of a study involving interviews of migrant
minority groups depends on two factors. The first factor is the researcher´s
decision-making process regarding the applied method and techniques
used in the study. The secret here is to keep a healthy balance between
qualitative and quantitative information and methods. Remember that
quantitative or numeric data alone is not enough; numbers alone cannot
explain the complexity of real life. In the same way, qualitative data can be
confirmed, clarified, and validated through quantitative data. The second
factor is the researcher’s sensitivity in understanding the human beings

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 Interviewing techniques for migrant minority groups 135

that she or he intends to study. However, and above all, the key element
for the success of any study is to enjoy the research experience.

6.6 CONCLUSION

There is no doubt that human agency is extremely complex. However, it is

not only the complexity of human behavior, but also its unpredictability
that makes any research attempting to explore and understand the diver-
sity of social and spatial arrangements a real challenge. In that sense, while
the methods discussed in this chapter can be applied to any human popu-
lation, we must emphasize and give particular attention to populations of
migrant minority groups.
The particular situation of migrants, especially those who are considered
either by assertion or assignment as minorities, presents even more com-
plexity. On the one hand, the processes of human mobility in which they
are involved add other issues and considerations that directly influence
and impact forever not only their lives but the lives of their descendants.
On the other hand, there is the issue of membership and belongingness; in
other words, the perception of being a minority. Consequently, the lives of
migrant minority groups, and thus their social behavior, are in great deal
concurrent to the particularities of these circumstances.
These considerations are critical in the case of migrant minority groups,
as they are particularly aware of the constraints that surround their lives.
In this sense, success in obtaining the necessary information when inter-
viewing a sensitive population, such as migrant minority groups, requires
even more attention and dedication. This distinction could make the dif-
ference between the richness of the data and the impact that the research
could have.

NOTE

1. See the van Liempt and Bilger (Chapter 21, this volume) for further discussion of the
ethical challenges related to doing research with vulnerable migrants.

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