POLITICAL PROCESSES AND INSTITUTIONS IN

COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE
-ANKITA VERMA
2020POL1012
ASSIGNMENT

ROLE OF WOMEN IN CONFLICT AND PEACE: CASE

STUDY OF LTTE

INTRODUCTION
Discourses around women and conflict often center on women’s victimhood, or else their innate
affinity for peace. As a vulnerable population worldwide, women are indeed uniquely impacted by
conflict and suffer particularly; this manifests in the targeting of women and girls through systematic
sexual assault and slavery, as well as the economic responsibility many women are made to undertake
when the men in their families go to fight, or are killed, wounded or imprisoned. In this narrative of
women as victims or peacemakers, female combatants must be made sense of somehow. Often, she
is branded as brainwashed; she must have suffered Stockholm Syndrome; she cannot possibly have
chosen this for herself. Many female combatants, especially in rebel groups or paramilitaries, are in
fact initially abducted or else feel that they have no option but to join; yet, some of these women go
on to assume leadership roles in their organizations and commit their lives to the cause. To call them
brainwashed is to deny them agency. Conflict situation is a major site for achieving masculinity for
several reasons. First, in terms of embodiments, symbolism and institutions women and men’s role is
defined. Women is not considered to be taking life even in conflict situations so understood not as an
active agent and this is justified with the reference of her body. Her body is considered to give birth,
to give life thus essentializing her role not as combatant but a passive identity who is always in need
of protection. On the other hand, men are considered as life takers whose efficiency depends on his
ability to protect others. Killing is one of the factors to judge and celebrate his masculinity. Conflict is
considered to be the business of men where women doesn’t have place as an active agent but as a
victim only. Second, the conflict as a practical situation is constructed to emphasize and resonate with
masculine cultural themes. Different terms are used such as cowardice, bravery, duty, honour,
protector where it is really difficult to separate conflict and masculinity. One of the reasons behind
men being so into conflict is the socially constructed gender roles constituting men as courageous to
the extent that there is fear of accusations of cowardice which attracts men. It is also considered to
be part of their masculine adventure and excitement and their feeling of “getting thrilled”. In contrast
to men’s role women are involved in a “distinct, symbolic role in nationalist culture, discourse and
collective action, a feminine role that has been prescribed by masculine social and political culture.
Yuval-Davis and Anthias have discussed five ways in which women have been prescribed to
“participate in ethnic, national, and state processes and practices: (a) as biological producers of
members of ethnic collectivities; (b) as reproducers of the [normative] boundaries of ethnic/national
groups [by enacting proper feminine behaviour]; (c) as participating centrally in the ideological
reproduction of the collectivity and as transmitters of its culture; (d) as signifiers of ethnic/national
differences; and (e) as participants in national, economic, political and military struggles Even in
conflict situations women are expected to remain in supportive, symbolic, often suppressed and
traditional roles”. This idea of depicting women as a victim and fulfilling supportive and symbolic role
has been challenged by different scholars who with their studies have uncovered those women are
very much involved in the conflicts in different states and places as active agents and combatant.
There is also vast debate about the increasing incorporation of women into national militaries leading
to the question of whether they are capable of performing similar roles as men though it has been
seen that women have fought for non-state militaries even when states continue to limit women's
roles such as in Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam [LTTE]. With this example it is argued that the groups
working with egalitarian or "liberatory" ideologies, provides space for women's participation and their
roles remain equal to men.

BACKGROUND TO THE CONFLICT AND WOMEN’S INVOLVEMENT

Sri Lanka currently has an ethnically diverse population of about 17.5 million. There has been no
census since 1983 so exact current figures are hard to come by but it is estimated that around 74.6
per cent of the population are Sinhalese, 12.6 per cent are Sri Lankan Tamil, 7.4 per cent are Muslim,
and 5.5 per cent are Indian Tamil. The Sinhalese are predominantly Buddhist, with a Christian minority,
while Tamils are mostly Hindu, also with a Christian minority. Christians make up about seven per cent
of the population overall. The foundations for the late twentieth century war were laid during the
colonial period. Various ethnically Tamil groups have been fighting against the predominantly Sinhala-
Buddhist state, and Sinhalese and Muslim civilians, for an independent state in the north and east of
Sri Lanka. The conflict has been increasingly violent since the 1970s, leading to war from 1983. There
have been at least five main militant Tamil separatist groups, which generally have not agreed with
each other on their demands or on appropriate strategies and have frequently fought amongst
themselves. The most powerful group, the LTTE, attained hegemony in the mid-1980s by destroying
their competitors. In 2002 it was estimated that around 70,000 people have died as a result of the
conflict. Up to 500,000 people may have left Sri Lanka and 600,000 have been displaced, with about
75,000 living in camps for internally- displaced people.

Women have been active in all the Tamil nationalist groups but research on their military participation
has focused on the LTTE because their presence as combatants in substantial numbers has primarily
been a phenomenon of the 1990s, by which point the LTTE had achieved hegemony among the
organisations. Women’s participation as combatants was not at all widespread in the 1970s but in the
1980s appeals were made by the different groups for them to join the struggle. From the mid-1980s
the LTTE has aggressively recruited women into their fighting cadres. Initially these women were
involved in propaganda work, medical care, information collection, fundraising and recruitment, but
were soon given military training and participated in combat. In 1983 the LTTE founded a special
section for women called the Vituthalai Pulikal Munani (Women’s Front of the Liberation Tigers) but
they did not begin battle training for another two years. The first group of women were trained for
combat in Tamil Nadu in 1985 and their first battle was against the Sri Lankan military in July 1986. In
October 1987 the LTTE’s leader Velupillai Prabhakaran set up the first all-women training camp in
Jaffna, for the second and subsequent groups. By 1989 this unit had its own leadership structure. Until
June 1990 the proportion of female fighters in the LTTE was small but it then increased rapidly. The
women’s military wing is a well-organised and highly disciplined force. Apparently the LTTE’s naval
force, the Sea Tigers, is primarily female and the suicide squad, known as the Black Tigers, has a large
number of women in it. The number of female combatants is naturally a military secret but estimates
vary between about 15-20 per cent to one third of their core combat strength, with some less
realistically claiming 50 per cent.

MOTIVATIONS OF FEMALE COMBATANTS

It is well known that the LTTE asks each Tamil family to contribute one member to the organisation.
Notwithstanding this and the persistent allegations of forcible conscription, most recruits do seem to
be voluntary. The initial ‘pull factor’ of the LTTE’s active recruitment of women seems likely to be, as
many have suggested, primarily a pragmatic response to the need for more fighters created by the
loss of men through death, as refugees and as emigrants, rather than stemming from an ideological
commitment to equality and women’s rights. However, this does not account for the ‘push factors’ of
the female combatants. There are a variety of different and intersecting reasons why women have
chosen to join the militants; some of these are common to both female and male combatants, while
others are gender-specific to women.

Sumantra Bose argues that LTTE women, like LTTE men, are primarily motivated by ‘nationalist
fervour.’ He suggests that by the time of the mid-1980s drive for women to join the LTTE, ‘Tamil
nationalism, in its radical form, had been transformed into a mass phenomenon and women of the
younger generation of Tamils were as alienated from the state, and as inspired by the vision of a
liberated Eelam, as their male counterparts’. Ideas of freedom for the Tamil nation, self-
determination, land and rights for Tamils as part of or as the main reason for them joining the
movement can be seen.

Beneath this ideological motivation there are also more specific, more personal factors operating. One
such factor, intertwined with nationalist ideology, is the communal perception of suffering, oppression
and injustice. Sometimes this is related to a personal experience; in other cases, it has been received
as part of the Tamil narrative of oppression and suffering, made tangible by witnessing the experiences
of friends and neighbours. Adele Ann argues that ‘growing national oppression brought about a
situation where Tamil women took to arms.’ Thus, ‘constant exposure to oppression has had a
profound effect on the life and thinking of young Tamil women’. Ann claims that the female
combatants are often from families particularly affected by the war and in some cases are motivated
by personal experience.

Another factor is the educational disruption and restrictions among Tamils. The importance accorded
in the literature on Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism to the government scheme known as
‘standardisation’, which has effectively discriminated against Tamils in university entrance has been
one of the reasons for such disruptions. Even more significant than the standardisation system has
been the general disruption to secondary school education caused by the war, particularly linked to
experiences of displacement. If one is prevented from even completing high school it is impossible to
get access to tertiary education for this reason, without even factoring in the impact of
standardisation.

It seems clear that as well as motivational factors common to both women and men there are some
reasons for taking up arms that are gender-specific to women. Adele Ann claims in regard to women’s
recruitment that the presence of the Indian Peacekeeping Force (IPKF) ‘was a water shed. The Indian
army was brutal and male chauvinist. The rapes, and molesting made a bitter impact.’ Particularly in
the Jaffna peninsula, Tamil girls are raped by the Sri Lankan army. Another motivation to join LTTE for
most of the women was fear of rape. There was nobody who could protect woman, so she had to be
able to safeguard herself. It was also reported that in normal Tamil society women are usually blamed
for their own rape. The LTTE does not do this and instead views sexual violence as an ‘accident’,
meaning that it was not the victim’s fault.

As well as the fear of or anger about rape, it has been suggested that perhaps some women have
joined the LTTE for a variety of reasons surrounding ideas of women’s emancipation and increasing
their life opportunities. Bose suggests that it is possible ‘that many women have joined the movement
at least partly because they see their participation as a means of breaking taboos, and, in particular,
destroying the stultifying straitjacket of conformity and subservience traditionally imposed upon them
by a rigidly and self-righteously patriarchal society’. Peter Schalk asserts that ‘the main belief of the
Tamil women fighters is that their participation in armed struggle will bring them advantages in future,
in a society at peace. This is one of their principal motives for taking up arms.’ Obviously, another of
their fundamental objectives is the independence of Tamil Eelam, thus, ‘in their minds, these two
objectives are connected: there will be no equality for women without an independent state’. All of
them have had this awareness raised since being with the movement and many of them now seem to
have a clear commitment to wanting to improve life for Tamil women.

THE DEBATE OVER ‘WOMEN’S LIBERATION’ AND THE LTTE

All the Tamil militant groups, particularly the LTTE, have expressed some form of commitment to
women’s liberation within their commitment to national liberation. For the LTTE it is their female
combatants who are the supreme symbol of women’s liberation and the utilisation of feminist ideas
and terminology seems in some cases to have been a factor attracting women to the organisation.
The Women’s Front of the LTTE has tried to publicise the unequal position of Tamil women in their
society. The aims of the Front, formulated in 1991, were: to secure the right to self-determination of
the Tamil Eelam people and establish an independent democratic state of Tamil Eelam; to abolish
oppressive caste discrimination and divisions, and semi-feudal customs like dowry; to eliminate all
discrimination against Tamil women and all other discrimination, and to secure social, political and
economic equality; to ensure that Tamil women control their own lives; and to secure legal protection
for women against sexual harassment, rape and domestic violence. Thus, it is the independence
struggle that frames the struggle for women’s rights. This is clear in all speeches by LTTE leader
Prabhakaran on the matter and in the views of the Women’s Front -the Tamil struggle is prioritised
and women’s emancipation is seen as dependent on the struggle.

According to Prabhakaran himself, ‘the ideology of women liberation is a child born out of the womb
of our liberation struggle’, it ‘is the fervent child that had its genesis in the matrix of our national
liberation movement. Its rise and progress is an incomparably unique chapter in history.’ Prabhakaran
is careful to state, however, that ‘the struggle against male chauvinistic oppression is not a struggle
against men. It is an ideological struggle against the ignorance of men.’ Significantly, he implies that
only women who are involved with the Tamil nationalist struggle can achieve liberation for women,
asserting that ‘it is only the women with a revolutionary consciousness who could become a
revolutionary force. Only such a revolutionary force can destroy the shackles of oppression.’
Therefore, ‘the Tamil Eelam revolutionary woman has transformed herself as a Tiger for the Liberation
of our land and liberation of women. She, like a fire that burns injustices, has taken up arms.’ Schalk,
however, notes that although Prabhakaran’s speeches on women’s liberation are very radical in many
ways, they are missing ‘some statement to the effect that the common struggle of men and women is
a training in and model for co-operation in a future society at peace.’

Sri Lanka became the first country to establish a sub commission on gender in 2003 as part of their
peace process; however well-intentioned, the commission only met once. This is not a bad metaphor
for the inclusion of women in peacebuilding since. Their suffering has largely been overlooked and
their concerns dismissed. One of the stumbling blocks in the sub commission, as well as in subsequent
women’s organizing, is the disconnect between experiences, and therefore needs, of women in the
Tamil North and East as opposed to those living in the rest of the country. One Tamil activist
commented that “they could not understand that this, militarization, was the first and biggest problem
for Tamil women. After that only can we talk about alcohol and other social issues”. The situation of
Tamil women has arguably deteriorated since the end of the conflict. For huge swaths of the
population living in highly militarized areas, and in particular resettlement camps, they have become
increasingly vulnerable to sexual assault at the hands of the Sri Lankan army; this can be classed as a
politically-motivated, especially when the victims are former LTTE cadres. Observes Gowrinathan,
“whereas under the LTTE strict codes of behaviour prevented the disintegration of moral values, the
period following the cessation of hostilities saw large increases in early marriages, domestic violence,
alcoholism, and low levels of school attendance”. The repercussions of sexual violence are especially
troubling in Tamil society. Survivors spoke of long-term poverty as a result of no longer being able to
get married, and about the shame that the incident would bring to younger siblings and parents. Apart
from safety and security concerns, the absence of the LTTE has also led to political frustration among
women: without it, they have very few outlets for resistance. The International Organization for
Migration (IOM) has been involved in reintegration of female cadres, securing them employment in
factories and local shops, among others. Says Sonny Inbaraj, “the biggest problem women ex-
combatants have is that civilian society does not allow them to use the skills they developed in the
armed movement”, encouraging them “to sew or be domestic helpers, rather than being carpenters,
masons, bricklayers, or computer repairers”. Gowrinathan calls this “re-feminizing programming”; it
stands in stark contrast to the LTTE initiated women’s employment programs, one of which helped
women to train in auto mechanics and subsequently open a car repair shop. In the words of one ex-
combatant, “I have no use for sewing, nor any interest in it. It’s only when I finished training that the
government considers me de-radicalized”.

Feminist Critiques of Tamil Nationalist Feminism and Female

Combatants
Much has been written about the question over the possibilities for women’s emancipation and
empowerment within the LTTE. Kumudini Samuel views female armed Tamil militants as one group of
women who have rejected traditional notions of femininity, but in common with others she notes that
the national liberation struggle is the primary issue for them and alleges that women’s subordination
within the national struggle is not a question they have addressed. Slightly more optimistically,
Sitralega Maunaguru maintains that even though the major Tamil nationalist groups have addressed
women’s equality largely from within a conventional Leftist ideology that does not recognise the
specific oppression or problems of women within the nationalist movement, ‘the acceptance of the
concept of women’s liberation, even in this very limited form, provided an important space for issues
relating to gender, power and oppression to be debated by feminists.’
Many feminists have questioned the ideology of ‘women’s liberation’ expounded by the LTTE,
challenging its militant and militarist nature as inherently anti-feminist and being sceptical of the idea
that participation in the LTTE or the other militant groups can or has brought improvements for Tamil
women as a whole. Radhika Coomaraswamy asserts that ‘unless feminism is linked to humanism, to
non-violence, to hybridity and a celebration of life over death, it will not provide society with the
alternatives that we so desperately seek’. As Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake has poignantly
suggested in regard to the varying ways that women’s agency has changed and expanded as a result
of the war, ‘the argument that 18 years of armed conflict might have resulted in the unintended
empowerment of women is dangerous and disturbing for those of us who believe in and advocate the
peaceful resolution of conflicts arising from social injustice. We have been wary of analysing the
unintended transformations brought by war, of seeing positives in violence, lest we be branded “war-
mongers”.’

For many feminists committed to peace, this notion has been particularly painful in regard to women
who become combatants. Hoole et al. assert that ‘it would be a positive result if a few of those female
combatants who come out, with a richness of experience and self- criticism, become a catalyst for the
further advancement of the position of women in this land.’ They suggest that ‘after a decade-long
history of the freedom struggle, and with major liberation movements even boasting of armed
women’s sections, one would have expected tangible cracks in the ideology of Tamil society and some
liberating experience for the women’. They themselves are pessimistic about what has actually been
the reality but it is worth bearing in mind that their book was published in 1990, only five years after
women first began joining the LTTE as combatants. One reason for the pessimism of many is the
presumed lack of women in highly placed decision-making positions within the LTTE. Chandra de Silva
maintains that although there is a women’s military wing and they are well known as suicide bombers,
there is no evidence of their participation in policy-making, decision-making or planning at the highest
levels. Samuel also asserts that despite their strong military involvement, ‘no woman was allowed into
the patriarchal male echelons of political decision making of the LTTE’. Finally, Radhika
Coomaraswamy has said of LTTE women that ‘they are not initiators of ideas, they are only
implementers of policy made by someone else, by men. They become cogs in the wheel of someone
else’s designs and plans. They are the consumers, not the producers of the grand political project’.

However, Bose claimed in 1994 that three of the LTTE’s Central Committee, its top decision-making
body, were women. In 2002, Thamilini, leader of women wing of LTTE told that of that there were
currently 12 members on the Central Committee, five of whom were women. There is also a separate
women-only committee on women’s development, with members drawn from various sections of the
organisation. In the past women were not so involved in the Political Wing but argued that this is
changing. She explained that since men have been involved in the LTTE and in the military activities
for longer than women, they have had many more opportunities than women to rise to high political
positions. Women are not obstructed from political activities, so according to the LTTE once they have
developed the necessary capabilities, they are able to participate in such roles in greater numbers.
Cynthia Cockburn has maintained that in her opinion, the political culture of the organisation is more
important than mere numbers of women. Bose argues that ‘given the extreme conservatism that has
historically been the hallmark of Sri Lankan Tamil society it is difficult to disagree with the LTTE’s
assessment that the mass participation, in a variety of roles, of women constitutes “the most
remarkable feature of our national struggle”’. Bose maintains, therefore, that the ‘liberating impact’
of the Tiger movement on the lives of young Tamil women should not be underestimated and
comments that ‘the confidence and poise of leading Tiger women is impressive indeed.’ Intellectual
Changes in Female Combatants of the LTTE Vidyamali Samarasinghe argues that through women’s
participation in armed struggle in civil war, they also become actors in the public sphere. The question
is whether this public sphere activity is temporary and transitory, ending with the war, or whether
wartime gains can be consolidated in peacetime. She reminds us that ‘women’s participation in the
public arena of the armed struggle is certainly no guarantee that women have finally penetrated into
the public sphere of activities on a basis of gender equality’. Even Adele Ann herself notes that ‘the
overall impact made by the fighting girls on Tamil society is yet to be assessed. It is also too early to
predict the future in relation to the position in Tamil society after the war is over’.

CONCLUSION
Kamala Liyanage argues that the pattern of women’s participation in the LTTE is similar to that of
women’s participation in liberation struggles in Algeria, China, Eritrea, Namibia, Nicaragua,
Mozambique, Palestine and Zimbabwe. As in these movements, the LTTE ‘recognised the importance
of mobilising women and formed the women’s front. However similar to most of these liberation
movements, the LTTE has considered women’s issues as secondary and their assumption has been
that the emancipation of women will automatically be achieved by the victory of the struggle.’ In
reality, the experience of these other struggles has shown that after war ceased, usually women were
expected to resume their traditional roles or were restricted to supportive political and public
positions. Liyanage asserts, therefore, that ‘one is justified in concluding that the LTTE movement has
been projected and defined by men particularly by Prabhakaran, executed by men and that women
fight to fulfil men’s nationalistic aspirations.’ It is worth clearly emphasising that women have
‘nationalistic aspirations’ as well and women in the LTTE generally view these as being of primary
importance. It is equally true, however, that their specific nationalist aspirations may sometimes vary
from those of men, as may their vision of an independent state. Joke Schrijvers asserts that ‘the
feminist discourse is the only one in which women are defined in their own right, without being linked
to the interests of nationalist and ethnic struggles’. The LTTE’s female cadres and Women’s Political
Wing do express a form of feminism but clearly not a form Schrijvers is comfortable with. Further, it
seems that she is implying that being a woman in one’s ‘own right’ entails being somehow
‘unethnicized’, as though concepts of nation and nationalism are unimportant if one is a woman. Many
white western feminists in countries not directly or obviously affected by nationalism or political
violence have been particularly guilty of assuming this. Women involved in nationalist struggles all
over the world have shown that in their position, for many the above assumption is not only untrue
and impossible but is also undesirable; commitment to the perceived needs of one’s perceived nation
or ethnic group is viewed as just as important, or more so, than one’s needs ‘as a woman’. Similarly,
the debate over whether LTTE women are agents or victims, liberated or subjugated, emancipated or
oppressed strikes as an unnecessary and unsophisticated binary. Ultimately Rajasingham-
Senanayake’s phrase ‘ambivalent empowerment’ seems to fit best. She argues that: the reality of LTTE
women is probably somewhere in-between. For while they may have broken out of the confines of
their allotted domesticity and taken on new roles as fighters, it is indeed arguable that they are captive
both to the patriarchal nationalist project of the LTTE leader Prabhakaran and the history and
experience of oppression by the Sri Lankan military. However, to deny these Tamil nationalist women
their agency because they are nationalist is to once again position them within the “victim” complex,
where the militant woman is denied her agency and perceived to be acting out a patriarchal plot.
REFERENCES
• Afshar, H. (2003) “Women and Wars: Some Trajectories Towards a
Feminist Peace”, Development in Practice, 13(2/3), pp. 178-188
• Alison, Miranda (2003) “Cogs in the Wheel? Women in the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam”, Civil Wars, 6(4), pp. 37-54
• https://www.e-ir.info/2020/11/01/double-agency-on-the-role-of-ltte-
and-farc-female-fighters-in-war-and-peace/, e-ir.info

• Murthy, Laxmi (2016) " Garrisoned Minds: Women and armed conflict in
South Asia”, Speaking Tiger, Introduction Chapter, New Delhi, pp. 9-18
• Beckwith, Karen (2010) “Introduction: Comparative Politics and the Logics
of a Comparative Politics of Gender”, American Political Science Association,
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• http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/amp/1186/women-of-war-the-female-
fighters-of-the-liberation-tigers-of-tamil-eelam, Inquiriesjournal.com