DISTANCE LEARNING INSTITUTE

(UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS)

INTRODUCTION TO
POLITICAL SCIENCE
(POL 101)
© 2013 Distance Learning Institute
University of Lagos

Published by
The Distance Learning Institute
University of Lagos

All Rights Reserved

Printed by: Johnny Enis Nig. Co.

Lagos, Nigeria.

ISBN:

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PSC 101: INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE

Course Writer:
Derin K. Ologbenla (Ph.D)

Language Editor:
Prof. O. O. Lawal

Content Editor:
Dr. G. S. M. Okeke

Distance Learning Institute University of Lagos

 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

TABLE OF CONTENTS
General Introduction to the Modules 01-03

Study Session 1: The Nature and Scope of Political Science 04-11

1.0 Introduction 04-05
1.2 Main Body 05
1.3 Definitions/Explanations of Politics 05-06
1.4 The Development of Political Science As a Field of Study 06-07
1.5 What is Science 07-09
1.6 Conclusion 09
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 1 10-11
References 11

Study Session 2: The Subject Matter of Political Science 12-20

2.0 Introduction 12
2.1 Learning Outcomes 12
2.2 Mainbody 13
2.3 The Subject Matter of Political Science 13-14
2.4 Approaches to the Study of Politics 15-19
2.5 Conclusion 19
2.6 Summary 19
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 2 19-20
2.8 References 20
2.9 Further Readings 20

StudySession 3: The Legalistic Approach Study of Politics 21-27

3.0 Introduction 21
3.1 Learning Outcomes 21
3.2 Main Body 21
3.3 Law And Society 22
3.4 What then is Law 22-23
3.5 Features of the legal Approach 23
3.6 The Legal Basis of Political Institutions 23-24
3.7 The Legal Basis of Political Rights 24
3.8 The legal Protections of Rights 24
3.9 Legal Remedies 24-26
3.10 Conclusion 26
3.11 Summary 26
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 3 26-27
3.13 References 27
3.14 Further Readings 27

Study Session 4: The Behaviourial Approach to the Study of Politics 28-34

4.0 Introduction 28
4.1 Learning outcomes 28
4.2 Main body 28
4.3 The Features of political Science in the Pre-Behavioral Period 29-30
4.4 Factors which contributed to the Emergence of

i
 the Behavioral Approach in political Science 30-31
4.6 Criticism of the Behaviourial Approach 32
4.7 Conclusion 32
4.8 Summary 32
4.9 Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 4 33-34
4.10 References 34
4.11 Further Readings 34

StudySession 5: Functions of The Modern State 35-45

5.0 Introduction 35
5.1 Learning Outcomes 35
5.2 Main body 35
5.3 Definitions of the State 36
5.4 Theories of the State-Origins of the State 36-39
5.5 Primary Characteristics of the State 39-42
5.6 State and Society 42
5.7 The Distinction Between State and Nation 42-43
5.7 Conclusion 43
5.8 Summary 44
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 5 44-45
5.11 References 45
5.12 Further Readings 45

StudySession 6: The Concept Sovereignty 46-55

6.0 Introduction 46
6.1 Objectives 46
6.2 Main body 46
6.3 Development of the Concepts of Sovereignty 46-48
6.4 Principal Characteristics f Sovereignty 48-50
6.5 Types of Sovereignty 50-51
6.6 Opponents of the Theory of Sovereignty 51-53
6.7 Limitations to the Sovereignty of the State 53-54
6.8 Conclusion 54
6.9 Summary 54
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 6 54-55
6.11 References 55
6.12 Further Reading 55

Study Session 7: Power and Authority 56-69

7.0 Introduction 56-57
7.1 Learning Outcomes 57
7.2 Main body 57
7.3 The Concepts of Power 57-59
7.4 Types of Power 59-60
7.5 Power international Relations 60-61
7.6 Critical Issues of Power 62-64
7.7 The Utility of State Power 64-65
7.8 Authority 65
7.9 Types of Political Authority 66-67
7.10 Differences Between Power and Authority 67-68
7.11 Conclusion 68
7.12 Summary 68
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 7 68-69
7.14 References 69
7.15 Further Reading 69

StudySection 8: Legitimacy and Influence 70-75

8.0 Introduction 70
8.1 Learning Outcomes 70
8.2 Main body 70
8.3 Legitimacy 70-72
8.4 Legitimacy as a Factor of Stability of Government 72-73
8.5 Influence and Power 73
8.6 Conclusion 74
8.7 Summary 74
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 8 74-75
8.9 References 75
8.10 Further Readings 75

StudySession 9: Political ideas and Movements 76-95

9.0 Introduction 76
9.1 Learning Outcomes 77
9.2 Main Body 77
9.3 What is Ideology 77
9.4 Characteristics of Ideology 77-78
9.5 Functions of Ideology 78-79
9.6 Types of Ideologies 79-94
9.7 Conclusion 94
9.8 Summary 94
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 9 94-95
9.10 References 95
9.11 Further Readings 95

StudySession 10: Constitution 96-102

10.0 Introduction 96
10.1 Learning Outcomes 96
10.2 Main body 96
10.3 Types of Constitutions 96-100
10.4 Conclusion 100
10.5 Summary 100
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 10 100-102
10.7 References 102
10.8 Further Readings 102

Study Session 11: Constitutionalism 103-110

11.0 Introduction 103
11.1 Learning Outcomes 103
11.2 Main Body 103
11.3 Constitutional Development 103-106
11.4 Publication of the 1979 Draft Constitution 106-107
11.5 Constituent Assembly 107
11.6 Roles Envisaged for the Constituent Assembly 107-108
11.7 The Alternatives 108
11.8 Conclusion 108
11.9 Summary 108
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 11 108-110
11.11 References 110
11.12 Further Readings 110

Study Session 12: Politics and Social Change:

Reforms, Revolutions and Military Coups 111-118
12.0 Introduction 111
12.1 Learning Outcomes 112
12.2 Main Body 112
12.3 Types of Change 112-113
12.4 What Leads to Political and Social Changes 114
12.5 The Differences Between Coup Detat and Revolution 115
12.6 Characteristics of the New States 115-116
12.7 Conclusion 117
12.8 Summary 117
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 12 117-118
12.10 References 118
12.11 Further Readings 118

Study Session 13: The Nature of African Armies 119-126

13.0 Introduction 119-121
13.1 Learning Outcomes 121
13.2 Main Body 121
13.3 Causes of Military Intervention (COUP D’ETAT) 121-123
13.4 External Factors Influence 123-124
13.5 Impact of Military Rule: Has it Solved the Problems 124
13.6 Conclusion 124
13.7 Summary 125
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 13 125-126
13.9 References 126
13.10 Further Readings 126

Study Session 14: Public Administration 127-142

14.0 Introduction 127
14.1 Learning Outcomes 128
14.2 What is Public Administration 128-129
14.3 Approaches to the Study of Public Administration 129
14.4 Functions of Administration 129-131
14.5 Theories of Administration 131-137
14.6 From human Relations to the Behaviourial movements 137-139
14.7 The Nigerian Civil Service 139-140
14.8 Conclusion 140
14.9 Summary 140
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 14 140-
142
14.11 References 141
14.2 Further Readings 141

Study Session 15: International Relations and Organisations

15.0 Introduction 143
15.1 Learning Outcomes 144
15.2 Main Body 144
15.3 The Imperatives of International Relations 144
15.4 Preconditions for International Relations 144-
145
15.5 Focus International Relation 145
15.6 International Organisations 145-
147
15.7 United Nations organisations (UNO) 147-
149
15.8 African Union (AU) 149-
152
15.9 Conclusion 153
15.10 Summary 153
Self Assessment Questions (SAQs) for Section 15 153-
154
15.12 References 154
15.13 Further Readings 154

Answer to Questions in Study Session 1 1 - 155

Answer to Questions in Study Session 2 155 - 156

Answer to Questions in Study Session 3 156 - 15

Answer to Questions in Study Session 4 157 - 158

Answer to Questions in Study Session 5 158 - 160

Answer to Questions in Study Session 6 160 - 161

Answer to Questions in Study Session 7 161 - 162

Answer to Questions in Study Session 8 162 - 162

Answer to Questions in Study Session 9 162 - 163

Answer to Questions in Study Session 10 163 - 164

Answer to Questions in Study Session 11 164 - 165

 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE MODULES

Politics and Government are human activities that are central to every modern state or
country. Political science as an academic discipline is often referred to as “government”,
“politics” or “political science.”

Our concern in the 15 study sessions that follows is the exploration of political science as a
human activity that affects every aspect of our lives and as an academic discipline in the social
sciences.

Politics is based on differences in opinions or perceptions, or disagreement that is where there

is controversy, where there are issues involving power or sharing of resources, there is politics.
Differences between individuals and groups provide reasons for disagreement. Such
diversities relate to different perceptions of human nature and of his role and to differences in
interests. For example, the economic gap between the rich and the poor could precipitate
political action on the part of the poor for redistribution of wealth and demands for equal
opportunities. Similarly, diversity in ethnic grouping or religion may also provide strong basis
for political conflict as it was in Rwanda between the Hutus and the Tutsis and between Islamic
fundamentalists in Afghanistan and Pakistan in recent years.

Prior to the 1960s political science was not taught in African Universities as an academic or
intellectual discipline. And in our schools and colleges, the political history of the colonialists
(Europeans) was taught as the subject matter that came close to political science. This was
due mainly to the colonial domination of the education system, while the civil society groaned
under the colonial yoke.

The colonial education policies limited opportunities for the Africans and those who were
educated were only allowed to acquire functional skills. They were mainly typists,
administrative clerks, medical orderlies, low ranking policemen, soldiers, etc. Thus, the
training given to Africans to function in these jobs did not require political science because it
was regarded as dangerous to their interests (colonialists) and therefore totally unnecessary
as a subject to be taught to Africans.

However, the anti-colonial movements throughout the continent in the 1950s and 1960s and
the rapid rate of change that accompanied independence in the 1960s brought into focus the
need for the social scientists- the economists, the sociologists and the political scientists. And
the political scientists were regarded as very important because they were very few in number
for the enormous task of 'nation-building' and the institutionalization of enduring political
structures in the reconstruction of independent African states.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

What all this means is that political science is a relatively new discipline in Africa. Thus, the
need for this study module for Students of Business Administration, Public Administration and
Political Science.

There are 15 study sessions in the module. Study session I examines the Nature and Scope of
Political Science. We define what politics is and explain the development of political science
as a discipline in general. We also examined in detail whether political science is a “science”
or “an art”.

In study session 2 we examined the subject matter of political science. The philosophical
origin of the subject was examines. We also examined sub-fields within political science for
example, how the Judiciary, the Executive and the Legislature are studied within political
science as a whole. We also examined the various approaches to the study of politics from
traditional approach to organizations approach and other approaches.

Study session 3 examined the Legalistic Approach to the study of politics with emphasis on the
role of law in society and the legal basis of political institutions. By contrast, study session 4
examined in details the Behavioural Approach to the study of politics. The contribution of the
various schools, e.g. the Chicago School to the emergence of the scientific study of politics.
Study session 5 discusses the functions of the modern state. We define what the state is and
various theories of the modern state. We examined the characteristics of the state and
differentiated between State, Society and Nation.

One of the most important attributes of a state is Sovereignty. Study session 6 examines the
development of the concept and those who opposed the concept of sovereignty. We also
discuss the limitations to state sovereignty today in the light of globalization and international
organizations in which all nation-states are involved.

Study session 7 examines the concept of Power and Authority in political science. We define
and explain the concepts of Power and Influence and the various types of power and influence
that exist in the world today. We critically examine power in international relations and the
utility of state power. We conclude by discussing the differences between Power and
Authority.

In Study Session 8 we examine Legitimacy and Influence in political science. We define what
Legitimacy is and the role of legitimacy in the stability of government. Similarly we
differentiate between Influence and Power.

Study Session 9 discusses political Ideas and Movements. We define what ideology is and
examine its characteristics. We also examine the functions of ideology in modern times. We

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

explain Liberalism, Democracy, Capitalism, Socialism and Dictatorial Ideologies such as

Fascism and Communism and their impacts on political and social movements.

Study Session 10 explains the various types of Constitutions that have emerged in many
countries in the last two hundred years. We discuss written and unwritten constitutions. We
also examine unitary, federal and various forms of governmental institutions built on these
constitutional forms e.g. Presidential and Parliamentary systems of government.

In Study Session 11, we explain what Constitutionalism is. We discuss at length the
constitutional development of Nigeria from colonial times up to 1979 when we adopted a
federal type of constitution for the first time. We explained the processes by which that
constitution was made and how it has become the “grundnorm” in Nigeria today.

Study Session 12 explains the process of Political and social Change in modern societies. It is
explained that change can come about through reforms, revolutions and military coups or civil
wars. We examine the origins of political and social change. We also differentiate between a
coup d'etat and an evolution. Finally we analyze the characteristics of Africa's New States.

In Study Session 13 we explain the Nature of African Armies. We critically evaluate the causes
of military intervention in politics and the factors influencing the military to intervene in body
politik of their respective states. Finally, we evaluate the impact of various military regimes
rule on the people and countries in Africa.

In Study Session 14 we define what Public Administration is. We also discuss the various
approaches to the study of Public Administration. We explain the various theories and
functions of Public Administration. We also examine the nature and structure of the Nigerian
Civil Service and its role in Nigerian Public Administration.

Finally, in Study Session 15 we examine the content of International Relations as a field of

study in Political Science. We explain what the focus of international relations is. We also
explain the roles of the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) in the world today.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

STUDY SESSION 1

THE NATURE AND SCOPE OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

CONTENTS
1.0 Introduction
1.1 Learning outcomes
1.2 Main Body
1.3 Definitions/Explanations of Politics
1.4 The Development of Political Science as a Field of Study
1.5 What is Science? What makes Political Science a Science?
A. The Meaning of Verifiability
B. The Meaning of Systematic
C. The Meaning of Generality or Universality
1.6 Conclusion
1.7 Summary
1.8 Self Assessment Questions (SAQS)
1.9 References
1.10 Further Readings

1.0 INTRODUCTION
In this unit, you will be introduced to what Politics is all about. In your day to day
activities, you must have heard of the word “Politics” without actually understanding
its meaning. What do you think Politics is? This question has been asked many times in
every age before the birth of Jesus Christ, when the Greeks first introduced the idea of
the 'polis' meaning city-state. It is from 'polis' that we derive our modern world politics.
Aristotle (384-322BC) in his book 'POLITICS' first used the term to refer to the affairs of a
Greek city-state. Aristotle observed that 'man by nature is a political animal'. By this he
meant that the essence of social existence is politics and that two or more men
interacting with one another are invariably involved in a political relationship.

Aristotle observed that whenever men seek to define their position in society or as they
attempt to achieve personal security from available resources and as they try to
influence others to accept their points of view, they find themselves engaged in
politics. In this broad sense, everyone is a politician.

Today, the word politics is an elastic one. To some authorities, politics is concerned
with the ordinary day-to-day activities of the community in which we are all personally
involved. To others, including Harold Lasswell (1951) politics has been equated with the
study of power or the study of influence and the influential. In fact, Lasswell went as

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

far as to define politics as who gets what, when, how" which underlines the importance
of power as the major ingredient of politics.

1.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of this study session you should be able to:
i. Explain what politics is all about.
ii. State the development of political science as a field of study.
iii. Explain what makes political science a science or an Art.

1.2 MAIN BODY

1.3 DEFINITIONS/EXPLANATIONS OF POLITICS

Generally speaking, it is difficult to define politics because there are many definitions
by various scholars that conflict or sometimes complement one another. Ernest Baker
(1962:1) stated that politics is the process of making and execution of governmental
decisions or policies. Harold Lasswell and Abraham Kaplan (1950) defined politics as
authoritative allocation of values or who gets what, when and how. Austine Ranany
(1975: 35-38) maintains that politics is a process of resolution of conflict in society.

For Max Weber, (1947:145-154) politics is the operation of the state and its institutions.
Politics for him means the sharing power to influence the distribution of power among
individuals and groups within a state.

Lasswell suggests that politics is essentially the struggle for positions of power and
influence by which those who succeed in monopolizing such positions in society are
able to make decisions that affect the lives of every citizen within the country. More
will be said about power later when we examine it as a topic on its own.

For our purpose, politics can simply be defined in three ways: First, it attempts to
discover the general principles, formation and functioning of government. Secondly, it
is concerned with people and the way in which they make decisions and the way those
decisions are reached. Thirdly politics is that part of the social sciences which treats
the foundations of the state and the principle of government, governmental, social and
economic programmes, international relations, organizations and cooperation.

Politics goes beyond the activity of government, the political parties and the
politicians. Politics is a universal phenomenon- that is; it is present in all human
organizations such as the family, trade unions, corporations, universities, etc. In all
these organizations, politics is characterized by struggle for power and influence,
conflict, bargaining, reconciliation, resolution and consensus.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

Politics can be played at a national level or internationally. At the national level, the
failure of the Nigerian political elite between 1962-66 gave the military the
opportunity to intervene in our political process. History repeated itself in 1983 when
the political elite again failed to settle their differences following the 1983 October
general elections. Again, the military employing their monopoly over the use of force
and the acquiescence of the Nigerian people swept the political elite off the political
stage and ruled until 1999.

Similarly, it was politics at the international level when the Palestinian and the
Israelites partly resolved their age-long military/ideological confrontation over
Palestinian home land in Gaza. Also it was a political action/decision when ECOMOG
troops were sent by West African States to war-torn Liberia for peace-keeping
operations. This helped to stop the fighting from getting worse. Relative peace has now
returned to Liberia after 15 years of fighting.

1.4 THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AS A FIELD OF STUDY

The Greeks as we have seen established a broad definition of politics. However,
between the sixteenth and early twentieth century, European political philosophers
established a narrower definition of politics.

For example, Jean Bodin (1430-1596), a French political philosopher, who first used the
term "political science" (science politique) was a lawyer. Because of his legal training,
Bodin focused on the characteristics of the state more than any other aspect of the
political process. He concentrated on analyzing the relationship between the
organization of the state and how this relates to law.

Another French philosopher Montesquieu (1689-1755) argued that the functions of

government could be encompassed within the categories of legislation, execution, and
the adjudication of law. Montesquieu's categories found their way into the United
States Constitution and other Republican Constitutions with the assumption that
liberty was best assured by separation of powers between the Legislature, the
Executive and the Judiciary.

It was the work of these two philosophers that imposed a restricted definition of politics on
political scientists. Political scientists for years concentrated almost exclusively on the
Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary as major concerns until recently.

In the mid-nineteenth century, Darwin's theory of evolution and natural selection

began to exert a powerful influence upon political science. In fact, biology came to
reinforce history in the study of political institutions, which were seen as the product of

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

historical change and, apparently organic evolution. The development of sociology

after the 19th century prompted political scientists to give more attention to the
impact on government of social forces not defined with reference to the institutional
outline of the state. The industrialization of previously agricultural societies and
sharpening clash between the emergent working classes and their employers
(industrialists) compelled a closer study of economic facts, forces and trends, as these
produced political problems and helped to shape political behaviour.

The advent of World War II brought about a re-think by political scientists that the
Legislature, Executives, Agencies, and the Courts did not exist by themselves and that
they did not operate independently of one another or of the other political
organizations in society. Political scientists in America and Europe embarked on new
fields of study by examining the political parties, interest groups, trade unions, as well
as corporations and church organizations. Ideologies have also commanded the
attention of political scientists because of their (ideologies) role in the formation of
Ultra-Right and Ultra-Left political parties and movements. It is all the above
institutions of the state plus other political and social organizations that constitute the
political system.

What this means is that politics is not just about government and politicians but a
complex process involving everybody in a given society, attitudes to issues, interest
groups, group organization; electioneering, as well as the formulation,
implementation, and interpretation of law.

In Text Questions (ITQ)

1. Explain political science as a field of study.
2. Describe in a short paragraph the development of political science as a field
of study.

1.5 WHAT IS SCIENCE? WHAT MAKES POLITICAL SCIENCE A SCIENCE?

Pure science is concerned with obtaining accurate knowledge about the structure and
behaviour of the physical universe. It deals with universal and with rational analysis of
known facts. It is fact seeking as well as fact-using. The ultimate goal of a science is the
classification of facts, and on the basis of such classification, the formulation of a body
of general rules and logically consistent and universally valid statement about the
universe. Science has been described as an "adventure of the human spirit”.

The scientific method entails vigorous procedures starting from selection of problems
to be solved or analyzed, followed by formulation of hypothesis, gathering of data and
testing of hypothesis, and finally, the use of findings to refute, modify or support

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

existing theories. To evaluate the findings of their own studies and of others, scientists
employ a number of knowledge, to be scientific it must be characterized by
verifiability; it must be systematic and must have general applicability.

A. The Meaning of Verifiability

A proposition is said to be verified when it has been checked or tested by many specialists
in the relevant field of study and when they all agree that other scientists and the general
public can believe it to be true. However, there are no certainties in anything but
probabilities. The probability that some propositions will hold true, is so great that they
can be treated as certainties, but in the social sciences, this is not the case.

If scientific knowledge is to be verifiable, science must be empirical, that is, scientific

statements must be descriptive of the empirical world. Similarly, if scientific
knowledge is to be verifiable, the desire for reliability and, ultimately, for verifiability
has been the chief factor leading to the adoption of quantitative methods.

B. The Meaning of System

Knowledge is said to be systematic when it is organized into an intelligible pattern, or
structure, with significant relationships made clear. To achieve a system, scientists
seek out similarities and differences putting things together. While looking for
similarities and differences, scientists also look for relationship, whether correlations
or causal relations. Concern for system means that scientists want to proceed from the
particular towards the general facts, from knowledge of isolated facts towards
knowledge of the connections between facts. Thus, "the idea of science is to achieve a
systematic inter-connection of facts”.

C. The Meaning of Generality or Universality

The knowledge provided by a telephone directory anywhere in the world is verifiable,
and it is presented in an orderly and systematic way. However, it lacks generality or
universality in the sense that a New York Telephone Directory may be useless in the City
of Lagos. The object in science is to develop generalizations so that explanations and
prediction can occur to the maximum possible extent.

Scientific knowledge on any subject, designed to facilitate explanation and prediction

can be thought of as a pyramid rising from a base of specific bits of data up through
more general facts to propositions, laws, and theories. Turning to the second part of our
question: Is political science really scientific? Political science may be defined as the
study of politics using some scientific tools.

Political science is not and cannot be an exact science in the sense of the natural
sciences like physics, chemistry, geology, etc. The reasons for this are that the subject
matter which political scientists investigate is generally uncertain in forms - that is,

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

people are generally unpredictable. Thus, the conclusions reached after investigations
are ambiguous and the findings are not all of general or universal applicability.

Political science is not an exact science like the natural sciences because the material
with which it deals is incapable of being treated exactly the same way as physics or
chemistry. While physics and chemistry are natural or physical science, and deal with
matter; the social sciences which include political science, sociology, economics, etc.
deal with man in society. Man in society is not only unpredictable but also extremely
cumbersome to observe accurately because he is ever-changing and his environment is
difficult to control.

Political science like other social sciences has a scientific character because of the
scientific method it employs in examining, phenomena. That is, it is a science to the
extent that it accumulates facts that are verifiable, links these facts together in causal
sequences (systematically) and from these, makes generalizations of fundamental
principles and formulate theories.

The laboratory method of the natural science may be difficult for political scientists to
adopt but they could observe historical facts and the facts of contemporary world as
the basis for political analysis, classify, connect and compare. However, political
scientists do not agree on the appropriate categories for classifying the phenomena of
politics. This disagreement reflects the difficulty of observing and the frequent
impossibility of quantifying the variables that political scientists identify.

Finally, because political scientists deal with large numbers of people in an

uncontrolled setting where each individual has many behavioural options open to him,
it is near impossible to make generalization on observed facts. The most crucial fact is
how one defines, much less measure, political power and influence the very substance
of the political process. Our assessment of political power will be highlighted when we
examine power, authority and influence in another unit.

ITQ 3- Why are the Natural Sciences more scientific than Political Science? Explain.

1.6 CONCLUSION
The development of Political science as a discipline shows its attempt in enhancing its
scientific status. We are however informed that political science is not and cannot be
an exact science in the sense of the natural sciences like physics, chemistry, geology,
etc. The reasons for this are the uncertainty and unpredictability of the subject matter
which political scientists investigate.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

1.7 SUMMARY
In this unit, you have been exposed to what politics is about; the development of
political science as a distinct field of study and its scientific status. We tried here to
show you that although there is no universally acceptable definition of the word
"politics", however, there are some working definitions that will guide you as new
"entrants" in the field.

1.8 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. Which of the following define politics?
A. Struggle for power
B. Struggle for Leadership
C. Struggle for Money
D. Community defence

2. Which of the following is not an assumption of science?

A. Constancy
B. Inter- subjectivity
C. Verifiability
D. A prior reasoning

3. The Behavioral Approach is designed to:

A. Formulate laws of political Behavior
B. Develop high level theory
C. Eliminate value for political analysis
D. Predict human behavior.

4. The Traditional Approach to the study of politics are basically:

A. Empirical
B. Value free
C. Prescriptive
D. Scientific

5. Politics was derived from one of the following:

A. Community
B. Polis
C. Tribe
D. Commune

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

Essay
Discuss the development of political science as a field of study.

1.9 REFERENCES
Aristotle, 1972. Politics, Edited with Introduction and Prefatory notes by Justin I.
Kamplan, Translated by W. D. Ross, Washington Square Press.

Lasswell, H. D. 1951. Politics; who gets what, when and how? Free Press, Glencoe, III.
Bodin Jean, 1955. Six books of the commonwealth. Abridged and translated by M. J.
Todley, Oxford: Blackwell.

Easton, David 1965. A system analysis of political life. New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc.

Laski Harold J. (ed.) 1963. A Defence of liberty against T. Prants, Gloucester, Mass:
Peter Smith.

Neumann Franz 1949. Introduction to Montesquieu's spirit of laws. Translated by

Thomas H. Nugent, New York: Halfner Pub. Company

1.10 FURTHER READINGS

Sabine, George H., 1950. A history of political theory, New York: Henry Holt.

Almond, G. A. 1956. Comparative political systems", Journal of politics, Vol. 18.

Almond, G. A. & Powell, G. B. 1966. Comparative politics: a developmental approach,

Little, Brown & Co., Boston.

Deutsch, Karl W. 1963. The nerves of government, New York: The Free Press of Glenco.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

STUDY SESSION 2

THE SUBJECT MATTER OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

2.0 Introduction
2.1 Learning Outcomes
2.2 Main Body
2.3 The Subject Matter of Political Science
A. Political Philosophy
B. Judicial and Legal Process
C. Executive Process
D. Administrative Organization and Behaviour
E. Legislative Politics
2.4 Approaches to the Study of Politics.
A. Traditional Approaches:
B. Behavioural Approach
C. System Analysis Approach
D. Structural Functionalism Approach
E. Class Analysis Approach
F. Political Parties and Interest groups Approach
G. Voting and Public Opinion Approach
H. Comparative Politics Approach
I. Political Development Approach
J. International Politics and Organisations Approach
2.5 Conclusion
2.6 Summary
2.7 Self Assessment Questions (SAQs)
2.8 References
2.9 Further Readings

2.0 INTRODUCTION
In the previous unit, you learnt about what politics is all about and the development of
political science as a field of study. This unit introduces us to the subject matter of
political science as well as analyses the various approaches to the study of politics.

2.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of study session 2, you should be able to:
i. Explain the subject matter of Political Science
ii. Differentiate between the various approaches to the study of politics.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

2.2 MAIN BODY

2.3 The Subject Matter of Political Science
Political science, like many subjects such as Economics and History was once part of
Philosophy. But today, political science has gained its own independence and has
developed many fields and sub-disciplines some of which we discus briefly below. More
emphasis will be placed on the Behavioural and Legalistic approaches in subsequent
units.

A. Political Philosophy
We all know that every political act implies underlying political value. Thus, from Plato
to early 20th century, political philosophy was concerned with the values that were
regarded as essential for the good citizen and a just state. The questions then were as
they are today:
(a) What is justice?
(b) What makes political power and its exercise legitimate?
(c) What is the sanction for rebellion against the authority of the state?
(d) How should property and the other forms of material possession be distributed
among citizens?
(e) To what extent should citizens be entitled to participate in the decision-making
processes of government?

Answers to these and similar questions have been and will continue to be endlessly
debated because the "answers" are based on value-judgement and not facts. Thus,
political philosophy is the least scientific sub-discipline of political science. It is
concerned with the normative implications- the way the state and society ought to
behave, given certain fundamental human values.

B. Judicial and Legal Process

This sub-discipline of political science is very important. The questions which arise
within this sub-discipline are:
i. How do constitutions affect the operation of government, and how do the
operations of government affect the development of constitutions?
ii. How are the laws administered, interpreted and enforced?
iii. What are the rights of citizens under the law?
iv. If the constitution of a state is the supreme law of the land, which agency of
government has the final word in determining the meaning of the law-in fact as
well as in theory?
v. How are conflicts between the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial branches of
government resolved?
vi. How are the jurisdictions of Federal and State Governments defined?

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

C. Executive Process
The most visible symbol of a state is its Chief Executive. How is he or she selected or
elected? What are the formal and informal responsibilities of the chief Executive? How
does he or she exercise the powers inherent in his office? What are these roles, and how
do they complement or conflict with one another according to his or her personality,
ambition and goals?

Kings, Prime Ministers, Premiers and Presidents all require staff of executive assistants
for the performance of their duties in office. The study of the executive process then is
in large part the study of bureaucracy - the way it is organized and the way it functions.

D. Administrative Organization and Behaviour

Political science is also concerned with the behaviour of administrators themselves at
all levels of the bureaucratic hierarchy. The political scientists working in this field are
concerned about how decisions are made? How is it that the best made plans of
administrators often produced unintended results or no result? Not responsible to the
voters, perhaps enjoying the professional security of a civil service appointment, how
can an administrator be motivated to perform his tasks with a sense of responsibility for
the public interest?

To answer these questions, researchers often rely on detailed case studies, that trace
the interaction of a specific governmental programme. Researchers conduct interviews
and go through original documents in order to reach a conclusion as to how certain
things get done within an organization such as business corporations, the trade unions,
the University, etc.

E. Legislative Politics
How are laws made in terms of the clash of interests inside and outside the legislative
arena? How do the rules and procedures of the legislature, its system of committees
and sub-committees, affect the substance of legislative policy? How is power
distributed among the legislators themselves?

The legislature functions primarily as the watchdog of the Executive. How successful
are they in monitoring the operations of executive agencies and in maintaining the
political responsibility of administrator to rank-and-file citizens through their elected
representatives? How well do legislators attend to the diverse needs of their many
constituents?

In-Text Questions (ITQS)

1. Discuss the term politics?
2. What do you consider to be the subject matter of political science?

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

2.4 Approaches to the Study of Politics

Political scientists have adopted several approaches to the study of politics. Approaches
provide the political scientist with the conceptual framework in understanding political
life. We shall consider these approaches in the following sub-units.

A. Traditional Approaches
There are two major approaches under the traditional approaches
(a) The historical;
(b) The institutional approaches to the study of political process.

The historical approach relies mainly on the facts of the past to explain the present and
probable future political development within political institutions and process.

By contrast, the traditional/institutional approach emphasizes philosophy, law, logic,

norms, values and institutions as much as the historical approach.

The traditional approaches have been criticized as static and oversimplified

assumptions about today's reality in the political process. However, the approaches still
have their use in political study.

B. Behavioural Approach
Behaviouralism was developed by American political scientists as an alternative to the
traditional approaches in the 1940s and 1950s. This approach concentrates on careful
observation of individual behaviour in the political process and less on state political
institutions. Behaviorists borrow from sociology and psychology as well as other
disciplines. This has allowed for the development and application of psychoanalysis,
decision-making models and system theory to the study of politics.

Behaviorists use more statistical methods, on testing hypothesis than other political
scientists. They insist that it is only through practical approach, measurements and
facts that political science can move towards being a science than mere descriptive
formalism and political philosophy. Behaviorism as an approach is an improvement in
methodology upon the traditional approaches and it is a reflection of the rapid growth
of the discipline.

The advent of World War II brought new approaches to political science. The major
approaches are: System Analysis, Structural Functionalist Group Approach, Elite
Analysis, Class Analysis and Political Economy.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

C. System Analysis Approach

Talcot Parsons (a sociologist) pioneered system maintenance theory. But it was David
Easton that applied it to political science. System analysis is an attempt by David
Easton, to apply general systems theories to political science. In this effort, Easton
insisted that political system "is that system of interactions in any society through
which binding or authoritative allocations are made".

Environment
I Demands
N Authoritative
P The Political
Support Decision-
U System
Outputs
T
S Conversion Process

Acts
Feedback

Easton explained that from the environment demands are made on the political system
in the form of INPUTS. (Demands and Support). These demands are then processed into
OUTPUTS, which are AUTHORITATIVE DECISIONS (Legislations or Acts). Through a
feedback loop changes brought about by those outcomes after conversion, are channel
is led back into the system in form of increased, intensified or modified demands and
supports. Although the model is largely abstract, it is useful as a general framework for
political analysis.

D. Structural Functionalism Approach

This approach is an offshoot of systems analysis. It focuses largely on explaining the
functions a political system must perform to survive and defines structures or
organizations which can most efficiently perform the functions. The structures may be
political parties, pressure groups or formal government institutions performing system
maintenance functions such as informing the electorates on important issues and
allowing for wider participation in the political system.

Although the approach cannot provide a general theory for all aspects of political
science, nevertheless, it provides standard categories for different political system
and therefore useful in comparative government/politics.

E. Class Analysis Approach

This is the most radical approach in political science. The approach focuses on division
of society into classes and how this social stratification determines social conflict and
social change. However, there is a great deal of disagreement as to the basis of
stratification in a given society and the conflict it generates within the political

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

system.
Most Marxist political scientists insist that class exists in all societies because of the
nature of mode of production. They insist that those who own the means of production
take decisions that affect the lives of workers who work for wages. It further explains
that those who own the means of production continue to expropriate the surplus
wealth created by workers; and that it is this class relationship that has brought about
class antagonism and class wars/revolutions. For example the Russian Resolution of
1917 and that of China in 1949.

F. Political Parties and Interest Groups Approach

Many political scientists believe that the legislative process in Parliament or Assembly
is primarily an institution that structures the conflict of interests and demands
expressed by political parties. The job of political scientists with this kind of concern is
the analyses of the organization and behaviour of these groups in and out of
Parliament, Assembly or Congress.

From the standpoint of "group theory", and in fact passed by the legislature, it
expresses mainly the prevailing distribution of influence among' competing groups,
each of them seeking to advance its own particular interest, thus, we may ask what
interest do these groups truly represent? In the case of political parties, their
membership, political access, and policies structured by the electoral system very
much determine their roles in the legislative or executive branches of government.

The concerns of the political scientists using this approach are: where do the political
parties, draw their support from? Do their policies and programmes differ from each
other? How do they make decisions? How do they select their leaders? How do they raise
money and to what extent is power concentrated or diffused throughout the
organization hierarchy? These are the vital questions that most political scientists
working within this approach must adopt in the research aims and objectives.

G. Voting and Public Opinion Approach

Some political scientists are mainly concerned with voting patterns and public opinions
on political issues. The important questions, which political scientists working with this
approach ask are as follows:

What is the "mind" of the public? How do the opinions, attitudes, and beliefs of citizens
affect the policy making political elites? What motivates citizens to vote or not to vote?
Are voters more concerned about issues or about personality of particular candidates?
Is the voter voting for a particular party because of long standing loyalty to that party,
regardless of its candidates or position to the major issues of the day? And how do the
various orientations of voters relate to their level of education, their age, sex, race,
religion, income and place of residence? These questions are vital to our understanding

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

of the political process in any given country.

H. Comparative Politics Approach
Any or all the above sub-disciplines in political science may be integrated into a
comparative framework. When political scientists look at the political parties or
socialization processes of two or more countries, they are able to clarify their
generalizations about a particular political system because its characteristics are
highlighted by comparison with those of other political systems.

Comparative political analysis is also an aid in understanding and identifying those

characteristics which may be universal to the political process, regardless of time or
place. By adopting the comparative approach, new fields of research have been
developed. These include: comparative studies of political elites in two countries or
more, political violence, and political corruption; political socialization, political
culture, political parties and interest groups. These sub-disciplines have benefited in
no small ways from the comparative approach.

I. Political Development Approach

It became clear after World War II that students of comparative politics had over-
looked a vast reservoir of potential knowledge about the political process. The earlier
focus had been on the industrialized and modernized states of the West. The
emergence of newly independent countries all over the world forced Western
researchers to examine non-Western cultures and the political processes emerging in
these countries. Researchers developed new methods and tools of analysis and were
able to examine the socio-economic and the political processes of these developing
states.

Students of political development are today concerned with the effects of urbanization
and economic development on political organization and behaviour, with education,
with the way which political change and socio-economic development affect the more
fundamental differences between various ethnic and religious groups within the same
society.
The study of developing states has helped us to understand the institutions and the
supporting attitudes and behaviour that define "democracy" do not emerge suddenly
from the informed intellect and good will of those who choose to write about
democratic constitutions. And, in fact, all societies may be understood to be in the
process of political development. They consequently accord to their varying degree of
modernization or development and to the extent to which all citizens have been
mobilized by socio-economic development and cultural change for participation in
politics. The capabilities of existing political organizations for accommodating the
interests and demands of citizens could provide them with a sense of participation and

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

efficacy in the functioning of government.

J. International Politics and Organisations Approach
The study of international politics has been one of the long-standing concerns of
political scientists, due largely to the occurrence of wars and political conflicts
between nations. The focus in this sub-discipline is on the resources that help to
explain (1)differences in the distribution of international power, (2)the circumstances
that contribute to a balance of power between competing states or to a breakdown in
the balance of power, (3) the interests represented by the alliances between states and
the pattern of conflict and cooperation between blocs of aligned and non-aligned
states (4) the relationships stimulated by economic, trade and interdependence and
(5) those institutions devoted to improving the chances of peace and international
cooperation, e.g. the United Nations Organisations. More will be said about this in
another study session.

In-Text Questions (ITQS)

Critique the various approaches to the study of politics.

2.5 CONCLUSION
Political scientists employ a number of approaches in the study and understanding of
political phenomenon. These approaches which are distinct, but overlapping seek to
understand the subject matter of politics.

2.6 SUMMARY
In this study session, we have examined the preoccupation of Political Science. We also
identified the various approaches and lenses that political scientists employ in the
study of politics. A word of caution to you as a student of politics: these approaches
should be seen as complementing each other rather than standing alone, as most at
times they find themselves overlapping.

2.7 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQS)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. Political philosophy as an approach in Political Science deals with all the following
except one:
A. Justice
B. Legitimacy
C. Authority of the state
D. Military coups

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

2. The judicial and Legal process in the study of Political Science is concerned with:
A. How the constitution affects the operation of government.
B. Take-over of government by military men.
C. Promote the interests of one ethnic group over the others.
D. Promote the interest of the Executive over that of the Legislature and Judiciary.

3. Political scientists working in the field of Administrative Organization Behaviour of

Bureaucrats (Civil Servants) are concerned with the way decisions are made.
A. True
B. False?

Essay: Discuss two approaches to the study of political science known to you.

2.8 REFERENCES
Bodin, Jean. 1955. Six books of the commonwealth. Abridged and translated by M. J.
Todley; Oxford: Blackwell.

Deutsch Karl W., 1963. The nerves of government; New York: The free press of Glence.

Neumann Franz. 1949, Introduction to Montesquieu's spirit of laws. Translated by

Thomas H. Nugent; New York: Halfher Pub. Co.

2.9 FURTHER READINGS

Almond G. A. 1956. Comparative political systems", journal of politics, Vol. 18.

Almond, G. A. & Powell, G. B., 1966. Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach;

Little, Brown & Co., Boston.

Easton David. 1961. A framework for political analysis; New Haven: Yale University
Press.

Easton David. 1965. A system analysis of political life. New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

STUDY SESSION 3

THE LEGALISTIC APPROACH STUDY OF POLITICS

CONTENTS
3.0 Introduction
3.1 Learning outcomes
3.2 Main Body
3.3 Law and Society
3.4 What then is Law?
o Body
of rules
o Conduct
o Legitimate
Authority
3.5 Features of the Legal Approach
3.6 The legal basis of political institutions.
3.7 The legal basis of political rights
3.8 The protection of rights
3.9 Legal remedies.
3.10 Conclusion
3.11 Summary
3.12 Self Assessment Questions (SAQS)
3.13 References
3.14 Further Readings

3.0 INTRODUCTION
The legal approach is very important in political science because it focuses on the legal
provisions which are usually contained in the Constitution and other laws of the land.
Because disputes are likely to arise between different arms of government and
different levels of government, there is need for a legal system that can interpret laws
and reconcile likely disputes and conflicts between the various arms of government.
The concern of the legal approach is about the administration of laws, its
interpretation and enforcement.

3.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of this unit, you should be able to explain the legal approach to the study of
political science.

3.2 MAIN BODY

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

3.3 LAW AND SOCIETY

No modern society can exist without a system of laws. The institution of law is
therefore crucial to the social organization of human beings. A modern society is not
like the state of nature (primitive society) where life was 'solitary, nasty, brutish and
short' - the state of anarchy according to Thomas Hobbes (1651) (1968).

The concept of 'the law' connotes to the political scientist, the processes, principles,
standards, and rules which govern the relationships and which help resolve the
conflicting interests of men and institutions in a cohesive society.

It is impossible to conceive of a modern society operating without the benefit of law -

without the carefully formulated principles, standards, and rules that keep our
invalued social complex from disintegration. No rational person believes that the
intricate problems arising in an urban society could be dealt with in the absence of
statutes, courts, legislatives, executives, administrators, policemen, and penalties.
Such a society constitutes a seamless web of important and conflicting interests, and
the concept of law is central to it.

Government does not rely solely upon the law to achieve its objectives, but
government without the law does not have legitimate authority to rule. To govern
means to control, and control in the political sense within a state requires principles of
conduct embedded in legal principles, standards, and rules and enforced by sanctions,
whether civil or criminal.

In a democratic society, the goal of government is the attainment of justice; law exists
to help reach this goal, although in practice, results often fall short of this ideal.

Law also encompasses the do's and don'ts of man's routine experiences in everyday
living. For example, if a man parks his car on the wrong side of the road, dumps his
rubbish/garbage in a forbidden area, insults or punches his neighbour in a fit of temper,
or fail to file his income tax return, etc. Legal sanctions will fall upon his shoulders
heavily or according to the nature of his offence.

3.4 WHAT THEN IS LAW?

The term is one of the most ambiguous and fluid known to man. There is little
agreement as to its meaning and it may be that there is no final answer. A basic
difficulty is that "law" means so many different things to so many different persons at so
many different times and in so many different places. Justice Oliver Wendell Homes
(American Jurist) once said: "A word is not a crystal, transparent and unchanged; it is
the skin of a living thought and may vary greatly in colour and content according to the
circumstances and the time in which it is used." This is true of law.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

Despite the above position about the ambiguity of law, law can be defined as a body of
rules for human conduct that is backed by legitimate authority. The three components
in this definition are:
i) Body of rules
ii) Conduct, and
iii) Legitimate Authority

A. Body of Rules
Law can be expressed or conceived as doing things with rules. In other words, law is a
technique of social ordering (W. Twinning and D. Miers, 1979). To do things with rules.
From this definition we could conclude that within the province of law we have rules
and regulations, norms, values, codes, legislative enactments, edicts and decrees.

B. Human Conduct
A law regulates the behaviour of human beings in everyday activities and in their
personal interrelationship. This explanation is important as we are aware of other
forms of law, i.e. Mathematical laws, Biological laws, Mechanical laws, etc.

C. Legitimate Authority
A law either written or mere verbal proclamation is mere words unless it is backed by
some form of authority; this authority could be traditional, characteristic, or rational
legal. Without legitimate authoritative backing, people will violate laws with impunity.

Law and society are related. Society survives because there are laws which regulate the
behaviour of individuals. Indeed, the societal framework provides the premise upon
which laws are developed. On the one hand no society can achieve any measures of
success/development unless there are established legal systems.

3.5 FEATURES OF THE LEGAL APPROACH

The legal approach in the study of politics is concerned with the following areas:
i. The Legal Basis of Political Institutions.
ii. The Legal Basis of Political Rights
iii. The Protection of rights
iv. Legal Remedies.

3.6 THE LEGAL BASIS OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS

Political Institutions are usually created in the Constitution which is the fundamental
law of the State. The Constitution also stipulates the relationship among the various
institutions of government. For example, in the 1999 Constitution, of Nigeria, the
following Political Institutions were created:

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

Chapter 4 - The Legislature (National Assembly)

Chapter 5 - The Executive
Chapter 6 - The Judiciary
The composition and functions of the Nigeria Government must be in accordance with
the provisions of the Constitution as specified in various chapters and sections.

3.7 THE LEGAL BASIS OF POLITICAL RIGHTS

Political Rights derive their source from the Constitution. Chapters 33 to 42 of the 1999
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended, guarantees the following
Rights:
Chapter 33 - Right to life.
Chapter 34 - Right to dignity of human person.
Chapter 35 - Right to personal liberty
Chapter 36 - Right to fair hearing.
Chapter 37 - Right to private life
Chapter 38 - Right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion
Chapter 39 - Right to freedom of expression and press.
Chapter 40 - Right to peaceful assembly and association.
Chapter 41 - Right to freedom of movement
Chapter 42 - Right to freedom from discrimination.

3.8 THE LEGAL PROTECTIONS OF RIGHTS

Political rights enjoyed by the people in a democratic country/society are usually
protected by certain legal devices such as:
o The Rule of Law
o The Right to Fair Hearing (Audi alteram Parterm)
o The Rule Against Bias (Nemo judex in Causa
Sua)

3.9 LEGAL REMEDIES

It is inconceivable to think of legal rights without legal remedies. Thus, if a person has a
legal right and the right is violated, then such a person should be entitled to some
remedy. A remedy is therefore a compensation for the violation of legal rights.
Remedies reverse wrong decisions and make appropriate decisions to correct legal
injustices. These remedies include:
a) The Order of Habeas Corpus
b) The Writ of Prohibitions
c) The Writ of Mandamus
d) The Writ of Injunctions
e) Declarations

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

a) The Order of Habeas Corpus

The Order of Habeas Corpus originated in the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679, England. This
is an order employed to bring a person before a court, most frequently to ensure that
the party's detention or imprisonment is not illegal. In most English speaking countries
under this order (writ) no one can be detained for more than twenty-four or forty-eight
hours before appearing before a court of law. However, there are exceptional cases
e.g. those charged with terrorist acts.

b) Order (Writ) of Prohibitions

This is a common law order (writ) that forbids a certain action. According to Black's Law
Dictionary (1999:1248), it can be an extraordinary writ issued by an appellate court to
prevent a lower court from exceeding its jurisdiction or to prevent a non-judicial
officer or entity from exercising a power.

c) The Writ of Mandamus (Latin “We command”)

This is a writ issued by a superior court to compel a lower court or government officer to
perform mandatory or purely ministerial duties correctly.

d) The Writ of Injunctions

This is a court order commanding or preventing an action by individual or a group or an
institution either private or public. To obtain such an injunction from the courts (judges
or magistrates), the complainant must show that there is no plain, adequate and
complete remedy at law and that an irreparable injury or damage will result unless the
relief is granted to him by the court.

e) Declarations

According to Black's Law Dictionary, this is a formal statement, proclamation, or

announcement, especially one embodied in a legal instrument e.g. an affidavit.

In addition to the Constitutional Law, there are other legal instruments that influence
the political process in a particular country. These include laws made by the Legislative
Assembly and the System of Courts.

Every state/country has its legal system which is made up of both the substantive and
procedural laws and judicial organizational structure. For example, in Nigeria, we have
the Criminal Code, the Penal Code, the Civil Procedure Code, the Sharia Laws, the
Customary Laws and other enactment by the National Assembly. Also in Nigeria, we
have various grades of Courts - Supreme Court, Court of Appeal, Federal High Court, the
State High Courts, Magistrate Courts and Customary Courts.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

Other features of the Nigeria legal system which are more or less political in nature
include the Public Complaint Commission, The Code of Conduct Bureau, Public
Commissions of Inquiry, The Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) and
Public Tribunals, etc.

3.10 CONCLUSION
In this Unit, we have attempted to examine the legal approach to the study of politics.
The relationship between law and society has also been explained.

3.11 SUMMARY
As can be seen from the above outline, no satisfactory explanation of the workings of
the political system of any country can be provided without looking at the legal
framework. Political institutions by and large derive their existence from the legal and
constitutional system, hence the importance of legal approach in the study of politics.

3.12 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQs)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. The grundnorm of a country's law is one of the following:

A. The constitution
B. The Legitimate Government in power
C. The president
D. The community itself

2. The following are Fundamental Human Rights except one:

A. Right to life
B. Right to private property
C. Right to privacy
D. Right to marry as many wives as you want

3. Law has the following attributes except one:

A. A Body of Rules
B. Control conducts
C. Gives Legitimate Authority
D. Gives the military the right to intervene in politics.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

4. Political rights enjoyed by the people in a democratic society are usually projected by
the following legal devices except one:
A. The Rule of law
B. The Right to fair hearing (Audi alteram parterm)
C. The Rule Against Bias (Nemo judex in causa sua)
D. A certiorari

Essay: “Democratic government cannot operate without the rule of law”. Do you agree?

3.13 REFERENCES
Duke, V. V. 1967; Political science: a philosophical analysis, California; Stanford
University Press.

H.L.A. Hart (1961): The concept of law.

Geoner, J. F. & Jones, B. C. 1985. Administrative law; London: Butterworth.

Oluyede, P. A. 1988. Nigerian administrative law; Ibadan University Press.

Rodee et al, 1983. Introduction to political science; London McGraw-Hill.

3.14 FURTHER READINGS

Abraham, Henry J. 1986. The Judicial process New York: Oxford University Press.

Cappeletti, Munto 1989. The Judicial process in comparative perspective, New York:
Oxford University Press.

Hart, H.L.A (1968) The concept of law New York: Prentice Hall.

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

STUDY SESSION 4

THE BEHAVIOURAL APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF POLITICS

CONTENTS
4.0 Introduction
4.1 Learning Outcomes
4.2 Main Body
4.3 The features of Political Science in the pre-behavioral period
4.4 Factors which contributed to the emergence of the scientific study of politics
A. The Chicago School
B. The Princeton School
C. Foundations Fund Support
D. Immigration of European Scholars to the United States of America
4.5 The Main features of the Behavioural Approach
4.6 Criticism against the Behavioural Approach
4.7 Conclusion
4.8 Summary
4.9 Self Assessment Questions (SAQS)
4.10 References
4.11 Further Readings

4.0 INTRODUCTION
This unit examines the Behavioural Approach to the study of the Political Science.
Behaviorism was developed by American Political Scientists as an alternative to the
traditional approaches in the 1940s and 1950s. This approach concentrates on careful
observation of individual behaviour in the political process and less on state political
institutions. The objective of the behavioural approach is to make the study of politics
more scientific.

4.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of the Unit, you should be able to:
1. Explain the features of Political Science in the pre-behavioural period.
2. Discuss the factors which contributed to the emergence of the Behavioural
Approach.
3. Explain the main features of the Behavioural Approach.
4. Discuss the criticisms of the Behavioural Approach.

4.2 MAIN BODY

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

4.3 THE FEATURES OF POLITICAL SCIENCE IN THE PRE-BEHAVIORAL PERIOD

The method of studying Political Science before the World War II was largely
unscientific and largely descriptive. According to Truman, Political Science as a
discipline before behaviouralism was characterized by six features:
1. A lack of concern with political system as such, including the American Political
System which amounted in most cases to taking their properties and
requirement for granted.
2. The absence of an explicit conception of political change and development that
was blindly optimistic and unreflectively reformist.
3. The almost total neglect of theory in any meaningful sense of the term.
4. The consequent enthusiasm for a conception of science that rarely went beyond
raw empiricism.
5. A strongly parochial preoccupation with things American that stunted the
development of an effective comparative method, and
6. The establishment of a continuity commitment to concrete description
(Truman, 1951)
This was how most American Political Scientists viewed the method of studying the
subject before World War II. However, the events and the consequence of World War II
acted as a wakeup call that made American Political Scientists more critical of political
science methodology as their research methodology could not find answers to most of
the emerging problems thrown up by the War.

According to Davies and Lewis (1971:48) there was:

A great dissatisfaction with methods of investigation with the working
of the political system once characterized mainly of British and
European Political Scientists. In fact we are often told there was little
concern with what is now called the political system but more with the
study of the State. And the study of the State meant analyses of the
articles of constitutions, legislations passed by governments and the
institutions to which the constitutions made provision.

The emphasis on the analysis of the State, law and constitution relegated the study of
the general social framework of the state to the background. One problem which is
associated with the concentration of the study on the state and its institutions is that
such institutions may be outdated, but the study may not reflect such changes.
Furthermore, the emphasis on the state and its institutions may not provide an
objective criterion for comparing different states.

The problems which necessitated the re-orientation of the study of Political Science
include, according to Davies and Lewis (1977):

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 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL SCIENCE (PSC 101)

1. The need to explain the failure of democracy and the emergence of authoritarian
political institutions in Germany and Italy before and during the War.
2. The need to explain the political processes of the post-colonial states in Africa
and Asia.
3. The need to develop a theoretical analysis of politics which could explain the
development of different kinds of political institutions.
4. The need to develop models which could be used in comparative politics.

According to Somit and Tenehaus (1978) the problems with the traditional approach in
America were centred around five major issues:
1. The discovery that the talents and skills of political scientists were not highly
valued by government bureaucrats or officials.
2. The inability of traditional political science to account for the rise of Fascism,
National Socialism (Nazism) and Communism.
3. A growing sensitivity to and unhappiness with the basically descriptive nature of
the discipline.
4. The knowledge of advances in other social sciences.
5. The fear that political science was lagging behind its sister professions and
disciplines.

4.4 FACTORS WHICH CONTRIBUTED TO THE EMERGENCE OF THE BEHAVIOURAL

APPROACH IN POLITICAL SCIENCE
There were a number of factors which contributed to the emergence of the behavioural
approach. We now discuss some of them below:

A. The Chicago School

The birth place of the Behavioural School is the Department of Political Science, University
of Chicago, USA. It was there that few political scientists under the leadership of Charles
E. Merriam, pioneered the study of what we now know as the Behavioural Approach. Other
pioneering personalities in the Chicago School included Harold Lasswell, V. O, Key Jr.,
David Truman, Herbert Simon and Gabriel Almond and others.

B. The Princeton School

The Princeton School was located at the Department of Political .Science, University of
Princeton, USA. Its research methodology is based on the behavioural approach. Its
field of specialization was cross-cultural studies. Those associated with the Princeton
School included James S. Coleman, Lucian Pye, Sydney Verba, Myro Weiner, Dankwart
A. Rostow and George I. Blankstern.

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C. Foundations Fund Support

The re-orientation of Political Science methodology was assisted by an unprecedented
flow of foundation funds. Those foundations active in providing funds for research on
political science were the Ford, the Rockefeller and the Carnegie Foundations.

D. The Immigration of European scholars into the USA

The policies pursued by the Nazi Government in Germany made many German Scholars
to migrate to the US during the War. Scholars from other European Universities also
moved to America during and after the War. These scholars arrived in America with
intellectual techniques/methods, which helped behaviouralism to develop as a
methodology.

Other factors that helped to boost the Behavioural approach included the
encouragement of the American Political Science Association and the Social Science
Research Council, the growth of survey methods, especially at the Survey Research
Centre of the University of Michigan and the Bureau of Applied Social Research at
Columbia University.

4.5 THE MAIN FEATURES OF THE BEHAVIOURAL APPROACH

The main features of the Behavioural approach are as follows:
1. The objective is to make the study of political science scientific thus capable of
explanations and predictions.
2. The focus of study is on observable behaviour of individuals and groups in the
political process.
3. The use of quantitative method is encouraged since this would assist in accurate
measurement of data.
4. Research is aimed at developing theories which could provide acceptable
explanation for political behaviour.
5. Research is also aimed at providing solutions to immediate social problems.
6. Political Science is to be made more inter-disciplinary, embracing other social
sciences.
7. Research should employ statistical techniques such as multivariate analysis,
sample surveys, mathematical models and simulation.

With the increasing use of the behavioural approach in Political Science, major changes
were noticed in the vocabulary of politics. Such words include boundary maintenance,
bargaining, conceptual framework, decision-making, functionalism, factor analysis,
feedback, model, game theory, input/output, political socialization, political culture,
political system, etc. Behaviouralism has made political science an interdisciplinary
subject and fully integrated it into other social sciences.

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4.6 CRITICISM OF THE BEHAVIOURAL APPROACH

Major critics of the approach included William Yandell Elliot, Edward S. Corwan, Luther
Gullick, Walter J. Sheperd, James Hart, H. Mark Jacobson and Charles A. Bear (Gullick,
1956). The main contentions of these critics of the Behavioural Approach were:
1. Political Science is not, nor is it ever likely to become a science in any realistic
sense of the term.
2. Overt political behaviour tells only part of the story. Different individuals may
perform the same act for quite different reasons. To understand what they do,
one must go beyond or behind, observable behaviour. The anti-behaviouralist
holds that the larger part of political life lies beneath the surface of human
action and cannot be directly apprehended.
3. Because Political Behaviour is not quantifiable, whatever the theoretical merits
of quantification, it cannot make political science scientific.
4. The pre-occupation with general theory tends to block less ambitious prospects
but in the long run is more productive inquiry. At best, it has led to the
proliferation of concepts which cannot be operationalised.
5. Significant political issues involve moral and ethical issues. Political Science has
historically been, and must continue to be more concerned with questions of
right and wrong even if these cannot be scientifically resolved.
6. There has been indiscriminate borrowing of concepts and techniques which are
simply inappropriate for political Inquiry.
7. As for 'Scientific Objectivity', there is almost universal skepticism among this
anti-behaviouralist that it is attainable (Somit and Tenenhaus, 1968).

4.7 CONCLUSION
We have tried to look at the features of the pre-behavioural approach to the study of
politics and the factors that led to the emergence of the behavioural approach. The
basic tenets of behaviouralsim and its weaknesses have also been examined,

4.8 SUMMARY
The period 1945 - 1965 was a period of transformation of political science. The period
witnessed a revolutionary change in political science methodology. The University of
Chicago pioneered a new method of studying politics - the Behavioural Approach -
which challenged the Historical and the Institutional Approaches in Political science.
The main focus of Behaviorism is to make the study of Political Science Scientific. While
behaviorism has been acted and applied in research by many scholars, there are
number of scholars who doubt the usefulness of behaviourism.

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4.9 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. The behavioural approach is designed to:

a. Formulate laws of political behavior
b. Develop high level theory
c. Predict human behaviour
d. Eliminate value from political analysis

2. Behaviouralism as a method in political was developed by two schools.

a. Manchester and Birmingham
b. London and Cambridge
c. Oxford and Cambridge
d. Chicago and Princeton

3. Which foundations gave grants to the behaviouralists:

a. Oxfam
b. The Carnegie and Ford Foundation
c. The Rhodes Foundation
d. The Gate Foundation

4. One of the following is not a member of the Chicago School:

a. Charles E. Marriam
b. Harrold Lasswell
c. David Truman
d. David Easton

5. The scholars from Europe who migrated to the USA during World War II came mainly
from:
a. Greece
b. Holland
c. England
d. Germany

6. Two of the following scholars were critics of the behaviouralist approach.

a. William Elliot and Luther
b. Gullick and Wilson
c. Almond and Powell
d. Harold Laski and Bentham
e. David Ricardo and Malthus

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Essay: Discuss the emergence of behavioural approach in the study of politics.

4.10 REFERENCES/FURTHER READINGS

Almond, A. G, and Verba, B. 1963, The civic culture: Political attitudes in five nations;
New Jersey; Princeton University Press.

Davis, R. M. and Lewis A. V. 1971. Models of Political System; London: Macmillan.

Deutsch, K. W. 1963. The Nerves of Government. Glenco III: Free Press.

Easton, D. 1965. A System Analysis of Political Life, London: John Willey.

Lasswell, H. D. 1935. Politics: Who gets what, when and how? N.Y. McGraw-HiIl.

4.11 FURTHER READINGS

Merriam, C. 1934. Political POWER; N.Y. McGraw Hill.

Somit, A and Tenenhaus, J. 1968. The development of American political science;

Boston, Ally & Bacon.

Truman, D. B. 1951. The governmental process; New York Knopt. Wallas, C. 1962.
Human nature in politics; London, constable press.

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STUDY SESSION 5

FUNCTIONS OF THE MODERN STATE

CONTENTS
5.0 Introduction
5.1 Learning Outcomes
5.2 Main Body
5.3 Definitions of the state
5.4 Theories of the state
A. Divine rights of kings
B. The force theory - Might makes right
C. The Social Contract Theory
D. The evolutionary / natural theory of the state
5.5 Primary characteristics of the state
5.6 State and society
5.7 The distinction between state and nation
5.8 Conclusion
5.9 Summary
5.10 Self Assessment Questions (SAQS)
5.11 References
5.12 Further Readings

5.0 INTRODUCTION
Political Science is the study of life in an organized community and the organized
community is the state. According to Harold Laski (1967) the study of politics "concerns
itself with the life of men in relation to organized states". What this means is that the
study of politics is largely the study of the state and other activities that relate to
winning of power and exercising such power in a given state/country.

5.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of this study session you should be able to explain:
(1) What the state is,
(2) Its origins,
(3) Its characteristics
(4) Functions.
(5) State and Society
(6) State and Nation.

5.2 MAIN BODY

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5.3 DEFINITIONS OF THE STATE

There is no clear definition of the state. However, some radical writers like Marx and
Engels argued that the state is essentially an expression of class relationships
generated by the particular mode of production and unambiguously involved in the
class struggle on the side of the dominant economic class. Thus, Marx and Engels (1976:
486) wrote that in capitalist society, "The executive of the modern state is but a
committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie". Some regard
the state as one organization that transcends class and stands for the whole
community. Other definitions have emphasized the political authority, the monopoly of
force through government and political allegiance of citizens to the state. Some have
regarded the state as moral and good society where justice and the promotion of the
general welfare of the people are established. Broadly speaking, the state is the
political form of society. What we call the state is a community of men organized for
preserving and creating order and general well-being of its members.

5.4 THEORIES OF THE STATE-ORIGINS OF THE STATE

The most obvious characteristic of early statehood are monarchy supported by royal
bureaucracy. The king becomes a national figure that replaced the family and tribal
head, while the King's councilors take the place of tribal elders. The origin of the state
thus is marked by the introduction of centralized authority, formalized hierarchy,
specialization of task in the performance of public duty, and writers (instead of oral
communication) Although there are many theories of the state, we are going to discuss
four major ones in this section.

A. The Divine Rights of kings

Prior to the organization of the state, tribal authority was based on tradition and
conventions. However, with the emergence of a kingship system, there was need for
creating legitimate principles to make a ruler (King) acceptable to rule the subjects. To
achieve this legitimacy, politics was united with religion and the Kings then presented
to the people as chosen by the Divine Will. Thus, the idea that the ruler (King) was God's
appointed agent on earth legitimized the King's power and made it both unquestionable
and unassailable. Thus, to challenge the king was to challenge the Divine Will (God's
authority). Because of this, later Kings/Queens could claim descent from the first King
divinely appointed.

The Divine Right of Kings idea is the longest living doctrine in politics. The theory
helped the early kings to usurp tribal autonomy and allowed many tyrants to disguise
their actions as an expression of God's will. By contrast, the Divine Right theory helped
to stabilize the political process and prevented violence and revolutionary activities by
making the king and his orders divine.

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Finally, the doctrine of divine right of kings aided the rulers to impart to their subjects a
sense of group cohesion and collective purpose that formed the bedrock of most of
modern day European states.

The theory of Divine Right of kings is a powerful doctrine as this has been demonstrated
by its endurance to date. For example, until 1917 the Divine Rights of kings operated in
Russia by the Romanov Dynasty. And as at 1974, Emperor Haile Salasie was still claiming
the Divine Rights to rule over the people of Ethiopia.

B. The Force Theory - Might Makes Right

The doctrine of 'might makes right' is a simpler doctrine for legitimizing state power or
power between individual or groups. This is an appeal to force or the battlefield where
the fittest survive. What this theory amounts to is that a ruler who knows how to get
power and how to keep it, is the effective and legitimate ruler. Thus, whoever has the
power to rule either by the use of force or fraud, can also legitimately claim to have the
authority to rule.

Theorists who support the force theory are concerned with ensuring political stability.
According to Thomas Hobbes, all the good things of life, material and spiritual, depend
first and foremost on the security of life itself. For Hobbes, if there is no power to
enforce the will of the sovereign, then there is no government, no state, no security.

Hobbes and Machiavelli argued that any form of government could rightly claim
legitimate authority, as long as it had the power to enforce its will. Both thinkers
preferred monarchy because they believed that a strong monarchy was the strongest
government of all and so the most powerful to ensure stability. What this means is that
if a government loses power it loses the legitimacy for claiming power. And that power
legitimizes itself. Therefore, there is chaos or anarchy.

Finally, the force theory opens the way for an undistinguished play for power between
states competing for position on the stage of international politics. Those states that
conquer others can rightfully claim authority over their territorial conquests precisely
because they are the conquerors and not the conquered. And those revolutionary
movements and military coups that succeed can legitimately claim all the rights and
privileges formerly enjoyed by the old political order. In fact, this is the primary
criterion at work in the granting of diplomatic recognition to new governments,
whether they are established by conquest from within or without. Does the new
government in fact govern the people and territory it claims to govern? Thus, most
governments avoid the troubling questions of right and wrong, justice and injustice, in
their dealing with each other.

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C. Social Contract Theory

The alternative views of the origin of the state, and the principles that legitimizes its
power are found in the social contract theories. The social contract theory is premised
upon the idea that the state is a human creation by means of agreement - a social
contract agreed upon by individual in a given society. Thomas Hobbes (1968) who was
the first of the social contract theorists argued that prior to the existence of the state,
life was "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short" because there was no organized
authority to preside over the affairs of men.

In fact, life was a free for all fight and "every man was for himself and God for us all". It
was man, in realization that this state of nature was not benefiting them that they
decided to surrender their individual natural rights of self- government to an absolute
sovereign authority by means of a contract.

John Locke (1963) another social contract theorist argued that because men are
rational, they can be trusted to pursue their self interest without infringing on the
equal rights enjoyed by other citizens. And because men are rational, they can be
trusted to judge the legitimacy of government as it legislates, administers, and
adjudicates states laws.

Although this line of thinking would lead to total freedom and so no government
however is rational, would not perceive the advantages of organizing a government. It
can impartially settle disputes between citizens, it is necessary to conduct foreign
relations with other governments, and it is essential authority for defining and
maintaining a system of monetary exchange which allows for the accumulation of
material wealth.

The idea of social contract was taken further by Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1973) who
insisted that no government was legitimate unless the people gave their consent to its
authority. Thus, Rousseau's social contract includes all citizens in the initial agreement.
All citizens enjoy equal right to participate in the making of law, and so to participate in
the decision making that defines the appropriate boundaries of the law and the proper
domain of the state activities. Finally, Rousseau insisted that government is legitimate
only in so far as it operates according to the principles of popular sovereignty.

D. The Evolutionary/Natural theory of the State

According to evolutionary theorists, the state is best understood as an evolving
organism that develops naturally according to some inherent dynamics of growth.

Aristotle in the fourth B.C. had argued that the state developed from the evolving
interests and needs of the individual. In contrast to social contract and force theories,

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the evolutionary theories believed the individual's needs and interests have been
progressively met by the family, the clan, the tribe, and finally, by the complete
community of social existence that is best expressed by the state. The guiding
principles of growth of the state has been self sufficiency (not self interest) and the
development of ever more elaborate institutions essential to satisfying mankind's
unique and most distinguishing characteristic reason.

Finally, war and conquest played an important role in the evolutionary emergence of
the modern state and its institution of war and conquest helped the consolidation of
gained territory through war. And in the origin and development of the state, common
religious worship and language had a great influence by welding together families,
clans and tribes into larger organized community better known as the state.

In-Text Questions (ITQ)

Discuss the major theories of the state known to you in not more than 2 paragraphs.

5.5 PRIMARY CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STATE

The "essential elements" of the modern state are: People, Territory, Government and
Sovereignty. In explaining each characteristic we will be able to answer the question
stated earlier: what is the nature of the state?

A. People
The state as a human organization is made up of people that reside within its territory.
Membership of a state is compulsory once an individual is born into it unless he changed
his/her nationality. Even when a national of Nigeria, for example, renounces his
citizenship of Nigeria, he must acquire another citizenship because no one can be stateless
except refugees who temporarily lost their State from which they fled into exile.

When we are talking about the state in terms of population we are concerned with
numbers and the characteristics of the people who composed the state's body politic.
For example, while some modern states like the U.S.A and Canada are still under-
populated relative to land area and resources, other states like Egypt and India are
confronted by the problem of a population that is expanding too rapidly for their
natural and technological resources.

Thus, a state with a very small population may find it difficult or impossible to maintain
its independence against states with greater manpower and resources. For example,
the lack of significant population growth in Ghana contributed to the decline of Ghana
as a regional power from her position in the 1950s and early 1960s, while that of Nigeria
with a larger population has increased.

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The characteristics of the people who compose the state are very important to the
state standing in the world. If there is high literacy and high education in a particular
country, then the skill in the economic applications of modern technology will be high.
Further, if the people living within a state have a common language, subscribe to the
same religious beliefs and share common cultures, then the strength of such a state is
enhanced more than a state with many nationalities and languages. States such as
France and Germany are stronger than states like the old Soviet Union or Yugoslavia
both of which have disintegrated into ethnic states.

B. Territory
An important pre-requisite for the existence of the state is territory. Most states have
been established by conquest of neighbouring tribes, forming a centralized
administration. Important consideration about the territory of a state should focus on
its area, geographical location, resources, technology and climate.

In the modern world there are presumably sovereign independent states of all sizes and
shapes ranging from a huge country like China to such tiny principalities like Luxemburg
and Monaco with small populations and land areas. Yet, China and these small states
have equal rights and status in international law. However, small states often find it
difficult to act on the world stage or even to exist without alliances with stronger
neighbours or a superpower.

Geographical location is very important for a state's survival and development. It is

very important that a state have natural barriers such as ocean, sea, rivers, mountains
or deserts, against powerful or aggressive neighbours. For example, Island powers like
Great Britain and Japan developed strong navies, whereas Russia, Germany and France
relied on the military strength of their land armies.

Economic resources are also very important in determining a state's power in the world
today. For example, little England and medium sized Germany became great powers
because of the early industrial revolutions which in turn was made possible only
because of rich natural resources to which technology could be applied.

C. Government
The state exists in order to ensure the safety of the lives, liberties and properties of its
citizens. The agency of machinery by which the state performs its functions is known as
the government. This is normally formed by a body of persons vested with authority to
make and enforce rules on people under their jurisdiction. The government can
command and coerce, that is use force, when obedience is not forthcoming. These two
attributes- the ability to command and coerce, constitute power or authority of the
state. Simply defined government is a body of persons authorized to govern or rule a
country or state.

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There are various forms of government. Monarchy, which is government by an

individual who rules according to his will without legal limitations, is the oldest form of
government. The ruler usually claims historical legitimacy through the Divine Rights of
Kings. Aristocracy is another form of government in which few citizens make the major
decisions that affect the lives of all the citizens of the country. Finally, we have
Democracy in which most citizens participate in choosing their representatives into a
Parliament, Congress or the Assembly. Thus, whenever we have a group vested with
comprehensive power, there is a government.

Depending on the constitution of a country, the functions of government are many and
varied. There are three organs of government: the Legislature, the Executive and the
Judiciary. The Government enacts or makes Laws and general rules of conduct, usually
under the direction of the Executive. This function is performed by the Legislature or
Parliament, which consist of the Head of State, the Upper and the Lower Houses in
many countries. The legislature also controls the exercise of executive power in the
country on such matters as the national finance and expenditure.

In the United States of America, Congress is the Legislature. The Executive which
comprises the Secretaries and the civil servants including local government authorities
sees to it that the laws passed and the rules made by the Legislature are put into effect.
In most countries the Executive is also concerned with the general administration. The
Judiciary refers to the courts of law which interpret and enforce the laws and the rules.
It is the duty of the judiciary to punish law breakers - they are fined or sent to prisons.

Finally, we must make a distinction between the state and the government. The state
comprises the government and the governed. Government on the other hand is only the
machinery through which the purposes of the state are sought to be realized. While the
government of a state may change from time to time, the state is a permanent entity.

D. Sovereignty
Sovereignty as a concept is discussed fully in another unit. It suffices to say here that
the word Sovereignty can be traced back to the Greek Philosophers who used it to refer
to that which is supreme in the state. Since then, the concept has been variously
defined and analyzed by political scientists to convey several meanings. We could state
here that Sovereignty is the supreme legal authority of a state power over its own
affairs, be they internal or external. It is important to note that colonized Africans or
Asians could not claim statehood because they were sovereign voids-that is
Metropolitan countries like Britain, France, Holland, etc exercised sovereignty on their
behalf.

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In Text Questions
1. What is the difference between state and society?
2. What are the major characteristics of the State?

5.6 STATE AND SOCIETY

For analytical purpose we must distinguish the State from Society. The society is wider
than the state. This distinction is very crucial. The state exists within society but it is
not even the form of society. While the state is the nation legally organized and
assuming the aspect of a single legal association, society is the nation socially
organized and assuming the aspect of plurality of associations. Societies thus, suggest
many social relationships which cannot be expressed through the state. It consists of
the complex network of groups and institutions expressing human association. The
state is one of the groups in society. But it is unique because it is the most important
group. Although this group may set the keynote of the social order, it is not identical
with society. The state provides the framework of the social order and it holds society
together. There are many groups or associations in society, e.g. the family, the church
or the club which do influence social life but owe neither their origin nor their
inspiration to the state. Again there are established institutions or social forms like
custom, initiation, competition, marriage, inheritance, which the state may protect or
modify but certainly does not create. The state is a way of regulating human conduct in
society. Its end is a system of control and order.

The state is society in its political aspect. In personal composition the state and society
are one because they both include the same body of persons. In purposes, however,
they are different. The state exists for one great but single legal purpose which is the
making and enforcing of a permanent system of law and order. To equate state with
society would justify state interference in all aspect of the life of individual and
consequently may breed tyranny of state control. From experience, the individual
liberty suffers where no distinction is made between state and society such as what
existed in the totalitarian systems under Nazism in Germany and Communism in the
Soviet Union.

5.7 THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN STATE AND NATION

Generally, the terms State and Nation are sometimes used interchangeably. For clarity
however, a clear distinction between the two terms must be made. The terms may or
may not be synonymous. The word nation has two distinct meanings:
(i) It may mean a political unit i.e. a State
(ii) It may mean an ethnological unit, e.g. a Race

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A nation in a political sense is what Ernest Baker (1946) defines simply as juridical
organized unit or a unit organized for action under legal rule. As suggested earlier, it is a
sovereign state having a definite territory, a population, a government, formal
independence and a sense of national identity made possible by a combination of both
subjective and objective factors.

A nation in ethnological sense is commonly defined as a group of people who form a

distinctive community by inhabiting a definite territory and recognizing themselves as
possessing relatively homogenous set of cultural traits. Those cultural traits include a
common or related blood, a common language, a common religion, a common
historical tradition and common customs and habits e.g. the Yorubas of South West
Nigeria.

Not all the above ingredients need to be present among the people to produce the spirit
of nationalism, i.e. a sense of belonging to a homogenous unified group. In other words,
a nation need not necessarily be a state. The modern state is therefore not necessarily
a unitary nation; it may be multi-national in composition i.e. it may contain national
minorities or ethnic groups who may exist simply as a social group cherishing its own
social manners and culture, its own particular language or dialect and its own form of
particular religious worship. Switzerland for example is a nation with three races, four
official languages and many local dialects. Great Britain is also made up of the Irish,
Scots, Welsh and the English.

Both countries, despite the multi-ethnicity of their composition, are pervaded by a

strong sense of national unity - a somewhat homogenous political culture and above all
by a subjective sentiment of belonging together. On the other hand, a state may lack
the spirit or feelings of nationalism or of oneness among its people and yet it remains a
state. In this sense, Nigeria may still be conceived as a state but not a nation-state.

In-Text Question
What are the differences between State and Nation?

5.7 CONCLUSION
In this study session, we have explained the nature, functions and purpose of the state.
We have examined various theories of the state both ancient and modern. We also
explained the various characteristics of the state and law determining the power of the
state in international politics. We explained the difference between State, Society and
Nation.

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5.8 SUMMARY
If you have comprehended this study session, you should now be able to explain what
the state is, understand theories purporting to explain the raison detre of the state, the
features of the state, and the differences between the state and nation.

5.9 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQS)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. A government that is controlled by a few people for their own interest is known as:
A. Autocracy
B. Diarchy
C. Oligarchy
D. Democracy

2. In a liberal democratic state there is the absence of

A. free Press
B. popular participation
C. separation of powers
D. military rule

3. The Authority of the state is exercised jointly by

A. the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary
B. the police, the Army and Navy
C. the president, Governors and Ministers
D. the people, the government and the civil servants.

4. One of the following is not an attribute of the state

A. territory
B. people
C. technology
D. government

5. The state exists for all the following reasons except:

A. protection
B. law and order
C. democratization
D. justice

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Essay: Explain the major characteristics of a modern state.

5.11 REFERENCES
Lindsay, A. D. 1947. The modern democratic state. New, York: Oxford University Press.

Ernest, Barker, 1946. Introduction to the politics of Aristotle. New York: Oxford
University Press.

James, Mellaart, 1962. The dawn of civilization. London: Thames and Hudson.

Leslie, Lipson 1954. The great issues of politics, (5th ed.) Prentice-Hall, New Jersey.

5.12 FURTHER READINGS

Bodin, Jean. 1976. Six books concerning the republic; Oxford University Press.

Crawford, B. McPherson. 1962. The political theory of possessive individualism: Hobbes

to Locke; Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Howard, Wamender. 1957. The political philosophy of Hobbes. Oxford. Clarendon

Press.

Locke, John. Second treatise of civil government everyman's library, Poggi, Gianfranco.
1978. The development of the modern state. Hutchinson; London.

Powell, Brigham G. Jr. 1982, Contemporary democracies. Harvard University Press.

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STUDY SESSION 6

THE CONCEPT OF SOVEREIGNTY

CONTENTS
6.0 Introduction
6.1 Learning Outcomes
6.2 Main body
6.3 Development of the Concept of Sovereignty
6.4 Principal Characteristics of Sovereignty
6.5 Types of Sovereignty
6.6 Opponents of the Theory of Sovereignty
6.7 Limitations to the Sovereignty of the State
6.8 Conclusion
6.9 Summary
6.10 Self Assessment Questions
6.11 References
6.12 Further Readings

6.0 INTRODUCTION
The term 'sovereignty' is from French and means 'above' or 'one who is superior to other'.
The term was originally used to identify the king and in this context, the king represents
the supreme and final authority of a state. The king, by exercising this enormous power
of state sovereignty, is known as the "sovereign". Thus, any country/state that is able to
conduct its own affairs independent of other states is a sovereign state and as such is
equal to other states in international law.

6.1 OBJECTIVES
At the end of this study session you should be able to:
a) Define sovereignty
b) Explain the development of the concept
c) Describe its major characteristics and types, as well as its limitations.

6.2 MAIN BODY

6.3 DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONCEPT OF SOVEREIGNTY

The concept of sovereignty has developed since the days of Aristotle who contends that
the Senate of the Athenian state is sovereign and that its laws should be the final
sovereign. However, in the sixteenth century, the French political philosopher Jean
Bodin gave it a new meaning.

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In his book titled "Six Books of a Commonwealth" Bodin (1576) argued that "sovereignty"
refers to the source of the state's authority regardless of its form of government.
Sovereignty may be vested in a king or in some elite group or even in the corporate
citizenry of the society over time. Whatever the form of sovereignty, Bodin explained,
it is distinguished by three attributes:
1. It is absolute,
2. It is perpetual
3. It is indivisible.

Bodin's primary concern was to strengthen the authority of the French monarch which
some argued was constrained to honour certain long-established traditions and
principles enshrined in the common law and in France's feudal institutions. But if the
king was limited by the common law or by tradition, Bodin observed that the king was
not sovereign; as the sovereign power could not be divided among various institutions,
or formally limited by past experience, it followed that the king could do whatever the
king pleased. Sovereignty was absolute, perpetual, and indivisible. However, Bodin
admitted that Laws of God and the Laws of Nature that is laws perceived through
reasons and the Salic Laws (that is the law of succession) were the only limitations on
sovereignty. Otherwise, the sovereign can do no wrong. Finally, Bodin argued that the
principal mark of the sovereign was the right to impose laws on all subjects, their
consent notwithstanding. To govern well, Bodin believed that the sovereign must be
above the law. Thus, law itself was nothing more than the command of the sovereign.

Other notable political scientists who contributed to the development of the concept
of sovereignty include Grotius, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Bentham, John Austin, Dicey
and Field.

Hugo Grotius (1974) placed his emphasis on external sovereignty, that is, the freedom
or independence of the state from foreign control. Thomas Hobbes (1968) also
contributed to the development of the concept in his book "Leviathan" published in
1651. Hobbes insisted that the sovereign might be one man or assembly but the power
of the sovereign remained the same in whomever it resided. Sovereign power is
absolute and cannot be shared, even though the sovereign may allow someone to
exercise power on his behalf. Hobbes argued that because the fundamental law of
nature was self-preservation, human beings were inherently disorderly, selfish and
were generally in conflict with one another. Thus, only a strong and powerful ruler
(sovereign) can put these tendencies of the "war of all against all" in check. Hobbes, a
supporter of Charles I, during the Puritanic Revolution in England, strongly declared
that sovereignty was absolute and resided in the ruler (the king). His work is the first
statement of complete sovereignty in the history of political thought.

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John Locke (1976) and Rouseau (1961) redefined sovereignty in terms of people rather
than one single ruler. They contended that the ultimate power in any state rested with
the people. Locke, in his "Essays on Civil Government", wrote that the supreme power
in the state lay with the people. According to him, "the power of the state is limited,
not absolute because it derives power from the people and because it holds power in
trust for the people." Rousseau went further; he insisted that whenever the ruler
violated or betrayed the "trust of the people", the people had the right not to obey the
sovereign and to even overthrow his government.

Let us now examine some of the modern views on sovereignty. Professor Dicey (1908)
distinguishes between legal and political sovereignty. According to him, the legal
sovereignty is that person or body of persons having the power to make law. The
political sovereign on the other hand is that body of persons in the state (the
electorate) whose will ultimately prevails because legal sovereignty in the making of
law is bound to act according to their will. By contrast, Field felt there was no need to
make a distinction between political and legal sovereignty. Sovereignty is a legal term
used in terms of law only, according to Field. Finally, Bentham (1843) thinks of
sovereignty in terms of the unlimited power of the Legislature, and he argued that this
power is only morally limited by the possibility of justifiable resistance to its authority
by the individual or by a group or groups.

So varied are the views expressed on the concept of sovereignty by political scientists
and jurists that it may take a long time discussing them. For the purpose of our study,
however, we shall consider the characteristics and types of sovereignty. Sovereignty
can be used in three senses. Firstly, sovereignty used in the legal sense means that,
there is only one authority in the state that can exercise it. And in this instance,
sovereignty is unlimited, limitable, and indivisible. Secondly, sovereignty used in the
coercive term implies that it is the coercive authority of the state.

Since law has to be obeyed by citizens whether or not they like it, there should be a
coercive authority to enforce the laws of the land. Thirdly, sovereignty is used to
express the presence of a strong influence in the society. Sovereignty is the distinctive
mark of the state, distinguishing it alike from individuals and associations in the
community.

In Text Question (ITQ) 1

Who are the major contributors to the development of sovereignty as a concept?

6.4 PRINCIPAL CHARACTERISTICS OF SOVEREIGNTY

The main characteristics of sovereignty as developed by the political theorists
discussed above are:

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i. Indivisibility;
ii. Absoluteness or unlimitedness,
iii. Permanence,
iv. Independence of foreign control, and
v. Comprehensiveness.

i. Indivisibility - This implies that sovereignty is the supreme, final, absolute, coercive
power of the state over the people living within the state. The possession of sovereign
power by the state enables it to make laws and enforce them with all the means of
coercion it can employ. The actions of the government of the state are not subject to
the control of any other associations within the state. Sovereignty cannot be divided
though the government can delegate powers to certain agencies.

ii. Absoluteness - This shows that the powers of a sovereign state cannot be restricted.
The modern state is essentially a sovereign state which issues orders to all citizens and
associations within its area and receives orders from none. There is no limitation to its
legal powers. The absoluteness of sovereignty is necessary for the effective running
and the survival of any sovereign.

iii. Permanence - This underscores the fact that as long as the state exists, sovereignty
continues without interruption. Government may change and the state itself may be
reorganized but sovereignty is a permanent attribute of the state which does not
change.

iv. There is an exception; however, sovereignty as a permanent attribute of the state may
change in case of war and conquest. In such a situation, a more powerful state may
wage a successful war against a weak state and thereafter annex it. What happened
then is that the annexed state becomes "sovereign void" in the sense that the state that
annexed it now exercises the lost sovereignty of the conquered state. For example the
invasion of Kuwait by Iraq. Kuwait was temporarily 'sovereign void', until liberated by
the American's armed forces in operation “Desert Storm”.

v. Independence from foreign control - A sovereign state does not only exercise supreme
power within the area of its jurisdiction, it is also independent of foreign control or
external authority.

vi. Comprehensiveness - This denotes that the power of the sovereign is wide, complete
and extensive in scope. The power of the sovereign is all-embracing and is binding on all
persons or groups within the territorial boundary of the sovereign, however large the
land area may be. It is this attribute that brought all British colonial territories under
the authority of the British Monarch (i.e. the Queen of England) before their
attainment of independence in the 1960s.

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In Text Question 2 (ITQ)

Discuss four major characteristics of sovereignty.

6.5 TYPES OF SOVEREIGNTY

The various types of sovereignty are a subject of controversy among writers. Some have
written on legal and political sovereignty, others on de factor, de jure and
external/internal sovereignty. From our discussion of sovereignty above, it is possible
to deduce and make a possible distinction between legal, political, de facto, de jure,
internal and external sovereignty.

i. Legal Sovereignty
The body that makes laws and enforces them in a state is the legal sovereign. For
example, Parliament in Britain is the legal sovereign. Dicey (1908) has defined legal
sovereignty as "a merely legal conception and means simply the power of law-making,
unrestricted by any legal limit."

According to John Austin, (1790-1859) the authority that gives commands which are
habitually obeyed and which are not binding on itself is the sovereign power in a state.
Thus, the will of the sovereign is law; and it is a command obliging the subjects to do or
refrain from doing certain things. Failure to obey such a command will result in
sanctions being imposed on the subject(s).

ii. Political/Popular Sovereignty

While parliament is the legal sovereign, political sovereign refers to that body which is
supreme in a state, the will of which is ultimately obeyed by the citizens of the state. In
this sense, the electorate, constitutes the political sovereign. By voting for legislators
and the executives, the electorate delegates to these arms of government the
decision-making powers. The electorate remains the ultimate power in a state by
subjecting those who exercise the state legislative sovereignty to periodical renewal of
their mandate through elections.

iii. De facto Sovereignty

This term is used to refer to the body or group of people who use force to make citizens
obey their command after having overthrown the legitimate sovereign of the state
through invasion, revolution, or coup d'etat. De facto sovereignty is sovereignty as of a
fact. That sovereignty that resided in Nigeria during the Abacha's Military Government
was a fact de facto sovereignty. This situation arose because the military was able to
displace the legitimate sovereign through a palace coup. Because the Abacha's regime
succeeded in keeping power from November, 1993 -1998, it was the "de facto sovereign'
and it became recognized as a legitimate sovereign because it was able to keep power
for several years.

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iv. De jure Sovereignty

Here the sovereign rule is based on law and legitimacy as opposed to physical force. De
jure sovereignty is explained in terms of the loyalty which the people give the
government's claim to sovereignty and legal sovereignty emanates from this loyalty.

v. Internal Sovereignty
This refers to a state's supreme power to make and enforce whatever laws it sees fit for
its internal affairs. With regard to internal sovereignty, wide variations exist among
states as the location and scope of sovereign power. Sovereignty may be vested in a
Monarch, a Parliament or National Assembly.

vi. External Sovereignty

The idea of external sovereignty presupposes independence of a sovereign state from
foreign control by any other state. The term is also used to include powers of the state
to conduct international relations on "equality" and "unanimity" basis. Nowadays, there
are some ways in which state sovereignty can be limited through the influence and
authority of some world organizations such as the United Nations Organisation (UNO)
and African Union (AU) of which most states are members. It should be noted here that
because the world is becoming more interdependent there is very little difference
between internal and external sovereignty. This will be considered later when the
subject of International Relations/World Order is discussed.

In Text Question 3 (ITQ)

Discuss four different types of sovereignty

6.6 OPPONENTS OF THE THEORY OF SOVEREIGNTY

There are at least four schools of thought which believe that sovereignty is not an
essential quality of the state or that it may be divided or limited. Critics of this theory
point out:
1. That political life has changed radically, since the concept of sovereignty was
first developed; and
2. New theories have been formulated (based on present conditions) which take
into consideration the vast powers actually exercised by other organizations.

Let us now examine the various aspects of these arguments by critics:

A. The Pluralists: Pluralists insist that groups in which people are organized, such
as the church, the labour union, etc. are as important as the state insofar as they
may have a claim equal to or superior to the state's claim to the loyalty of
individuals. Some pluralists argue that self-government in industrial and other
organizations would ensure better performance of essential functions now

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allocated to the state. Some would retain the state as a specialized agency, but
reduce it to equality with other associations. Still others would retain it, curtail
its powers as a coordinating agency if specialized associations could not function
peacefully together.

B. The Internationalists: Internationalists hold that the state is not really free to
do as it pleases because its behaviour is restrained by international law,
international public opinion, internationally accepted standards on human
rights, and the growing interdependence of nations in economic and
technological fields.

C. International Law: Those who believe that law is superior to the state challenge
the assertion that the state makes law or that law is the will of an inherently
authoritative sovereign. They assert that law is the sense of right of the
community, and that the state itself is the creature of law, subject to legal
limitations. Therefore, if we have a sovereign at all, law is sovereign. And, in the
same sense, if the international community agrees on certain standards which
gain the status of international law, then the state becomes subject to restraints
from without as well as from within. Adherents of this point of view sometimes
envision the emergence of a world state as national sovereignty gives way to the
unified will of international law.

D. International Public Opinion: Mass communications have created an

unprecedented awareness of international events among people throughout the
world. The makers of a country's foreign policy certainly consider national goals
such as survival, security, and economic well-being before they evaluate the
reception which may be given their decisions in forums such as the United
Nations or the world's major newspapers. Nevertheless, cultivation of a positive
"image" is preferable to a negative one for any nation, and the pressure of
international public opinion may in certain instances tip the balance on behalf of
more internationally desirable behaviour. For example, international public
opinion was against Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1991. And thus for the first time in
its history the UNO went to war against a member state, Iraq. :

E. Human Rights: The post World War II Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
drawn up by the United Nations, has established modern norms for governments
to follow. Flagrant violations of these standards have brought condemnation by
the United Nations General Assembly, and on occasion have produced economic
sanctions, arms embargoes, and armed invasion against offending countries. On
a regional level, for example, the establishment of the European Commission on
Human Rights has succeeded, for example, in improving the lot of the Flemish-
speaking minority in Belgium. Again, sovereignty has been modified in response
to demands that transcend borders.

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F. Interdependence: World resource shortages, environmental pressures,

expanding economic relationships, and the desire to avoid massive nuclear
destruction have in recent decades worked to increase the inter-independence
of sovereign nations. And there is no nation that can now stay on its own without
relating to other states.

Even the then Soviet Union, with undeniable super-power status, found itself
dependent upon wheat from the United States in the early 1970's. And despite
considerable economic muscle, Japan was compelled to modify her Middle East policy
to ensure adequate supplies of petroleum during the Arab oil embargo of the same
period. Fear of exhausting or destroying the wealth of the oceans has led to
unprecedented cooperation in limiting the freedom of nations to pollute and over-use
marine resources. In addition, some countries have willingly surrendered the right to
produce nuclear weaponry in exchange for technical assistance in peaceful nuclear
development. Finally, on the one hand, the still fragile character of international
economic relations, and on the other hand, the growth of multinational corporations
whose interests span the globe have worked together to avert massive dislocation like
that of the 1930's which resulted in the devastating World War II in which over 28 million
lives were lost.

In Text Question 4 (ITQ)

Discuss some of the views of those who opposed the concept of sovereignty.

6.7 LIMITATIONS TO THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATE

As far as the relationship between the state and the individual is concerned, there is little
or no limit to the sovereignty of the state. However. Jean Bodin argued that the sovereign
is subjected to limitations imposed by the "salic laws" (the law of succession), the law of
nature and the law of God, which laws the sovereign must obey. Similarly, Thomas Hobbes
believed that the sovereign can be disobeyed when he can no longer protect the lives of his
subjects. Finally, John Locke believed that public interest should be paramount in the
mind of the ruler. Where such rulers substitute personal interest for public interest, the
rulers should be removed or recalled. What these various forms of limitations mean is that
sovereignty is not absolute as earlier discussed.

Constitutional Supremacy, in many modern states, especially in federal states,

constitutes another limitation on state sovereignty. In federal stales, for example, in
the United States, the legal sovereign is difficult to locate. It is not Congress, for laws
may be declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. It is not the Supreme Court,
because amendments to the constitution may make constitutional what the Supreme
Court has declared unconstitutional. It is not the fifty states, for their powers may be

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limited by amendments to the constitution. The legal sovereign then consists of the
combinations of authorities that have power to amend the constitution - this includes
the Judiciary, the States and Congress.

The influence of powerful nations on small nations is yet another limitation on state
sovereignty. For example, the United States of America recently succeeded in ordering
the Haitian Military rulers, which has been in power for two years, to step aside for the
civilian popularly elected Aristide. What this means is that sovereignty is only a legal
concept and no state can claim total sovereignty if it is a small and a weak state.

Another limitation is membership of International Organisations. Most states are

members of the United Nations Organisations which is one of the most influential world
bodies today. No state wants to be censured by the UNO for failing to heed its wishes or
advice. Most states respect the majority of opinions of the organization and in fact
world opinion is now a real factor in international politics. Every state likes to project
its own image to the world in the best way possible. Most states wish to be in cordial
terms with one another so that wars and conflicts may be prevented.

6.8 CONCLUSION
In this study session we have explained the nature and characteristics of sovereignty.
We have examined the various types of sovereignty and limitations to sovereignty today
because states have joined regional and international organizations and in doing so
submit part of their sovereignty.

6.9 SUMMARY
If you have grasped this study session you should be able to explain what sovereignty is,
understand the historical development of the concept, the major writers on
sovereignty, the characteristics of the concept and the limitation placed on it in the
modern world.

6.10 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQS)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. Hobbes Leviathan promotes popular sovereignty
A. True
B. False

2. Hobbes and Rousseau share in common the surrendering of all rights to the sovereign
A. True
B. False

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3. One of the 36 states in Nigeria could correctly claim state sovereignty

A. True
B. False

4. In Locke's sovereignty, all rights are:

A. Fully surrendered
B. Partially surrendered
C. Surrendered to an absolute community
D. Surrendered to an absolute authoritarian ruler

5. The term sovereignty is from French and means……………….

6. Who wrote Six Books of A Common Wealth (1576)……………………

7. Aristotle contends that the senate of the Athenian State is …………….

8. The “General Will” theory of the state was popularized by……..

A. Thomas Hobbes
B. John Locke
C. Jean Jaque Rousseau
D. Jeremy Bentham
Essay: “State sovereignty today has limits because of states joining international
organizations”. Discuss

6.11 REFERENCES
Bodin, J., 1955. Six books of the commonwealth, translated in MJ. Tooley Oxford
Blackwell.

Hobbes, T., Leviathan, 1968 edited by C.B. Macpherson. Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Locke, J. Second treatise of civil government, everyman's library.

6.12 FURTHER READINGS

Baker, Ernest. 1962, Social contract: essays by Locke, Hume and Rousseau. Oxford
University Press.

Bertrand, de. Jouvenel l963, Sovereignty: An inquiry into the political goal. Chicago
University Press.

Haddis, P. B, 1976. Foundations of political science; Hutchinson, London.

Tilly, C. (ed.) 1978, The formation of national states in western europ, Princeton New
Jersey.

Lucas, J. R. 1974, The principles of politics; Oxford, Clarendon Press.

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STUDY SESSION 7

POWER AND AUTHORITY

CONTENTS
7.0 Introduction
7.1 Learning Outcomes
7.2 Main body
7.3 Concept of Power
7.4 Types of Power
7.5 Power in International Relations
7.6 Critical Issues of Power
7.7 The Utility of State Power
7.8 Authority
7.9 Type of Political Authority
7.10 Differences between Power and Authority
7.11 Conclusion
7.12 Summary
7.13 Self Assessment Questions (SAQS)
7.14 References
7.15 Further Readings

7.0 INTRODUCTION
This study session introduces us to the interrelatedness of the basic concepts in
political science, power and authority .It has been found that these concepts are
subjected to certain misinterpretations and abuses especially, for non-political
scientists.

This study session deals essentially with the 2 basic concepts: power and authority. The
other 2 concepts: influence and legitimacy will be considered in the succeeding
session. It is important for you to learn the distinction between these concepts.

Political scientists at times attempt to equate politics with power, authority, or

conflict. No doubt, power holds a significant place among other concepts of politics.
Harold and Margaret Sprout (1984:10) put it "Some way concept of power underlies
virtually every description of political interaction, domestic as well as international".

If politics has to do with state power, then an adequate understanding of the concept of
power is also crucial for an understanding of politics. Many argue that power is
significant especially in the field of international politics, where moral and consensual

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factors seem to be much less important than they are in domestic politics. Power has
assumed such lofty status in international politics that some writers view it as the
field's central concept (Hans Morgenthau). Power, therefore, is the sole centralizing
and organizing concept in the study of politics.

7.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of this study session you should be able to:
a) Explain the basic concepts of power and authority in political science;
b) Apply the concepts of power and authority in analytical and critical writing.

7.2 MAIN BODY

7.3 THE CONCEPT OF POWER

The concept of power can be developed on the basis of human behaviour. What is power
in behavioural terms? From the commonsense core meaning, it has to do with
controlling or dominance over others. This is called an intuitive definition. Robert Dahl
(1961:34) rigorous definition: "A has power over B to the extent that we can get B to do
something that B would not otherwise do". Herbert Goldhamer and Edward A. Shills,
(1966:18) gave a similar definition: "A person may be said to have power to the extent
that he influences the behaviour of others in accordance with his own intentions..."
Power is a relational concept. In this case, we can say that one nation has power over
another at the international level; at the domestic level if Senator A has more control in
a committee in the senate, then it has power over its other members.

Power is the ability or capacity to modify the behaviour of a person either at the threat
of deprivation or sanction for non-conformist for the policy intended. According to Dahl
if B does something that A wants him to do, but B does not feel the action is in opposition
to its interests, then A does not have power over B.

Generally, it is difficult to apply this analysis to all situations, because without the
knowledge of the intentions of the political actors, then it might lead one to overlook
manipulation, propaganda, and forms of sublimated aggression as influences.

It is emphasized that in our discussions of the elements of national power, including

population, national resources, and military strength, it is not unusual to discover that
military strength is power in international politics or that wealth is power in domestic
politics. In the light of this, it becomes clear that the assumption that the elements are
significant because they allow a nation or a politician to control or influence others. In
as much as one agrees that power is not, the military strength; nor is it wealth. The
contention is that a nation with great military strength is powerful because it has been

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discovered that influence and the ability to control are related to the possession of
arms and soldiers.

It seems reasonable to develop a sound concept of power by adopting a behavouralistic

approach to the study of political power. First, it is often assumed, that power involves
control or influence, and that it is an activity. The possession of armed forces by nation
A does not necessarily imply that they will be used to control or influence nation B.
Although it is not in all cases that this situation can arise. At times the intentions or will
of A may be different. To this extent a number of factors are necessary if power is to
exist. These include the proper basis of power and the ability to use them (the lack of
restraint upon them), which altogether might be labeled capability. Second, the
powerful actor must have the will or desire to control the actions of others, or so it
would seem.

Another situation that might cause us to question the claim that power can only exist if
it is exercised is to imagine two contiguous nations, one with a large but inactive army,
the other with no army at all. The existence of nation A's army may influence the
behavior of nation B, even though it is never used. This is similar to the situation in
domestic politics where the presidential veto power can have influence on the National
Assembly, even though it is not employed or even mentioned. This brings to a clear
picture of what can be termed behavioural power and potential power. It might be said
that the possession of military forces by a nation and the right to veto to an executive
are acts of power. Possession in these instances is behavioural. Carl Friedrich (1963)
described this situation as "rule of anticipated reactions". It presupposes that often
times; a political actor will adjust its behaviour in light of what he thinks another might
do (Friedrich 1963). It does not necessarily mean that mere possession is always power
behaviour. It is necessary at this point to distinguish this type of situation from one
where a nation has a substantial military force but demonstrates no desire or will to use
it. We might therefore say that its force is not credible and has no influence on the
behaviour of other nations. In this case, possession does not lead to power.

There is a causal connection in relationship with the acts that are performed by both
the influencer and the influenced, and some contact or communication between them.
Consequently, there is a direct correlation between the power of a nation and its
contacts with other nations. In Isaak's summation, "any acts of other states in
accordance with nation A's interests that cannot be traced to an act of A cannot be
called manifestations of A's power".

In examining the acts of politicians or nations, it boils down to two basic issues whether
power is an asymmetrical or a symmetrical relationship. David Hume (1711-76) argued

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that all relations must be symmetrical; that is, all actions have reactions and thus,
there can be no one-way causal connections. Thus, it must be recognized that many
power actions generate feedback. If nation A influences the behaviour of nation B,
there is good chance that B will also influence A.

The conclusion therefore is that both capability and will are necessary ingredients of
power situations, except in those cases when possession alone leads to influence and
even in the latter case, credibility must be ascertainable.

It is instructive at this juncture to avert our minds to the fact that power is
immeasurable. The mere understanding of the elements or bases of power do not
provide the unit of measurement. Quincy Wright (1987) rightly observes that: "it is
difficult to find any common measure by which one of these forms for exerting political
and social power can be equated with others as is true of the physical concept of power
measured in horsepower or watts". The solution lies in the use of the activity of political
actors as the basis of a common measure. Thus, the behavioural consequences of
wealth and prestige could be compared using the case of a man with a net worth of $10
million and one with a prestigious family background. But it is difficult to compare a
nation's military force with another's strategic position.

In Text Question (ITQ)

Define and explain what you understand the concept of power to mean.

7.4 TYPES OF POWER

Types of power are force, domination and manipulation:
Force: is the only one that involves physical activity, signifying an employment of
visible resources.

Domination: is an inexact term: It occurs when an actor makes explicit to others what
he wants them to do. It can be seen that force and domination will usually occur
together, with the former being used to back up the latter.

Manipulation: is the attempt to influence behaviour without making explicit what the
desired behaviour is. This calls for various actions that are much less easy to find and
observe.

Distinction between power and other forms of political control-authority,

manipulation, and influence. Power is based on the threat of severe sanctions;
sanctions include such things as force and economic viability. Therefore, those factors
which contribute to industrialization are usually used for assessing economic strength

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such as per-capita income, technological advancement, etc, A highly industrialized

nation has the potential for military capability. This explains why countries of Europe
(Western and Central Europe) North America and Asia (Japan, China) are potential
world powers.

7.5 POWER IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

The assessment of power capabilities in international relations is fundamentally
valuable, as it would enable us to understand how it is wielded at that level of politics.
Okwudiba Nnoli asserts that an attempt to exert power have foundered on the rocks of
an incorrect assessment of the necessary capability. There are various elements that
are used for the assessment of state power. These are grouped into two broad general
types: the tangible resources and intangible resources. The tangible resources are
quantifiable or can be assessed in concrete terms, while intangible resources are not
quantifiable or made very concrete. In other words, they are essentially qualitative in
character. The tangible resources include the following:

Geography: This makes reference to those facilities that accrue to a nation by virtue of
its geographical location and characteristics. Landlocked states usually suffer severe
limitations on their ability to wield power, while very mountainous territory is difficult
to conquer and therefore, affects the power of the relevant states.

Territorial: This determines to a large extent the possibility of foreign military

occupation; and the possibility of the penetration of state power to all sections of the
population. In this sense, the bigger or larger a nation's territory the more powerful it
would be in a situation of foreign invasion, but the less powerful it would be controlling
all its population.

Natural Resources: The natural resource endowment determines the limits of a

nation's power capability. The greater the natural resources at the disposal of a state,
the greater its power capacity. This will make others to depend on it and may,
therefore, be vulnerable to its influence. Alternatively, it may transform these
resources into more potent instruments of force such as weapons of war.

Economic Strength: State power is related to a state's economic viability. The level of
industrialization is a clear indicator of economic viability. Therefore, those factors
which contribute to industrialization are usually used for assessing economic strength
such as per-capita income, technological advancement, etc. A highly industrialized
nation has the potential for military capability. This explains why countries of Europe
(Western and Central Europe) North America and Asia (Japan, China) are potential
world powers.

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Military Might: The exercises of state power are the use of armed forces of the state as
instrument of international politics. The strength of a state's armed forces is the most
critical element in the power equation. The bigger and better the size of these forces
the greater the power capability. Hence, a common way of assessing state power is to
calculate the size of its army, navy and air force. However, the size of the armed forces
is not enough indication of state power, the quality of the weapons is also important.
The more sophisticated the equipment, the stronger the army and in most cases, it
compensates for the size of the state like Israel with sophisticated equipment but very
small in size.

Population: The larger the population of a state the greater its capability for state
power. It is this fact that explains the importance and status of China in the world.
Although, under severe condition of mass poverty, population becomes a constraint on
state power.

Intangible resources are also important in determining national power. They include:
1. The quality of national leadership and government or a ruling class that is
riddled with corruption, selfishness, nepotism and indiscipline will be unable to
harness the resources to the purposes of state power.
2. The will to commit resources to the achievement of national goals - a
government which is more willing to use force to achieve objectives will exert
more power than one which is unwilling to do so.
3. The morale, discipline, competence and overall quantity of the armed forces - it
is argued that a large army with modern weapons that lacks competence,
discipline, and morale will be largely ineffective.
4. The alliance potential of a state - the ability to unite one's power capabilities
with those of another state is a great asset to state power.

In Text Question (ITQ 2)

Discuss some of the attributes that make a nation powerful.

The level of political consciousness amongst the citizens the more politically conscious
a society the easier it is for the state to mobilize resources. A state where the citizens
are apathetic finds it difficult to be effective in power relation in relation to other
states. For this reason power is affected by those factors which affect social relations
generally, such as interests, resources, perception, expectation response, irrationality,
personality factors, etc.

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7.6 CRITICAL ISSUES OF POWER

A. Can Power be measured?
At times it becomes a controversial issue to talk about how powerful a nation is. A
statement such as "The United States has more power than England” raises a question.
An actor's total power may be measured by the ratio of its successful power acts. Often
times, the most probable proposition is that A is more powerful than B.

Robert Dahl's (1967) conceptualization of influence and power relate with the ability to
use power as action based but does not exist unless it is used. In other words, the
elements of power would have no significance if politicians and nations did not act.

B. What are the Dimensions of Power?

Power is that non-divisible unit of energy, which is capable of causing: change in the
actions of its victims in spite of the victim's opposition to the change. The dimensions of
power constitute its essential characteristics.
i. Power has a good dimension when it is exerted with a view to the attainment of
an objective and, therefore, exists when an objective has been achieved;

ii. It has a relational dimension. In other words, it is a social phenomenon rather

than a legal one. There must be at least two individuals for power to occur. The
one who exerts power is the subject of power, and the one over whom it is
exerted is the victim of power. For instance, the Federal Government used the
army to stop violence in Odi in Bayelsa State, and air force bombing in the Niger-
Delta area following the abduction of foreign oil expatriates. Usually, violence is
applied only when other methods of exercising power have failed and the goal of
power is so high that the subject does not mind the negative consequences of the
use of violence. Like the situation in apartheid South Africa, the Africans could
only change their intolerable situation through violence.

iii. Power has an influence dimension: By this we mean that power can induce a
particular behaviour. Influence is that quality of power which has to do with the
causation of a certain form of behaviour by the subject on the victim. A
influences B by causing him to change his actions in some ways.

iv. Power has a situational dimension: This means that power varies from situation
to situation depending on the specific features of each situation. For instance,
power will vary depending on whether there are three people or two, whether
the victim resists the subject of power or not, and whether the resistance is
intense or not. The struggle for political power varies with the number of
political parties seeking to form the government, the size of the followers of the
political parties, and whether the parties are revolutionary or reformist.

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v. Power has a relative dimension: This explains or depends on whether or not a

subject is able to wield power over a victim: it depends on the relative strengths
of the subject and the victim in that specific situation. As their relative
strengths change, the power equation between them also changes. It is this
relativity dimension of power that is responsible for changes in the status of
states in the international community.

vi. Power has an instrumental dimension: Power is not an end in itself although
some have argued about the tendency for power to assume a dynamic of its own
separate and different from the goal which it is meant to achieve. Power in this
case is an instrument for achieving specific goals. Thus, dimension of power is
that power as a means to some ends must be governed by those ends.

vii. Power as a need dimension: The greater the need of one state, group or
individual, the more likely it is that power will be exerted upon it by those on
whom it depends for the satisfaction of the needs. :

viii. Power as a responsiveness dimension: Power operates most effectively where

there is low possibility of resistance by the victim. Thus, where a victim can
resist the effort of the subject to wield power over him, it becomes more
difficult for power effort to succeed, and consequently the character of power
in that situation is affected.

ix. Power as a capability dimension: This dimension refers to the availability of

certain resource capacities for the exertion of power. Often power is equated
exclusively with this capacity. It is a mistake because a subject may have
overwhelming capacity and still be unable to exert power. A good example is the
defeat of the United States, a superpower, by North Vietnam, a very minor
power in the 1960s.

In Text Question (ITQ 3)

How do we measure a nation's power?

C. How is power Exercised?

There are different ways in which power can be exercised at both domestic and
international politics.

1. Persuasion - the subject initiates or discusses a proposal with a victim with a

view to convincing him of the tightness, correctness, or usefulness of his
viewpoint. Persuasion has an element of influence. This means that the wielding
of power is necessarily against the wishes of others or that the response of the
victim must be either favourable or opposed to the subject's goals. The victim's
mind may not have been made up in the first place and many have needed the
initiative and prodding of the subject.

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2. The offer of rewards - the subject promises to reward the victim if the latter
agrees with his request. Such rewards may be of almost any type in domestic and
international politics. They may vary from cash reward, support in voting
situations, promise for a political appointment, or a contract, or promise to
remove a previous sanction.

3. The granting of rewards - the victim may insist that the reward be actually
granted before he can comply with the wishes of the subject.

4. The threat of punishment - the subject threatens to inflict some harm on the
victim unless the latter behaves in accordance with his wishes. It could be
threats of imprisonment, of sabotage, of withdrawal of funds, boycott of
activities or even the use of force.

5. The infliction of non-violent punishment - the subject actually carries out the
threats, which do not involve the use of violent force or economic blockade.

6. Command from a person in authority - the next unit will discuss extensively on
authority. The commands issued by those in positions of authority lower in the
hierarchy of authority in which that position exists exercise limited authority.
Thus, for example, the president can issue commands to those ministers and
expect that they will implement those commands. This means that one way to
exercise influence is to struggle to get into an authority position from where one
can issue commands. This forms the basis for the struggle for political office.

7. The use of force - the subject applies violence against the victim, a state
attacks another militarily. The President elicits support for the application of
state power and also to organize and harness the resources necessary to wield
state power.

In Text Question (ITQ 4)

Discuss the various ways by which power is exercised in the world today.

7.7 THE UTILITY OF STATE POWER

Power is very useful at both the domestic and in international politics. Although we
know that power is very useful in all social situations such as the family, the classroom,
etc. power in politics, which is our major concern, is about state power. Politics is all
about exercise, control and use of power. The state power is the most formidable and
useful power. This explains why most wealthy people are never satisfied until they can
control political power. State power is a very useful instrument to have and control.
The desire to control, distribute and direct social, economic and cultural lives of the
people testifies to the usefulness of state power. That is why people jostle, scheme and

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sometimes kill in an attempt to capture state power. One cannot maintain ultimate
control without state power. State power is the basis of all security, all rights and
privileges in a society, and the maintenance of any mode of livelihood.

In international relations, the usefulness of state power is clearly demonstrated. This

arises from the following:

1. Sovereignty of States bestows to them unstrained units of power. Power is seen

as an end itself and not a means to an end. This is because each state pursues its
own security thereby creating insecurity.
2. The absence of international legal code or norms to regulate the behaviour of state
in the use of state power leads to a vicious circle situation since state can wield
their power without serious thought to the negative consequences of their actions.
3. It is also reinforced by the weakness of world public opinion, which does not
sufficiently restrain the state power as an instrument of policy.
4. The nature of the international system, which is based on the survival of the
fittest, makes states to struggle in an attempt to get a fair share of the world's
resources. It is further reinforced by the conflict of ideologies during the hey
days of Communism versus Capitalism. This situation at that time reduced the
possibility of evolving understanding on major international issues.

7.8 AUTHORITY
Authority may be defined as that power associated with a hierarchy of human
relationships, which enables those higher up in the hierarchy to command those lower
in the hierarchy, and which compels those lower in the hierarchy to obey the commands
of those higher up. Authority is predicated upon consent and not entirely by the use of
consent. Alan Ball (2005) defines Political Authority as the recognition of the right to
rule irrespective of the sanctions the ruler may possess. Authority is the ability to
compel obedience without necessarily the use of force. At times the exercise of
authority could be based on justice. Obedience comes from justice or a combination of
justice and force. On the contrary, disobedience may be as a result of what may be
considered to be unjust. Authority is the legitimate use of power. It is simply put as the
power in the garment of legitimacy that is, power clothed with legitimacy. Thus
authority is power with legitimacy. It is the power based on consent, voluntary
obedience, and persuasion. Nnoli (1986) has argued that it is incorrect to define
authority as the right to issue commands and be obeyed. Authority is the power which is
vested in a person because of his role and his office within the organization. The basis
of the authority relationship lies in the fact that it is legitimate. The subordinate
believes that the superior has the right to give such orders. Authority relationship may
also be legitimized by certain traditions and customs which allow a person the right to
issue authoritative decisions. In this case, the authority relationship may be a product
of some body of rules such as the constitution of a country which allocates to the
various arms of government certain responsibilities.

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There are basic characteristic elements of the relationship of power which defines
authority in structure. There are definite roles, responsibilities, privileges and
resources which are allocated to those in that relationship. The structure is made up of
a number of offices arranged in order of super-ordination and subordination which
individuals occupy. The structure of power which characterizes authority is organized
in the form of a pyramid of offices with the most powerful office at the apex of the
pyramid and the least powerful offices at the base. The higher up the pyramid, the
greater the power.

Political authority is that authority whose power derives from state power. Although,
not all authority is political. Authority exists in all human organizations be it the family,
the church, School, etc. In politics, state power is organized as a system of authorities
extending from the national level, through the regional level to the local level. Thus, in
Nigeria, we have Federal, State and Local Government Authorities.

The constitution in modern government is the main source of state power. The
constitution as the fundamental principle establishes what number of these authorities
there should be, what the power relationship among them should be, how they are to
be arranged hierarchically, what the functions of these authorities are, and how
conflict among and within them are to be resolved. Thus, it is the constitution that
gives structure and permanence to state power.

In Text Question (ITQ 5)

Why is the concept of Authority so important in governance?

7.9 TYPES OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY

Authority essentially can be legitimate or illegitimate. A legitimate authority is that
which operates through the prong of justice, and illegitimate authority is power that
operates through force, or the threat of it. Nnoli argues that authority is often partly
illegitimate: "it can rely on force and partly on justice". However, Max Weber, a German
sociologist provides three main typologies of authority. These are: the traditional
authority, the legal- rational authority and the charismatic authority.

Traditional authority - Is that hierarchical structure of power whose major claim for
existence is that it has come down to the present from the past and, therefore,
conforms to the customs and traditions of the people. In other words, the exercise of
power is based on a form of rule or custom and tradition which has been in existence for
a long time. Such body of rules and customs confer on persons or institutions or families
preferences to rule others. Their people repose faith in them because they believe that
these authorities possess the prerogative to issue authoritative orders since their
customs and tradition, belief system and superstition say so. For instance, the
traditional African societies typified this type of authority. A ruler is obeyed because of
the belief that such a ruler was chosen by divine authority and that obedience to the
ruler is obedience to God or Allah.

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Legal - Rational Authority - This is most commonly found today. It is based on the law,
the fundamental law of the land or what is commonly called the constitution. In other
words, exercise of authority derives its legitimacy from certain body of rules; in this
case, persons or offices exercise authority as legitimized by the constitution, statutes,
decrees or edicts. It could also be the official position individuals occupy. The
individual takes decisions and issue orders without questions. Thus, a policeman at the
check point who requests for a vehicle owner to present his particulars is merely
exercising legal authority, because he has the backing of law.

Charismatic Authority - This follows from the personal charisma of a political leader.
Charisma is that quality which is so over-whelming in the positive emotion which it
evokes that it possesses or receives unquestioning and total loyalty. A charismatic
leader possesses extraordinary qualities which make such leader to influence his
followers. The power of command may be exercised by a leader based on his certain
attributes such as magical powers, revelations, heroism, personal achievements or
other extraordinary gifts endowed by nature. In the world history, some charismatic
leaders are known such as Hitler of Germany, Mussolini of Italy, Pandit Nehru of India,
Churchill of Britain, Nkrumah of Ghana, Azikiwe and Awolowo of Nigeria, Mandela of
South Africa, and so on.

However, these sources of authority are not necessarily exclusive. They could be in
various combinations or co-exist in specific political communities.

In Text Question (ITQ 6)

Briefly explain various types of authority known to you.

7.10 DIFFERENCES BETWEEN POWER AND AUTHORITY

Although, authority is related to the concept of power, it can be clearly distinguished
from it. The exercise of power is based on the possession of means of coercion and, or
sanctions by the incumbent who exercises power. The exercise of authority is based on
power attached to the office of the incumbent that exercises the power.
Obedience to an order in a power relation is based on fear of sanctions. The power may not
be legitimate e.g. the power of an armed robber. Obedience to an order in an authority
relation derives from legitimacy of the order on the grounds of existing rules or customs or
inherent qualities of he who commands it. Authority is thus legitimate power.

Since the exercise of power often results in the use of force, resistance to this power
and coercion by citizens are met with force. Confronted with an authority relation, it is
the duty of citizens to obey, when the citizens oppose an exercise of power that power
lacks authority; confronted with power, the citizens have a choice to support or to
oppose; but with authority they have the duty to obey. In other words, resistance to
power is lawful whereas resistance to authority is unlawful.

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The continued reliance on sheer force as a means of securing obedience in a power

relation signals legitimacy crisis in a political system. Whereas in the authority relation the
recourse to sanctions as in the application of force to secure obedience is accepted by
citizens as legitimate and does not pose any threat to stability of the political system.

7.11 CONCLUSION
Power is the sole centralizing and organizing concept in the study of politics. Political
activities revolve essentially around this concept. Authority is the legitimate use of
power. It is simply the garment of legitimacy, power clothed with legitimacy.

7.12 SUMMARY
In this study session we have examined the concepts of power and authority. We
recognized the fact that scholars have divergent opinions of these concepts. We have
carefully delineated the basic elements that constitute power relationships, influence
and authority. Power is generally thought to involve the bringing about of an action
against the will of another. It involves the use of sanctions. Power derives from
established authority that allocates the right to command and the duty to obey.
Authority on the other hand, is power clothed with legitimacy. It is an authentic form of
power, which is based on consent, voluntary obedience and persuasion.

We have been able to distinctively show the differences between power and authority.
It has become clearer to us how power is used at the domestic politics and at the
international levels. At the international level, we have identified the basic indices of
measuring the power of a nation. '

7.13 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQS)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. Potential influence is a form of
A. Reliable influence
B. Manifest influence
C. Coercive influence
D. Explicit influence

2. The scholar who describes power as a symmetrical relation between two person is
A. Robert Dahl
B. Max Weber
C. Thomas Hobbes
D. Carl Fridrich

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3. Power and influence are difficult to measure because of

A. The ambiguity of the concepts
B. The absence of sufficient information on the concepts
C. The personal interests of the scholars.
D. The problem of qualification of the concepts.

4. Power in international relations is measured by the possession of one of the following:

A. A culture
B. A large army
C. An educated elite
D. An ideology

5. The recognition of the right to rule irrespective of sanction is:

A. Influence
B. Power
C. Legitimacy
D. Authority

6. The ability to effect a change in the other person in the absence of sanctions is known
as:
A. Influence
B. Power
C. Authority
D. Credibility

Essay: Conceptualize Power and Authority, and show distinction between the two.

7.14 REFERENCES
Anifowose R. and Francis Enemuo, 1999. Elements of politics. Lagos Malthouse Press
Ltd.

Isaak A. C. 1985. Scope and methods of political science. U.S.A.; The Dorsey Press.

Nnoli O, 1986. Introduction to political politics. Lagos: Longman Nigeria Ltd.

Ologbenla, D. 1996. Introduction to political science. Lagos; Olucity Press Ltd.

7.15 FURTHER READING

Ball, A and G Peters 2005 Modern politics and government. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan

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STUDY SESSION 8

LEGITIMACY AND INFLUENCE

CONTENTS
8.0 Introduction
8.1 Learning Outcomes
8.2 Main Body
8.3 Legitimacy
8.4 Legitimacy as a factor of stability of Government
8.5 Influence and Power
8.6 Conclusion
8.7 Summary
8.8 Self Assessment Questions
8.9 References
8.10 Further Readings

8.0 INTRODUCTION
In the previous study session, we were introduced to the basic and twin interrelated
concepts in political science, power and authority. In this session, we shall conclude
with the concepts of Legitimacy and Influence. These concepts are subjected to a
plethora of interpretations and certain misinterpretation and abuses, especially, for
non-political scientists. Care should therefore be taken in delineating these concepts
and those of Power and Authority.

8.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of this study session you should be able to:
i. Explain the basic concepts of legitimacy and influence in political science.
ii. Describe how legitimacy is the hallmark of stability for any government.

8.2 MAIN BODY

8.3 LEGITIMACY
Legitimacy refers to the extent to which citizens regard the state, its institutions,
personnel or policies as morally right or acceptable. In other words, legitimacy is a
belief in the right to rule. It is the popular acceptance or support given to a government
irrespective of the method of coming to power. It refers to the positive attitude of the
citizens toward authority positions and those who occupy them. But there has to be a
form of agreement about what is legitimate or who exercises authority. So long as there
is agreement about what is legitimate, 'politics and government can function smoothly.
It therefore, means that where legitimacy is lost, agreements break down or are

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reduced to matters of expediency that can be broken when it is convenient. The

consequences may be tyranny, revolution, secession, or some other form of break-up.

Legitimacy is the promise that the pursuit of one value will prove compatible with the
pursuit or enjoyment of other values. We say that the pursuit of a value is legitimate if
we have reason to expect that it will not inflict intolerable damage upon any other
value which is also vitally important to us. For instance, it is legitimate to make money
provided that this pursuit does not involve a great moral wrong or a serious loss of
respect in our community or impair severely on our health.

Legitimacy is a relative concept. It is premised on the visible configuration to any

political actor of his own set of values. It is a relationship among values within a
situation that makes them compatible or puts them into conflict. Legitimacy may
change with time and its place may also vary among groups and different views of
legitimacy may lead to conflict among groups or may intensify existing conflicts. It is
the vehicle for authority to be accepted by people which enables authority also to act
with minimum costs; it cannot be forced out of the people. It must be given voluntarily
by them because it has to do with emotions, feelings, and a sense of justice, which are
not amenable to force.

Legitimacy can be sustained if it is based on justice. Whoever exercises authority must

constantly justify its existence to the people. If it fails to convince the people about its
adherence to justice it may lose its legitimacy. This is why leaders often justify their
right to rule. Immediately after a coup d'etat, the coup leaders must show how the
previous regimes had violated tenets of justice thereby promising to be a new vanguard
for moral crusaders who should be accorded legitimacy. This is because legitimacy
deals with whether or not the citizens accept the moral right of those in political
authority to rule them. Only the citizens can grant legitimacy to the rulers. The holder
of political authority must appeal to the people through conformity with their
cherished principles of justice, satisfaction of their basic material and psychological
needs, and provision of adequate security for them, etc.

The stability of a political system depends on if the needs, its structures, beliefs,
leaders and policies are acceptable to the people or at least the most powerful
influence in the society. When the acceptance of any of these structures or objects is
lacking, a declining sense of legitimacy creeps in, the regime relies on force, repression
is increased and trouble brews; a new regime either comes in or the old one manages to
re-establish legitimate rule. For example, open demand for secession reflects a
declining sense of legitimacy of the state as perceived by the secessionists e.g. the
attempted secession by Ibos of Eastern Nigeria between 1967 and 1970 was largely as a
result of the massacre of the Ibos in Northern Nigeria.

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Legitimacy of a regime is not by election as some have argued. A democratically elected

government may lose its legitimacy when such government adopts policies that are
'anti-people'. Some unpopular governments have existed in different parts of the world
without being toppled. They have simply relied on force to maintain their rule. And
there are cases when elected and seemingly legitimate governments have been
toppled, e.g. the removal of President Morsi of the Freedom and Justice Party in Egypt
by the army after weeks of street demonstrations against that government.
Nevertheless, the degree of legitimacy enjoyed by a government or authority is a
barometer of its stability. In the case of Morsi in Egypt, that legitimacy was undermined
by coalition of forces that made his rule difficult if not impossible for weeks before the
military intervention.

The people can accord or withdraw legitimacy of a ruler depending on their assessment
of how just his rule has been or what policies he ought to be pursuing. Thus, a stable
regime may decline into instability.

In Text Question (ITQ)

What do you understand by Legitimacy?

8.4 LEGITIMACY AS A FACTOR OF STABILITY OF GOVERNMENT

The concept of stability is useful in assessing the legitimacy of a regime. Regimes are
said to be legitimate to the extent that their citizens regard them as proper and
deserving support. The political stability of any given government depends a great deal
upon the legitimacy factor. Legitimacy is a sine-qua -non for a stable political regime; if
this is lacking the citizens may react negatively against such a regime. People are less
likely to oppose their leaders if there is high regard for, or trust in the government, its
institutions and policies.

Crisis of legitimacy may arise when the expectations, yearnings and aspirations of the
people are unfulfilled by the political regime. Election represents one popularly
accepted way of deciding who should rule. They are ways of effecting peaceful changes
of government, as opposed to the use of force, either by a general uprising of an
aggrieved electorate or by a military coup d' etat. Since elections confer legitimacy on
the government, where a government rigs the elections, intense frustration will be
created among the losers. When elections are not free and fair, the resultant
government lacks legitimacy and this creates situations of political instability.

Legitimacy is useful to those in authority. It does not only prevent reckless spending or
mismanagement of scarce resources, it makes it easier for the government in power to
tap the energies of its population and mobilize its material resources to accomplish its

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objectives. Besides, it discourages the use of force to regulate the society. Legitimacy
is fundamental to the maintenance of political order in society. Without it, political
leaders constantly rely on force to maintain themselves in power, which alone may not
be enough to preserve the stability of the political system.

In-Text Question (ITQ)

How does legitimacy affect the stability of a government?

8.5 INFLUENCE AND POWER

At times, it is difficult to conceptualize influence because it has the same relational
attribute as power. They differ, however, in the sense that the exercise of power
depends upon potential use of sanctions while influence depends largely on persuasion.
Influence is a form communication intended by A to affect the action of B in the absence
of sanctions. For example, a father may warn his son:
i. "If you marry that girl, I will exclude you from my will" or
ii. "If you marry that girl, you will be miserable for the rest of your life”

The first statement depicts the use of power, while the, latter depicts influence.
Influence has to do with the value position and potential of a person or a group of
persons. The exercise of influence may rest on well-being, the physical strength,
wealth, affection, enlightenment, i.e. education, respect, etc. Influence therefore,
depends on values, while power depends on sanctions. It is the threat of sanctions
which differentiate power from influence. For example, "A" has influence over "B"
within a given scope to the extent that "A" without resorting the use of threat or of
severe deprivations causes "B" to change course of action.

We can speak of two types on influence.

a) Coercive influence - this is based on threat, expectation of great severe

physical punishment, torture, imprisonment and even death. Thus, according to
Locke, political power is the right to making laws with penalties of death and
other penalties.
b) Reliable influence - This is an influence in which the probability of compliance
is very high. It is an authentic form of influence that is, legitimate influence,

Influence can further be sub-divided into manifest and potential.

Manifest influence is the power plus influence. "A" can exercise manifest influence
over 'B' to the extent that 'A's action causes a change in "B"s behaviour.

Potential influence is a form of implicit influence, which Carl Friedrich described in his
"rule of anticipated reaction". This is a situation in which 'A' modifies his influence over 'B'
because of what he thinks will be the reaction of 'B'. In other words, it proposes that often a
political actor will adjust its behaviour in light of what it thinks another might do.

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8.6 CONCLUSION
Though the concepts of legitimacy and influence are easily confused, especially by
non-political scientists, these concepts are analytically distinct. The stability of a
political system depends on how people perceive the system to be legitimate. Regimes
are said to be legitimate to the extent that their citizens regard them as proper and
deserving support. The political stability of any given government therefore depends a
great deal upon the legitimacy factor. Influence on the other hand is a form of
communication intended by A to affect the action of B in the absence of sanctions.
Influence therefore, depends on values as distinct as power which we argued in the
preceding Unit as depending on sanctions. It is the threat of sanctions which
differentiate power from influence.

8.7 SUMMARY
In this Unit we have examined the concepts of Legitimacy and Influence. The former we
have argued is responsible for the stability of any political system while the latter is
concerned with issues of values which are also important in the stability of a political
system.

8.8 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQS)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. A government is said to have legitimate authority when she has:
A. An Army
B. Elected into office
C. Selected by party elders
D. Overthrow the existing government.

2. Influence is usually exercised through one of the following:

A. Persuasion
B. Torture
C. Election
D. Competition

3. Traditional rulers in Nigerian towns and cities have legitimacy because

A. They are chosen by God
B. They have historical legitimacy
C. They are powerful
D. They are government agents.

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4. Legitimacy can only be sustained if it is based on one of the following:

A. Justice and fair play
B. Law and order
C. Political authority
D. Welfarism

Essay: What are the factors that determine the legitimacy of a government?

8.9 REFERENCES
Isaak, A. C,1985. Scope and methods of political science. US.A.; The Dorsey Press.

Nnoli, O. 1986. Introduction to political science. Lagos: Longman Nigeria Ltd.

8.10 FURTHER READINGS

Anifowose R. and Enemuo Francis, 1999. Elements of Politics. Malthouse Press Ltd.

Ologbenla, D. 1996. Introduction to political science. Lagos; Olucity Press Ltd.

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STUDY SESSION 9

POLITICAL IDEAS AND MOVEMENTS

CONTENTS
9.0 Introduction
9.1 Learning Outcomes
9.2 Main Body
9.3 What is ideology?
9.4 Characteristics of ideology
9.5 Functions of ideology
9.6 Types of Ideology
A. Liberalism
B. Democracy
C. Liberal democracy
D. Capitalism
E. Socialism
F. Doctorial Ideologies
9.7 Conclusion
9.8 Summary
9.9 Self Assessment Questions
9.10 References
9.11 Further Readings

9.0 INTRODUCTION
Ideology is a very crucial aspect of politics. It is a gateway to the understanding of
political action and indeed, interpenetration of politics. In this respect, it guides,
supports, restrains and rationalizes political action. According to Okwudiba Nnoli,
(1986), it can act as a great mobilizing energy to galvanize mass political action.
Ideology is a very pervasive aspect of politics: it antedated it, is enmeshed in it,
envelops it and conditions it.

The ideology at a time was used to designate the study of ideas towards the end of the
eighteenth century in France. In the mid nineteenth century, Marx and Engels in their
work “The German Ideology” (1846) described the young Hegelians as ideologists of the
bourgeois system for holding tenaciously to Hegelian philosophy.

This study session will explore the various ideologies and examine their basic principles
and characteristics. The major ideologies and movements known in political history are
examined in sub-sections. At the end of the session, self-assessment questions are
provided to test your preparedness and understanding of the topics taught.

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9.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of this study session, you should be able to:
i. Examine the various political ideologies and movements that were prevalent in
Western political history.
ii. Explain how these political ideologies and movements have contributed to the
current state of political science and indeed other social sciences.
iii. State the basic characteristics of the political ideologies.
iv. Evaluate your grasp of the topics through the sample questions provided at the
end of the study sessions.

9.2 MAIN BODY

9.3 WHAT IS IDEOLOGY?

Ideology is a systematized and interconnected set of ideas that direct and guide the
action of political leaders. It is the fundamental principle or philosophy of government
by which the socio-economic and political organization of society revolves. It contains
ideas, ends and purposes that the society should pursue. Ideology as a philosophy
explains the nature of man's humanity, an economic programme which suggests the
appropriate political structure of individual happiness through the relevant economic
programme of the ideas of humanity. Ideology can be distinguished from other forms of
political thought such as political philosophy, political theory, etc.

9.4 CHARACTERISTICS OF IDEOLOGY

a. Most ideologies tend to arise in conditions of crisis. They are either designed to
help those who are subjugated in a society or help the oppressor to justify their
privileges.
b. The varying scope of an ideology can also be seen from the range of facts or
phenomena which a given ideology seeks to ' - incorporate.
c. Ideology is a systematic pattern of political thought. Just, like a theory, ideology
is an abstraction from reality embodying only the most essential elements of the
reality it seeks to describe/ explain and change.
d. Each ideology includes both empirical and normative elements. The empirical
elements consist mostly of the features of reality, social, political or economic,
which are more or less observable, while the normative element in an ideology
consists of all those features of reality which even though not observable are
considered desirable.
e. Most ideologies tend to be exclusive, absolute and universal in character. Each
ideological system is usually characterized by a claim of exclusive relevance to
the problems of a given age and time. All ideologies also share the main feature
they claim universality for, the aims and objectives which they seek to attain.
For example, the capitalists believe that it is a universal system, and the
socialists attempt also to universalize the system.

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f. Ideology is a persuasive argument designed to motivate active involvement on the part

of its adherents.
g. Ideology tends to be personalized, scriptualised and programmatic. That is, it
can be turned into religious beliefs.
h. Ideology undergoes development but is resistant to fundamental change in its
world view.

In Text Question (ITQ 1)

Define ideology and state 3 characteristics of ideology

9.5 FUNCTIONS OF IDEOLOGY

In view of the nature and importance of ideology for society generally, it follows that
ideology performs very useful functions in the organization of modern society. These
functions include:
1. Legitimisation of Leadership: This implies that those who assert political authority
often justify their positions and actions on the basis of certain principles. By so doing,
ideology provides government with legitimacy and helps it obtain compliance from the
people.
2. A cognitive structure for looking at the society generally. By so doing a given ideology
enables members of a society to explain, justify and order several existential
conditions which would otherwise prove impossible to master or explain. Thus, in the
hands of the ruling class it can be and often is a potent instrument for the consolidation
of state power.
3. Ideology provides a prescriptive formula, a guide to individual action and judgment.
This has to do with the legitimation of the acts of those in positions of power, for it is
only when the exercise of power is seen as conforming to certain ideological norms and
values that the power of force can be transformed into authority, power based on the
felt need to comply without force.
4. Ideology also -serves as an instrument for conflict management and the integration of
society since it limits the basic value and issue areas over which the members of society
can disagree. Ideology has been found to be potent tool in the process of consolidating
state power. It provides the basis for addressing issues as they affect the society instead
of personalizing them.
5. Ideology provides individual or groups a means of self-identification. This helps to
satisfy specific personal needs, a means for self-evaluation and social solidarity.
6. Guide to policy choice and assessment of conduct. It provides the framework for
making policy choices by the government and the parameters for assessing the conduct
of officials and the performance of government.
7. Dynamic force in life, that is every ideology provides an explanation of reality to its
adherents and seeks to motivate them to action.

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In Text Question (ITQ 2)

Explain four (4) functions of ideology.

9.6 TYPES OF IDEOLOGIES

There are many ideologies in the world today. Some of them are discussed below:

A. Liberalism
The Liberal component of liberal democracy is derived from liberalism, which is pre-
democratic political ideology that asserts that there should be as much individual
freedom in modern State as is compatible with the freedom of others. Liberalism is an
individualist creed, which developed in the 17th and 18th centuries mainly as a
reaction against unrestricted absolute monarchs in Europe.

The development of capitalism and Western democracy arose from the doctrine of
liberalism. Liberalism was an ideology or doctrine which became pervasive among the
European potentates or bourgeoisie (the middle class businessman, intellectual
professionals, etc.) The ideology arose as a movement against monarchical absolutism
and the church in Europe during the late eighteenth century. The underlying principles
of classical liberalism include:
i. a recognition of the rights of individuals to opportunities to demonstrate their
innate potentials;
ii. an insistence that political power should be in the hands of those who own
property and those who have demonstrated ingenuity and the capacity to lead;
iii. the conception of the duty of government to be restricted to the protection of
the individual and his rights to own property;
iv. a recognition of the right of individuals to equal economic and political
participation.

Classical liberalism was an ideology that tended to justify the total control of society by
the middle class. The Industrial Revolution in Europe and the rise of 'laissez-faire'
economic doctrine brought fundamental changes and the revision of some classical tenets
of liberalism. Although, it still extols individual's liberty and insists that it be the individual
rather than the State or any collectivity that is of primary importance in a democracy.

B. Democracy
Democracy does not have a universally acceptable definition. Different scholars
attempted to give their own interpretation. Abraham Lincoln's famous definition of
democracy is, "the government of the people, by the people and for the people"
remains most valid up till date. This explains why modern democracy is a
representative democracy, which was marked significantly from the classical
democracy of Athenian type. In Ancient Athens, democracy was characterized by the

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following: first, supreme power was vested on the "ekklesis" which is the assembly of all
male citizens at which each was entitled to participate by discussing and voting; this
may be called 'direct democracy'.

In an attempt to describe democracy, five basic elements are considered: these are
equality, sovereignty of the people, respect for human life, and the individual. It is
simply equal right and opportunity of all citizens to hold political office.

Democracy has certain principles which have universal application. The First is the
principle of popular consultations that in a democracy decisions are taken after the
citizens have been widely consulted. The Second is political sovereignty, this implies
that in a democracy power belongs to the people (electorate). The Third, political
equality, regards democratic equality as one of the basic tenets and implies one man
one vote, irrespective of social status, wealth, religion, etc. The Fourth is majority rule
and minority rights which implies that the majority will always have their ways while
the minority opinion must be respected. The Fifth is fundamental human right which
includes the right to life, liberty and property. The Sixth is independence of the
judiciary, that the judiciary must be independent in order to play its role as an arbiter.
The Seventh is that democracy opposes arbitrary rule by the leaders and the Eight, is
obedience of the rule of law.

In Text Question (ITQ 3)

Define democracy and explain two (2) principles of democracy.

There are contending views of democracy among scholars. Some see it as some kind of
power in which citizens are directly engaged in "self-government and self regulation" or
as a means of conferring authority on those periodically voted into office. According to
Held, (1996) this disagreement has given rise to three basic variants or models of
democracy. These are first, the direct or participatory democracy in which citizens are
involved, as in ancient Greek City States. The second model is the liberal or
representative democracy, in which the citizens elect their representatives to
represent them and make decision on their behalf and rule them within the framework
of "rule of law". The third model of democracy is the "Marxist tradition". This is
popularly referred to as “people's democracy". The Marxian thought of democracy is
that it seeks to explain how equality of all citizens from the political, economic and
social life is to be guaranteed in the society.

Marxists and Neo-Marxists insist on how the means of production and distribution will
be based on equality; in other words, to allow equality in the ownership of the means of
production through the nationalization of major enterprises. Equality in the social life
can be achieved through the institutionalization of rights to education, medical care,

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insurance, employment, etc. The collapse of the Soviet Communist bloc in Eastern
Europe has raised some questions as to the applicability and validity of the Marxist
model of democracy as alternative model for liberal democracy.

Larry Diamond (1994) defines democracy as a "Meaningful and extensive competition

among individuals and organized groups (especially political parties) either directly or
indirectly, for the major positions of governmental power in addition to popular
participation in the electoral process and respect for the civil and political rights of the
people". Although, it has been observed in most liberal democracies that, especially in
the new democracies, existence of numerous parties and the conduct of periodic
elections may not result in popular choice of leadership. Democracy in a nutshell is a
set of ideals, institutions and processes of governance that allows the broad mass of the
people to choose their leaders and that guarantees them a broad range of civic rights.
However, this conception of democracy may appear to be inadequate as it is only
concerned with formal political rights and processes to the exclusion of economic
rights. Modern day democracy is essentially social democracy, with the emphasis on
poverty prevention or reduction. In other words, the conception of democracy should
include social and economic upliftment of the masses.

A democratic system can only be evaluated according to the degree of its commitment to
those basic principles or conditions. Democracy thrives where competition for power is
not secretive but open; where there are periodic elections based on universal suffrage;
where pressure groups are able to operate to influence government decisions; where
there is tolerance of all shades of opinion and adequate protection of minority rights;
where the civil liberties of the government are not unnecessarily encroached upon and the
government is responsible, responsive and accountable to the citizens.

The practice of democracy varies from place to place. Some countries operate it at a
much higher level than others. A system is considered more than others to be
democratic when the people have a basic freedom which must be preserved; when the
people can manage their own affairs and when governments exist for the good of the
majority. The political systems such as USA, Britain, France, Sweden, Germany and few
other European countries are usually described as liberal democratic states.

C. Liberal Democracy
Democracy as a political ideology originated from the Greek City State of Athens. The
version of Athenian democracy was quite different from the contemporary liberal
democracy. The difference lies in the number or category of people who were eligible
to participate or vote. For instance, the numerous slaves in Greek Society, all women
and much propertyless people were excluded. Similarly, before the 1860s, the US
Constitution formally excluded black slaves from citizenship, and voting rights were

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given to only people holding property. Interestingly, also after slavery was formally
abolished there were restrictions on black people's political and civil rights, until the
1960s following the Black Civil Rights Movement.

The growth of modern liberal democracies dates back from the 1870s and 1880s, The
1970s saw quite a number of West European States moving towards democratic rule after
many years of authoritarianism. In the 1980s and 1990s, there was democratic movement
in parts of the world, notably, in South American countries of Brazil and Argentina, in Africa
and South East Asia e.g. South Korea and Taiwan. After the collapse of Soviet bloc in 1989,
the Soviet satellite countries joined the clubs of democratic States.

The world today has fully embraced liberal democracy. In Africa, the movement for
democratization and liberalization of political life has become the norm. A successful
democratic election in South Africa in 1994, in Ghana, Nigeria in 1999, and most
recently in Liberia, which marked the end of more than two decades of civil war has
made Africa part of the Third wave of democratization in the world today. As more and
more countries are moving towards democratic governance, the crusades for human
rights begin to be fully entrenched. A liberal democracy is a political system where:
i. Periodic "free and fair" elections take place to determine how governments are
formed and how the legislature is constituted, with free political competition
for groups and political parties and some reasonably efficient system for
assuring majority rule; and
ii. Fundamental civil liberties are protected by law and constitutional safeguards,
while legal enactments and rules are equally and impartially enforced by an
independent judicial and legal system.

The liberal conception of democracy emphasizes majority rule and protection of civil
liberties. It is reasoned that without the protection of civil and political liberties the
government will become tyrannical; although there is always a limit to the enjoyment
of such liberties. All liberal democracies guarantee to the citizens the rights of political
participation in one form or the other, but such rights are limited through certain laws.
For example, there are laws against armed subversion, terrorism and other
undemocratic actions that undermine the general principles of democracy.

In Text Questions (ITQ 4)

Briefly explain 2 major features of liberal democracy.

D. Capitalism
Capitalism is an economic and a social system in which individuals and groups are
allowed to own, manage and control any aspect of the economy according to their
ability and resources. Capitalism arises from the doctrine of liberalism and laissez-faire
economic system. It replaces feudalism which was the oldest of governments in Europe

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in the medieval time. The period 14th to the 17th centuries was the mercantile period
in Europe when the Kings or monarchs were in total control of commerce and trade.
This was marked by massive accumulation of wealth through trade and plunder for the
aggrandizement of European powers. Mercantilism became an ideology for the purpose
of merchants themselves as independent political units and active participants in
domestic and foreign affairs gradually followed.

Classical capitalist doctrine is dated back to the period Adam Smith wrote his book
titled: "The Wealth of Nations"(1776). The classical era gave a central role to the
market system which it held, had the capacity to stimulate, regulate and coordinate
the economic activities of individuals. Adam Smith argues that the market system,
what he calls the "invisible hand" contains a self-generating and self-correcting
mechanism which functions so well that, the government should keep its hands off the
economy. Capitalism opposes strong State intervention in the economic planning. The
political principles that undergird capitalism include the following suppositions:
i. that the role of the government should be limited to the maintenance of law and
order, upholding the sanctity of contract, regulating currency, raising taxes and
containing external aggressions;
ii. that economic power should be diffused among many property owners rather
than be concentrated in the hands of one owner that is, the state, and
iii. that government should not engage in any effort to redistribute economic
reward since the system ensures that wealth goes to those who serve the needs
of the society best while poverty goes to those who contribute little.
The development of capitalism falls into a number of stages, characterized by different
levels of maturity and each of them recognizable by fairly distinctive traits. If we begin
with the consideration that capitalism is a specific mode of production, then it follows
that we cannot speak of a special period of "Merchant Capitalism" as it is usually the
case. The beginning of capitalism was when changes in the mode of production occured
in the sense of a direct subordinate of the producers to a capitalist. It is argued that,
the appearance of trading class - merchant capitalism has no revolutionary significant
influence on the economic pattern of society than the appearance of a class of
capitalists whose fortunes are inadequately linked with industry.

The history of capitalism began in England in the 16th and the early 17th centuries
when Capital began to penetrate production on a considerable scale, either in the form
of a fairly matured relationship between capitalist and hired wage - earners or in the
less developed form of the subordinate of domestic handicraftsmen, working in their
own homes, to capitalist on the so-called "putting-out system". Maurice Dobb (1974)
argues that, prior to 16th and 17th centuries, that the craftsman had lost much of his
independence through debt or in the face of monopoly of wholesale traders, and also

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depended on a merchant, who possessed the capital. In the 14th century there was a
good deal of what Maurice Dobb termed Kulak types of enterprise - the - well - to - do
peasant in the village or the local trader or worker - owner in town handicrafts,
employing hired labour.

The 17th century was one of the decisive moments in the political and social
transformations, including the struggle within the chartered corporations and the
parliamentary struggle against monopoly, reaching its apex, in the Cromwellian
Revolution in England. The other decisive moment consists of the industrial revolution
of the late 18th century and in the early half of the 19th century, which primarily was of
economic significance; it had a less dramatic, but far from unimportant reflection in
the political sphere. So decisive was it for the whole future of capitalist economy, so
radical a transformation of the structure and organization of industry did it represent,
as to have caused some to regard it as the birth pang of modern capitalism and hence as
the most decisive moment in economic and social development since the Middle Ages.

In Text Question (ITQ 5)

Trace briefly the origin of capitalism.

To be consistent in our argument of the origin of the capitalist mode of production, we

must add the third decisive moments in the transition from the medieval mode of
production to the capitalist mode. This was the period that marked the disintegration
of feudalism. The 14th century witnessed a crisis of the old feudal order, following
closely on the heels of the rise of corporate towns to a large measure of local autonomy,
political and economic, as well as to a greatly enhanced influence in national affairs. In
this crisis the feudal mode of production, based on serfdom, was seriously shaken and
reached an advanced stage of disintegration, the effects of which were seen in the
malaise of landlord economic mode in the following century. However, it is true that
the disintegration of the feudal mode of production had already reached an advanced
stage before the capitalist mode of production emerged within the womb of the old. To
avoid misapprehension and misinterpretation of issues, the history of capitalism and
the stages in its development, do not necessarily have the same dating for different
parts of the country or for different industries. It will be right at times to talk of a
collection of histories of capitalism and not a single history because all of them have a
general similarity of shapes, but each of them is separately dated as regards its main
stages.

In the transitional stages of the development of capitalism, there was a major

transition from one form of class harmony to another and minor transitions which mark
stages within the life-span of given economic system. Where a new class, linked with a
new mode of production, makes itself the dominant class and ousts the representative

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of the old economic and social order who previously held sway. It is this change of policy
and hence the direction in which its influence is exerted at a national level that gives
special significance to such moments as the English Revolution of the 17th century or
1789 in France or 1917 in Russia.

The history of capitalism falls into many phases and developmental stages (of
capitalism through the main phases into which its history falls). These phases have been
associated essentially with technical change affecting the character of production:
§ For this reason the capitalists associated with each new phase have tended to be
initially at least a different structure of capitalists from those who had sunk
their capital in the older type of production. It is indeed crucial at this stage to
link the periods when the policy of the State in a class society moves in the
direction of economic regulation with periods of actual or apprehended labour
scarcity and periods when State policy is inspired by a spirit of economic
liberalism with an opposite situation. The reason which prompts the State at any
time towards intervention in production may be various and complex; so also are
the possible forms and objects of intervention. State intervention intended to
grow in countries of Western Europe in the 14th and early 15th centuries, which
was a period of almost universal labour scarcity; whereas, the 19th centuries
witnessed a period of an abundant labour reserve and rapid increase of
population and the greatest triumphs of laissez-faire.
§ The history of capitalism falls into main phases and developmental stages. These
stages have been associated essentially with technical change affecting the
character of production for this reason

The 20th century saw the growth of the welfare state. The mainstream liberal
democratic theorist J. S. Mill (1972) accepted the need for large scale welfare states to
stabilize capitalism and meet the pressure from social democratic parties. The war
time experience of democratic governments controlling and directing industrial
production and directing labour as indicating that the state economic planning
advocated by social democrats and Marxists was much more feasible than they had
previously thought, Dumleavy, (2004). In the 1930s laissez-faire position seemed less
plausible as state intervention in economic and social policies proved successful in
President Roosevelts' New Deal in pulling the USA out of the Great Depression. With the
onset of the Second World War, State planning was in all the major combatant countries
to organize production in the UK and USA.

The general picture of state policy in capitalists system is its crave for freedom, since only
in the absence of regulation and control can it find favourable conditions for expansion.
Capitalism in this context is against any legal restraint and monopoly, and monopoly is the
product of illegitimate intrusion of the state into the economic domain, in pursuit of
power instead of plenty or of social stability at the cost of commercial prosperity. Freedom

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could only be sustained by minimizing the growth of the state.

There is no doubt that modern capitalism has been progressive in a high degree,
according to the well-known tribute paid to it by Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels in the
Communist Manifesto (1846) "the bourgeoisie has played an extremely revolutionary
role upon the stage of history... it was the first to show us what human activity is
capable of achieving... (it) cannot exist without incessantly revolutionizing the
instruments of production, and, consequently, the relations of production". The
progressive influence of capitalism is somehow halted because of some enduring
quality of the system, which thrives on continuous innovation and unusual buoyancy of
markets as well as with an abnormal rate of increase of its labour supply.

Basic Characteristics of Capitalism

There are certain features that distinguish capitalism from socialism. These are as
follows:
(i) Private ownership, management and control of the means of economic
production, distribution and exchange.
(ii) The production of goods and services is usually for profit, not for general use.
Individuals organize their business in such a way as to make profit.
(iii) It insists on government protection of fundamental human rights of the individual.
This is the political aspect of capitalism, because it ensures that the rights of the
individual are guaranteed, there is the practice of multi-party system.
(iv) Existence of two dominant classes- the owner of capital (bourgeoisie) and the
workers (proletariat). The workers sell their labour to the owners of capital and
receive wages in return.
(v) Private and free enterprise - individuals are free to do any type of business they
desire in accordance with laid down rules and regulations by the state.
(vi) Property could be owned both by the individual and the state.

In Text Question (ITQ 6)

"Capitalism as a dynamic system of production has made great contribution to human
development" Do you agree?

E. Socialism
Socialism has often been misinterpreted because of its complex nature. It is perhaps,
the most complete political ideology because its goals are all encompassing. It is both
an economic system and a social, political and moral philosophy. Socialism can be
conceived as an ideology and also as a political movement or a method to bring about
social, economic and political transformation. Socialism refers to a system, in any
country, of the organization of economic production, distribution and exchange. It is a
system in which the major factors of economic production, distribution and exchange

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are in the hands of the state.

Socialism is a political movement for the establishment of a socialist system of
government. It is also a method as well as a doctrine for the organization of socialist
political parties and trade unions. Socialism represents a stage or epoch in the
historical transformation of societies from - capitalism to communism. Socialism is a
protest against capitalism, which emphasizes private ownership of property or means
of production, distribution and exchange. Communism is the last stage of socialism,
which will lead to the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat or workers.

Leon Baradat (1997) provides three basic features of socialism. In other words,
socialism can be divided into three basic features. Two of them, ownership of
production and establishment of the welfare state, are mechanical and are not
necessarily related to each other. The third is the belief in the socialist intent, which is
the most fundamental aspect of socialism and must exist together with one or both of
the mechanical features, otherwise, true socialism cannot be said to exist. We shall
return to these issues later in this section.

In the development of socialism, what is traditionally understood to mean the application

of collective production and consumption to an entire nation. The argument is that
socialism became feasible with the Industrial Revolution, when the resources for national
coordination of an economy had come into existence. Rosseau opposed great differences
in property ownership among citizens because the disparity would create unequal political
powers among them. This is the foundation of socialism, as it advocates for economic
equality as fundamental to a just society. It is only in an environment of economic equality
is the full potential of each individual completely free to develop. Hence, though primarily
economic in nature, socialism is also a political ideology.

Socialism is based on the premise that individuals should produce as much as they can,
and in the spirit of social conscientiousness, to share their product with the society at
large. By this means, it is assumed that each will get the greatest benefit, thereby
creating the best possible life for all.

Utopian socialism movement developed from a sincere desire for equality within the
society and from genuine compassion for the masses at the bottom of the social
structure. Members of this movement concluded that lavishing sumptuous wealth on
some while allowing others to languish in squalor was immoral, since the economy
produced enough for all to live comfortably if goods were distributed more evenly.
Many Utopians believed that there was an ideal equalitarian social order that, if
discovered and implemented, would lead humanity to a more profound level of
prosperity and happiness. Utopian socialists also believed that only the workers create
wealth, therefore, they held that society should adjust its social, economic, and

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political systems to prevent unequal distribution of wealth.

The Utopian socialist movement originated with the help of three personalities - Saint-
Simon, Robert Owen, and Charles Fourier. Important as these Utopians socialists were to
the development of socialism; their influence is largely limited to their own generation.
Far more important to socialist theory was Karl Marx. Prior to Marx, the basis of the
proposed socialist societies had been the humanitarian hope that people would treat each
other better as their material conditions improved. Though Marx was compassionate as he
never based his conclusion of socialism on a humanitarian desire for a better life. His
theory postulates certain "laws" of human motivation and conduct (economic determinism
and dialectic materialism). It concludes that socialism is the unavoidable goal of human
historical development. This view became so dominant and superior to his predecessors
that he captivated the socialist movement until his death in 1883.

In Text Question (ITQ)

1. Define socialism
2. Explain the basic features of socialism

Origins of Socialism
The origin of socialism is traced to pre-revolutionary France. Jean Jacque Rousseau (1712-78),
though not a socialist, gave leftist foundations of equalitarianism on which socialism is based.
After the French Revolution, Utopian socialists deplored the suffering caused by early
capitalism and claimed that humanity was destined to live communally. But the failure of
Utopian socialists to explain adequately and in a more scientific manner about social
relationship informed Marx's "scientific socialism", which came to dominate the movement.
After Marx's death, the socialist movement shattered into three distinct and competitive
variants. First, the orthodox school, which rejected any significant change to Marx's works and
rapidly became obsolete. The second was the revisionists and the Fabians that challenged
most of the fundamental Marxist theories preferring more gradual and peaceful development
of the socialist goals. Their ideas had a great impact on almost every modern non-Marxist
socialist movement in Europe and America. The third is Marxism-Leninism that developed
after Marx's death.

V. I. Lenin (1870-1924) was more practical than Marx, though his ideology was not as consistent
as Marx. The central argument of Marxism-Leninism is that capitalist institutions such as
imperialism discouraged the spontaneous proletarian revolutions that Marx had predicted.
Lenin created an elite group of dedicated revolutionaries who would lead the rebellion and
govern after the capitalist system collapsed. When the bourgeois ruler had been replaced by
the dictatorship of the proletariat, a system that rewarded people according to their work
would be established. Through education, material rewards, and elimination of the worst
dissidents from society, the proletariat would grow until it was the only economic class in the

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society. Then the system would evolve into the classic Marxist Utopia communism.
Scientific Socialism of Karl Marx
Scientific socialism is an attempt to demonstrate or apply scientific interpretation of human
history. It is argued that man is governed by material needs and this reduces him to an "earth
bound beast with no spark of the lofty and divine" William E. Bernstein, (1993:34). As Karl Marx
lived during a time when belief in science was at its peak, he believed that he had discovered
the economic laws that governed human and social development, hence, his supporters called
his theory “scientific socialism”. It is assumed that humanity was on the verge of a new era of
knowledge and understanding of things. Engels who was a collaborator with Karl Marx, was
convinced that Marx had done for social history what Darwin had done for biological sciences.
To Engels, "as Darwin discovered the law of development of organic nature, so Marx discovered
the developmental law of human history" (Baradat 1997, p. 108).

The idea of scientific socialism, according to Marx, is to distinguish it from Utopian socialism.
The essence therefore is that revolution which will sweep away class exploitation by the
bourgeoisie of workers and class privileges would inevitably occur out of a class struggle
between the 'haves' (bourgeoisie) and the 'have nots' (proletariat).

Scientific socialism rests on the theory of historical materialism, which is in terms of dialectics
of history. The underlying principle of materialism is a protest against capitalism. The work of
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels Das Kapital is a critique of the capitalist system. Marxism
posits a materialist interpretation of human history. It is assumed that the mode of production
of goods and services and the manner of exchange of these goods and services constitute the
bases of all social processes and institutions. Marx insists that it is the economic structure that
determines the politics. In other words, the most fundamental assumption in Marxism is
economic determinism.

Economic determinism suggests that the primary human motivation is economic. "It is not the
consciousness of men that determines their existence", Marx argues, "but their social
existence that determines their consciousness". That is, what we value and what we do
politically is determined by our economic circumstances. This view has gained a lot of ground
in academic discourse in political economy, that economics plays an important part in
determining political behaviour.

Marx saw all societies as composed of two parts: the foundation (Base) and the
superstructure. The foundation of any society is the material condition. In other words, the
economic system is at the base of the society. Marx divided the economy into two basic factors
the means of production and the relations of production. The means of production are the
resources and technology at the disposal of a particular society, and their interrelationship
determines the kind of economic system the society enjoys. The relations of production (or
social classes) are determined by the foundation. The superstructure is composed of all
nonmaterial institutions in the society, and each is arranged in a way that suits the ruling class.

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The superstructure includes the values, ideology, government, educati on, law, religion, art,
and so on.

Source: Leon Baradat., 1997: 175.

The basis of Marx's argument for violence was his perception of the dialectic process. He
believed that technological change cannot be stopped. Resources will become depleted, and
new means of production will inevitably evolve, resulting in economic change. When the
economy changes, economic determinism dictates that the entire foundation of the society
must be transformed, forcing a change in its superstructure as well.

In Text Questions (ITQ 8)

1. Define scientific socialism of Karl Marx.
2. Distinguish between the Base and the Superstructure of society.

Economic change cannot be prevented, because it forces social change, which, in turn drives
political change. Violence is seen as necessary in this process because the rulers who control
the economy feel their economic and political power is threatened by the uncontrollable
changes taking place in the means of production.

Marxist historical theory is the basis for the belief that Marx created a "scientific" theory of
socialism. The dialectic in part of this theory was taken from the thinking of Hegel (1770-
1831). Hegelian thought was based on change. Hegel believed that the world was progressing
toward a goal that was predetermined by God. This goal, he called 'The Idea'. Marx borrows
this concept of dialectic from Hegel, which he saw as a means of achieving historical progress
through struggle.

The fundamental logic of history is the struggle that will ultimately bring about a change.
Change itself is what is constant. To Hegel, history was simply the process of change brought
on by struggle. He argues that the dialectic was a struggle between divinely inspired ideas and
that it led to changes in the earthly social or political environment (Baradat, 1997, p. 178-79).

Marx rejects Hegel's meta-physical assumptions and adopted the dialectic as the fundamental
logic of history. He however, agrees with Hegel that humanity would eventually reach the end
of the process change. The state of affairs, which Hegel called the Thesis, will be challenged

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by a new idea, the Antithesis. A conflict between the Thesis and the Antithesis will follow; this
is called the Dialectic Process. The result of this conflict will, according to Hegel, be a
synthesis of all the good parts of the Thesis and of the Antithesis. Then the synthesis becomes
the new thesis to which another antithesis eventually develops and so on to infinity.

Marx claimed that the dialectic was a conflict among worldly interests. He believed that
human conflict was caused by social-class differences. Marx held that the struggle which
occurred at the end of one historical era and led to the dawn of a new one was a struggle
between opposing social classes. Further, he believed that humanity had passed through four
historical stages and was about to enter its fifth and final era. Each historical era had been
characterized by a particular economic system (the means and relations of production)
leading to a specific political system (superstructure).

In the Marxian dialectic the four eras were:

1. The primitive communism when every person marked at producing, and people shared
their produce with one another in order to survive;
2. The era of slavery when the dominant people forced the dominated people into
servitude;
3. A new political - economic system that emerged, called feudalism in which a landed
aristocracy provided police and military protection to the peasants, who soon became
serfs (people legally bound to the land- "land slaves") and farmed the nobles' lands. The
fourth revolution in the 1640s and the American and French upheavals of the late 18th
century featured capitalism as its economic system. Marx called the new political
systems bourgeois democracies.

In Text Questions (ITQ 9)

In not more than 5 sentences explain Marxian dialectics.
Capitalism fostered factory workers, the proletariat (or wage slaves) a class that would act as
the antithesis in the fourth historical era. Marx believed that the tension between the two
classes would build into a new and final dialectic struggle.

Capitalism had increased human productivity to the point at which all basic material needs
could be satisfied. Marx assumed that the victory of the proletariat was inevitable; it would be
a victory of the exploited over the exploiter. He also believed that the proletariat itself would
not be exploitative. To him, if all other classes were eliminated the source of all human strife
would disappear and a new, classless society holding its goods in common would emerge,
which is the communist society.

Basic Features of Socialism:

i. Public Ownership of Production: The concept of public ownership and control of the
major means of production is a fundamental principle of socialism. This is through
nationalization and in some advanced Western states, like Norway, Sweden and
Denmark, they employ cooperatives, as a mean of socializing the economy.

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ii. The Welfare State: This is to allow for equitable distribution of wealth throughout society.
What is much more important to the socialist is the distribution of the goods and services
and not just the production. For instance, in the 1930s, President Franklin Roosevelt
introduced the new Deal, to give capitalism a human face. At this time, programmes such
as social security, government supports for agriculture, unemployment and workers'
compensation, welfare programmes, federal guarantees for housing loans, government
insurance for saving deposits, and so on, were introduced.

iii. The Socialist Intent: Baradat (1997) argues that the first two features are mechanical in
nature and not necessarily related to each other. To him, a society could socialize many,
or even all, of its major means of production and still avoid creating a welfare state.

The goal of socialism is to set people free from the condition of material dependence
that has imprisoned them since the beginning of time. The true socialist looks forward
to a time when the productive capacity of the society would have been increased to the
point at which there will be no poverty. This is as a result of technology that has created
a situation in which people can produce enough to satisfy all their basic needs.

Since there will be plenty for all, traditional property values such as private ownership,
the use of money and the accumulation of luxuries by one class while others live in
squalor, will disappear.

Socialism is an economic equivalent of democracy with individual political equality.

Hence, socialism is compatible with democracy, since it is to the individual
economically what democracy is to the individual politically.

In Text Question (ITQ 10)

State the three basic features of socialism.

F. Dictatorial Ideologies
Essentially, all other political ideologies that do not share the same characteristics as
democracy are dictatorial in nature. In this section, we attempt to bring out the basic
elements that are common to all the dictatorial regimes in the history of mankind. The
dictatorial ideologies that we shall be considering here are: authoritarianism,
totalitarianism, fascism, autocracy, tyranny, etc. He classified all of them as dictatorship.

Authoritarianism represents various forms of autocratic rule in which political authority is

concentrated in the hands of one person or a small group of persons. This may be seen as
oligarchy, that is, government by few individuals that are considered as elites. These could
be in the military, that is, when the military regime is in power, it is usually made up of few
persons that constitute themselves as a ruling clique. In such a system political power is
highly centralized and the power which the regime wields is arbitrarily used.

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Like all dictatorial regimes, political power is in the hands of one person or an oligarchy.
Since dictatorship implies irresponsible exercise of political power with no moral or
political control or restraint, no election and political opposition is not allowed.
Political opposition may exist in theory but not in practice. In practice, in a
dictatorship, opposition may be emasculated. In a situation where opposition is
allowed to exist, it is usually in a small scale and the regime at times adopts benevolent
policies, which in turn aptly describe it as "enlightened dictatorship or despotism". A
despot is a tyrant who induces fear on his subjects to compel obedience. A tyrannical
ruler does not obey the constitution if there is any; arbitrarily, laws are made without
regard to fundamental human rights and rule of law.

Despotism and tyranny are extreme versions of dictatorship. In this case, despotism
and tyranny display various forms of total control of the entire public and private life of
the citizens. The citizens are subjected and subjugated in various ways by the leaders
as it were in Fascist Italy, under Benito Mussolini, Nazi Germany of Adolf Hitler,
Communist Russia under V. I. Lenin, Stalin, and so on.

Fascism is a kind of ideology which emerged in the 20th century. Fascism as a political
doctrine or ideology was rooted from totalitarianism. Fascism as a political theory
came in Italy in 1922, during the depression which followed World War I. The Fascist
leader, Benito Mussolini (1883-1945) spread the doctrine of fascism in all the nooks and
crannies in Europe. The Fascist leader was seen as the most superior, and he controlled
all the instruments of coercion and violence. The leader believed in war and not peace.
To Mussolini, "war is to man what maternity is to a woman".

The central political idea of fascism is the creation of a truly sovereign state with a
sovereign authority. The state dominates all other forces within the country and is at
the same time guiding the sentiments of the masses, educating the masses and looking
after the interest of the masses. According to Mussolini, fascism is against international
peace, socialism, pacifism, democracy and individualism. Fascism is thus the
totalitarian organization of government and society by a single party dictatorship
which is intensely nationalist, racist, militarist and imperialistic.

Nazism which was a political movement in which Adolf Hitler ruled Germany between
(1933-1945) shares the same political ideas or doctrine with fascism, except that Adolf
Hitler emphasized the superiority or supremacy of the Aryan race, while fascism
emphasized the supremacy of the leader over the state. Both fascism and Nazism were
all rooted from totalitarianism.

Totalitarianism is an advanced form of authoritarian state. In an authoritarian

government as earlier alluded, power is concentrated in an individual or in the hands of
a group. Monarchies, oligarchies, and military governments are examples of
authoritarian governments. Just like these forms of government, totalitarian state,

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does not allow majority of citizens any direct or institutionalized role in the process of
decision-making. There are important limitations to political parties and elections. The
political rulers often place greater emphasis on force and coercion to obtain political
conformity and obedience. Totalitarianism therefore is a doctrine based on the use of
terror or force to compel obedience. The entire life both political, economic, and
social is in the hands of the state, represented by the leaders. Examples of totalitarian
regimes or states include fascist Italy under Mussolini Nazi Germany under Adolf Hitler
and the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin.

9.7 CONCLUSION
We have defined and explained various ideologies which has emerged over the
centuries. We have highlighted the features and functions of ideology. The sources of
ideas and the movements that follow in the case of fascism, communism, democracy,
socialism etc are clear instances that demonstrate that ideology is very important in
political development in the world today.

9.8 SUMMARY
At the end of this Unit, you have learnt:
a. What ideology is.
b. Distinguishing features of ideology.
c. Functions of ideology
d. Types of ideologies.

9.9 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQ)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. One of the following wrote the German Ideology:
A. Karl Marx
B. Maurice Dobb
C. Marx and Engels
D. V. I. Lenin

2. The following are different types of ideologies except one:

A. Socialism
B. Capitalism
C. Fascism
D. Homo sexualism

3. The following are characteristics of capitalism except one

A. Individual ownership property
B. Individuals manage and control businesses.

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C. Individuals pay income taxes

D. Distribution is controlled by the Government.
4. Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels praised the Bourgeoisie in one of the following
publications:
A. The German Ideology
B. The Revolution in France
C. The Communist Manifesto
D. Das Capital

5. Fascism was developed as an ideology and as a movement in Europe by

A. Joseph Stalin
B. Benito Mussolini
C. Adolf Hitler
D. General Franco

6. Adolf Hitler and his national socialists came to power in Germany in

A. 1935
B. 1933
C. 1938
D. 1940

7. In classical Marxism what is established immediately after the proletarian revolution is

A. Dictatorship of the proletariat
B. Bureaucratic party rule
C. Redistribution of wealth
D. Expulsion of all anarchists

Essay: Define ideology and explain why ideology is so important in politics today.

9.10 REFERENCES
Anifowosc Remi and Francis Enemuo, (ed), 1999. Elements of politics, Lagos: Malthouse
Press Ltd.

Ball, Allan R. 1971. Modem politics and government, London: Macmillan.

Baradat, Leon P. 1997. Political ideologies: their origins and impact, New Jersey;
Prentice Hall, sixth edition.

Dobb, Maurice H, 1946. Studies in the development of capitalism, London: Routledge

and Kegan Paul.

9.11 FURTHER READINGS

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STUDY SESSION 10
CONSTITUTION
CONTENTS
10.0 Introduction
10.1 Learning Outcomes
10.2 Main Body
10.3 Types of Constitutions
A. Written
B. Unwritten
C. Rigid and Flexible
D. Unitary and Federal
E. Confederal
F. Presidential and Parliamentary
10.4 Conclusion
10.5 Summary
10.6 Self Assessment Questions (SAQS)
10.7 References
10.8 Further Readings

10.0 INTRODUCTION
Constitution is the document that embodies the steps that determine how we do things
in the society. It is essentially the embodiment of the most fundamental rules,
principles and institutions which constitute the political fabric of a state. Rules are
those regulations that govern a particular action, and principles are the underlying
premises of these regulations. In essence, a constitution helps to bring order and sanity
to the society and ensures the good governance of the generality of the people.

10.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

By the end of this study session, you should be able to accurately:
a) Explain the essential ingredients of the constitution.
b) Identify the rights, duties and obligations as enshrined in the constitution
c) Differentiate between the different types of constitutions.

10.2 MAIN BODY

10.3 Types of Constitutions

There are different types of constitutions. Let us briefly do an overview of each.

A. Written Constitutions
A written constitution is the body of rules and laws that govern a people which can be
found in one document. It is a result of a deliberate framing and adoption of a specific
document intended to embody most of the fundamental rules and institutions by which
a state is to be governed.

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From historical accounts, for about the last two centuries, almost all constitutional
governments have had written constitutions, usually in the form of a single basic document,
which is different from an ordinary law because it defines the fundamental framework and
system of restraint within which the state operates. It is in this sense that a written
constitution can be referred to as the supreme law of the land. In another sense, it is an
embodiment of the political principles and institutional patterns that are so fundamental as
to be considered indispensable. Some of the countries that operate written constitutions
include Canada, Ghana, India, Nigeria and the United States ofAmerica.

B. Unwritten Constitutions
Generally, constitutions are said to be unwritten because they have evolved on the
basis of custom rather than on written law. The reference point in this regard remains
that of Great Britain. This is because its constitution is scattered in several documents
and drawn from diverse sources from the 13th century to the present. The constitution
constitutes four basic elements of which only one is written in black and white.

In the first instance, an unwritten constitution consists of documents and statutes

which have provided solutions to successive constitutional crises. These include the
Magna Carta of 1215; Petition of Rights, 1628; Bill of Rights, 1689; The Reform Act of
1832 and the Parliamentary Act of 1911. Each of these documents represents a
landmark in British constitutionalism.

The second important elements of an unwritten constitution are the parliamentary

statutes which have brought about important changes in the development of the
United Kingdom. These statues were not a product of any dramatic constitutional
crisis, but they assisted in effecting fundamental changes that accorded them an
important place in the statute books. Some examples of these statutes include those
that defined rights and duties of citizens and those laws which helped to broaden the
suffrage. In essence, any law of parliament which changes the existing power structure
or operation of the British political system becomes a part of the constitution.

The third element of the unwritten constitution is the great mass of laws created by
many generations of English judges. The personal right of an Englishman, for instance,
freedom of speech, press, assembly and the right to trial by jury are firmly protected by
established principles of the common law rather than by any Act of Parliament. These
principles are essential in restraining the power of the government and as such
constitute a vital element of British constitution.

The fourth elements of the unwritten constitution are customs and conventions. These
conventions are not embodied in written law or judicial decisions, but have gradually
evolved over many generations. Conventions are products of long experience in
developing workable relationships among the Chief institutions of British government.

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The only sanction behind these conventions is the force of custom and tradition. It is
customary for example, for the cabinet in Great Britain to resign if it meets with a
defeat in the House of Commons on a major issue.

In general terms, an unwritten constitution evolves slowly in response to dominant

social and political forces. It entails therefore that they are not products of a single act
or authority but a product of tradition and emerging needs.

In Text Question (ITQ 1)

State the four important elements of the unwritten constitution.

C. Rigid and Flexible Constitutions

A rigid constitution is a constitution with cumbersome and rigorous procedures for
amendment. Most federal states are known to operate rigid constitutions. There is always
the impression that a written constitution is simultaneously rigid and that an unwritten
constitution is flexible. However, the major distinguishing factor between a rigid and
flexible constitution is not on whether it is written or unwritten, but whether the process
of constitutional law making is or is not identical with the process of ordinary law making.
Therefore, a constitution which can be amended or altered without recourse to any
special agreement could be termed a flexible constitution, while a constitution which
requires a special procedure for its alteration or amendment is a rigid constitution. In this
regard, constitutions can be differentiated from one another through the method by
which they could be amended. The tendency therefore in distinguishing rigid and flexible
constitutions is that a constitution which contains a number of legal obstacles to its
amendment will be harder to amend or alter, and will therefore be less frequently altered
than those constitutions which contain fewer obstacles at all. It is therefore important to
note that the case or frequency with which a constitution is amended depends not only on
the legal or constitutional provisions or requirements that prescribe the method of change
but also on the predominant political and social groups in the community and the extent to
which they are satisfied with the organization and distribution of political powers which
the constitution prescribes.

In Text Question (ITQ 2)

Distinguish between a flexible and a rigid constitution.

D. Unitary and Federal Constitutions

The nature of the state also determines the type of constitution it operates. Most
modern states are either unitary or federal. In accordance with this notion, unitary and
federal states can be differentiated from a confederal state.

A unitary state is characterized by the habitual exercise of superior legislative

authority by one central government. A federal state on the other hand is a political
contrivance intended to reconcile national unit and power with the maintenance of

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state rights. A unitary state is organized under a single central government. Whatever
powers that the various units within the area administered by the central government
have are held at the discretion of that government, and the central power is supreme
over the whole without any restrictions imposed by any law granting special powers to
its parts. There is therefore no question of any limitation being placed on the power of
the central authority/government by any law making body belonging to any smaller
part of the state.

In a federal state, the number of the coordinate units unites for certain common and
mutual purposes. Under a federal constitution, the powers of the central or federal
authority are limited by certain powers which the units retain in furtherance of the
common purpose. The constitution in this situation determines the distribution of
power between the centre and regional units. The constitution also states those rights
that are to be retained by the federating units and those that are taken over by the
federal authority.

E. CON-FEDERAL CONSTITUTION
The third possibility in the distinction between unitary and federal constitutions is a
situation where the government of the whole country is subordinate to the component
units. It is usual to call such constitutional arrangement a confederation.
Confederation hence may be used to describe a form of association established to
regulate matter of common interest or concern, but retain to themselves greater
degree of some control over the central government. It will be misleading to call
central authority of a confederation a government, because the various parts are also
governments. ECOWAS remains a good example of a confederation.

In Text Questions (ITQ 3)

1. Define what a constitution is.
2. Describe two types of constitutions known to you.

F. Presidential and Parliamentary Constitutions

A distinction can also be made among constitutions on the basis of the method by which
powers are distributed inside the government. In this regard, the constitution can be
divided into those which embody to a greater or lesser degree the doctrine of
separation of powers, and those which do not embody the doctrine. Put differently, the
distinction among constitutions is in line with those who established the Presidential
Executive and the Parliamentary or Cabinet system. The doctrine of separation of
powers means that each arm of government, the Legislature, the Executive and the
Judiciary, is confined exclusively to a separate institution of government. It is also
assumed that there will be no over-lapping either of functions or personnel of
government. In the U. S. A. for example, the Congress is vested with all legislative
powers. The President is charged with the responsibility of executing the laws while,

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the judicial powers are vested in the Supreme Court and other inferior courts. This is
the basis upon which the constitution of USA has been classified as embodying the
concept of separation of powers.

In a Parliamentary/Cabinet system of government, the constitution enjoins that the

ministers and the Head of Executive must at the same time be members of Parliament.
Therefore, there is no strict separation of powers in a cabinet system between the
three arms of government.

Note, however, that even though the American constitution separates the three
institutions of government and forbids overlapping of personnel between them, the
separation is not absolute. Although the legislative powers are granted to Congress, the
President has the right to veto the acts of the congress and his veto can only be over-
ruled by 2/3 majority of the Congress and the Senate. Although the Executive power is
vested in the President, he must ask the advice and consent of the Senate for the
making of treaties and in making important appointments. Although the judicial
powers are vested in the Supreme Court and other subordinate courts, the Senate is
empowered to impeach a corrupt judge or insane President.

A Constitution exists to define legitimate political power as a system of regularizing,

and restraining the power of government; it and necessarily defines who shall exercise
political power, how this power is to be exercised and the unit to exercise the power.
Most constitutions therefore have a common pattern in the sense that they contain
statements intended to define the relationships between the rulers and the ruled, the
basic institutional framework of government, the rights and duties of all citizens and
many important procedures that are to be followed in the government of the state.

In Text Questions (ITQ 4)

Compare and contrast Presidential and the Parliamentary constitutions.

10.4 CONCLUSION
In this study session, we have briefly examined various types of constitutions. In the
next study session, we shall look at constitutionalism.

10.5 SUMMARY
Different countries operate different types of constitutions. In this Unit, you have
specifically been able to learn the various types of constitutions. Study session 11 will
therefore build on this Unit and introduce you to constitutionalism.

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10.6 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTION (SAQS)

1. A constitution is said to be one of the following:
A. The book of life
B. The Grundnorm
C. The Parliament made laws
D. Supreme court's decisions

2. The federal structure of Nigeria began with

A. The Clifford constitution
B. The Macpherson constitution
C. The Richard constitution
D. The Lyttleton constitution

3. A constitution is
A. Always written
B. Always unwritten
C. The fundamental law of the land
D. Derived from decrees and Edicts.

4. In a confederal system sovereignty resides

A. The centre
B. Local governments
C. The component states
D. The centre and the component states

5. Fusion of executive and legislature functions is practiced in

A. Unitary constitution
B. Written constitution
C. Parliamentary constitution
D. Presidential constitution

6. High turnover of constitutional amendments or wholesome change to constitution is

common in
A. Presidential constitution
B. Federal constitution
C. Unitary constitution
D. Unwritten constitutions

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Essay: “Constitution can be referred to as source of legitimacy of government”. Discuss.

10.7 REFERENCES
Dicey, A.V. 1926. Introduction to the study of the law of the constitution (8th ed.)
London, Macmillan.

Dumbauld, E. (ed.) 1966. Political writings of Thomas Jefferson; Freedom and the
state, forum book, U. S. A.

Elias, T. O. 1967. Nigeria. The Development of its law and constitution. Stevens,
London.

10.8 FURTHER READINGS

Awa, E. O. 1969. Federal Government in Nigeria, University of California Press. USA .

Burns, A. 1972. History of Nigeria (8th ed.).Umvin Bros. Ltd.

Watts, 1966. New federations, London: Oxford University Press.

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STUDY SESSION 11

CONSTITUTIONALISM
CONTENTS
11.0 Introduction
11.1 Learning Outcomes
11.2 Main Body
11.3 Constitutional Development
11.4 Publication of the 1979 Draft Constitution
11.5 Constituent Assembly
11.6 Roles Envisaged For the Constituent Assembly
11.7 The Alternatives
11.8 Conclusion
11.9 Summary
11.10 Self Assessment Questions (SAQS)
11.11 References
11.12 Further Readings

11.0 INTRODUCTION
Constitutionalism is a goal (i.e. a means to an end), and it refers to the regularity of
political life within a state by means of a constitution. As a concept, constitutionalism
means limited government i.e. a system of restraint on both the rulers and the ruled.
Constitutionalism asserts that there are fundamental limits which must be observed in
the relationship between the rulers and the ruled. When the power relationship among
the groups in political society becomes regularized under law and subject to well-
defined restraint, the constitutional government exists.

11.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of study session, you should be able to:
a) Explain the process of constitution making.
b) Describe the history of and constitutional development in Nigeria.

11.2 MAIN BODY

11.3 CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

A constitution can be meaningful if it draws its inspiration from the values, and
attitudes of those people over whom that constitution will apply. Nigerian experience
in constitution making could, for convenience sake, be divided into 4 (four) periods.

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The Period of Colonial Experience (1914-60)

The experience during this period varied from that of imposed constitutions with
gradual regulation over time, allowing participation of Nigerians in varying degrees. At
the early stage of Nigeria's colonial experience, constitutions were imposed on
Nigerians in the sense that they were not allowed either to determine the nature of the
document or to participate in the processes of bringing them into being. The Lugard
Constitution of 1914 was responsible for creating legally what we now refer to as
Nigeria by merging the Southern and Northern Nigeria protectorates into one entity.
Therefore the 1914 Lugard Nigeria Council can be called the first Nigerian Constitution.

A. Clifford Constitution of 1922

Sir Hugh Clifford who became the Governor of Nigeria in 1922 established a new
constitution in which he ushered in the elective principle for elected members into the
legislative council. The council consisted of the governor, 26 official members, 19
unofficial members out of which 15 were nominated by the Governor to represent some
commercial interests as well as other areas of the protectorates not represented by the
elected members. The other 4 members were elected, 3 to represent Lagos and 1 for
Calabar. These 4 were the first ever-elected African members of any legislative council
in British Tropical Africa.

The executive council that was established by Clifford was an advisory body consulted
by the Governor whenever he found it necessary. Its advice was not biding on him.
There were no dramatic changes both in terms of the constitution and that of Lugard in
1914. Twenty-four years after the Clifford Constitution, there was the Richard's
Constitution of 1946.

B. Richard's Constitution of 1946

This constitution introduced the concept of regionalism in Nigeria. In 1946, Nigeria was
divided into three (3) regions - North, East and West. With respect to the Richard
Constitution, all that merely happened was that the Governor drafted a Constitution
that was supposed to replace the Clifford Constitution of 1922. The draft constitution
was later on submitted to the Central Legislative Council, and final approval of this
constitution was given by the British Parliament.

The Richard Constitution suffered serious criticism and opposition from its inception
from the emerging political elites, so that in 1951, this Constitution was replaced by
the McPherson Constitution.

In Text Question (ITQ 1)

Which constitution introduced regionalism in Nigeria?

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C. McPherson Constitution 1951

As far as experience in constitution making is concerned, the McPherson Constitution
could be said even within a colonial setup to be “a peoples constitution”. This was
because of the procedure adopted in bringing the constitution into being. In drafting
the Macpherson Constitution, a wide spectrum of public opinion was consulted. There
was consultation at village level, provincial, district and regional levels so that in
contradiction to its predecessors which were personal affairs of successive colonial
governors. The 1951 Constitution was Nigeria's first experience in the making of
peoples' constitution. After 1951, there was only one constitution until the attainment
of independence in 1960.

D. Lyttleton Constitution 1954

The Lyttleton Constitution followed the same pattern of constitution making that was
witnessed during the Macpherson's period. With the 1960 Independence Constitution,
the powers of the British Parliament to legislate for Nigeria was terminated and the
responsibility of the British Government for the administration of Nigeria was also
terminated. At the same time, the Queen was still the Queen of Nigeria and the Head of
Government. In order to change the dominance of external affairs of Nigeria by Britain,
a new Constitution called the Republican Constitution of 1963 was proposed and
adopted in 1963.

E. Republican Constitution of 1963

With this Constitution, the Queen ceased to be the Head of Government in Nigeria.
Between 1966 and 1979, there was no constitution in existence in Nigeria. The military
coup of January 15, 1966 had the effect of invalidating the legal order of the 1963 Republic
Constitution by creating an entirely new legal order based on military Decrees and Edicts.

The legal implication of the new military administration found expression in the
Constitution Suspension and Modification Decree which suspended Parliament and
Regional Legislatures in January 1966: The government of the Federation was vested in
a Supreme Military Council. The Federal Military Government was vested with
unlimited legislative powers to make laws on any subject or any part of the country.
Constitution making under the military was both informal and unceremonious in the
sense that elaborate procedures for making legislations were absent and there was no
distinction between an ordinary legislative enactment and a constitutional decree.
Decrees were used at the national level while Edicts were used at state levels.

F. Nigeria's 1979 Constitution

Attempts were made by the military government to usher in a civilian government. The
procedures adopted in the making of Nigeria's 1979 Constitution were as follows:

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The Federal Military Government appointed a Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC)

consisting of 49 persons in October 1975 to produce a draft constitution for the country.
The CDC was expected to submit the draft for public comment and discussion before the
Constituent Assembly deliberated on it. The method adopted by the CDC was to invite
memoranda from the public on all aspect of the proposed constitution and in all, the CDC
had 346 memoranda submitted by the public. The CDC raised certain problems:

The first problem was what should be the position of the government relative to the
Committee itself. Put differently, how were the government proposals to be handled by
the CDC?

The question becomes relevant in retrospect following an allegation made by a member of

the CDC that there were subterranean influences from above. The allegation of
interference was against the Federal Military Government; it was alleged by Mallam Aminu
Kano that a letter was written to the Chairman of the CDC in which the government
expressed its displeasure at the direction of the debate of the CDC on the issue of the
creation of states. There are basically two comments to make from the allegation:
(a) Once it is agreed that a constitution must be a people's constitution, everything
should be done to ensure that this becomes a reality.
(b) Secondly, as long as anyone is a Nigerian, individual or institutions, he has a right
to submit proposals at the draft stage of the constitution. But government like
individuals should make its proposals known before the closing date of the
submission of the memoranda or any unlimited privilege may legitimately be
construed as interference. By people's constitution, we mean the constitution
that take the nature of the people into consideration.

In Text Question (ITQ 3)

Define constitutionalism?

What is the unique feature of the McPherson constitution?

11.4 PUBLICATION OF THE 1979 DRAFT CONSTITUTION

With reference to the publication of the draft constitution, this procedure was meant
to give legitimacy to the document. However, for a constitution to command the loyalty
of the people, it must be understood by the people and at the same time it must be
acceptable to them. The people must also be made to identify themselves with the
constitution. Without this sense of identification, of attachment and involvement, a
constitution will remain a remote, and artificial object with no more real existence
than the paper on which it is written. The mere fact that participation in the discussion
of the draft constitution was restricted to the literate population was a serious error in

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Nigeria's attempt at constitution making. In a country where over 80% of the population
are illiterate, the publication of the draft constitution for public comment would
appear to be an exercise in window dressing. Those who participated in the discussion
were no more interested than those issues that affect their corporate interests.

11.5 CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY

With reference to the composition of the Constituent Assembly, it was clearly stated
that all areas of interest which ought to partake in the process of constitution making
shall have adequate opportunity as participants in the Constituent Assembly. There
were two different opinions on how the Constituent Assembly should be constituted.
(a) One view was that the Constituent Assembly must be popularly elected. According
to the advocate of this point of view, it is claimed that the inherent and inseparable
attribute of the Constituent Assembly is that it must be composed of
representatives duly elected by the registered voters in the country.
(b) The other point of view is presented in the proposal that the local councils
should be used as electoral colleges for purposes of constituting the Assembly.

The view that the Constituent Assembly should be composed of elected representatives
is the ideal view. But the question we want of raise against this view is, how feasible is
the proposition in the light of timetable given by the Military Government for the
handing over of power to the civilian. It is also questionable whether any popular
election could throw up the calibre of men who will be able to do justice to the draft
constitution. The problems raised by the election through local council are three-fold:
i. The system of indirect election used in some of the states in the country
militated against popular will.
ii. The second problem is that, a substantial group of articulate and informed
Nigerians (e.g. Civil Servants and Teachers) were banned from contesting the
election.
iii. The third problem is that, the local councils themselves did not have enough
time to establish public confidence.

11.6 ROLES ENVISAGED FOR THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY

The legislation setting up the Constituent Assembly provided in section (1) that the
body shall have full powers to deliberate upon the draft constitution. However, the
explanatory note of the decree provided that the Assembly was to have full powers to:
1. Deliberate; and
2. Enact the draft constitution of Nigeria drawn up by the CDC.

But to deliberate and enact are two separate duties and in any case an explanatory note
does not form any part of the legislation. The military administration however had a
limited conception of the powers of the Constituent Assembly. In the view of the military

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administration, a Constituent Assembly was to discuss the draft constitution and come out
with recommendations which would then be taken to the then Supreme Military Council
and thereafter, a decree on the subject on the constitution of Nigeria would be considered
and promulgated. The procedure followed by the Military administration left room for
interference at the level of SMC. The administration therefore opened itself up to the
accusation of imposing and approving a constitution meant for a civilian era. As a matter of
fact, the constitution has been referred to in some quarters not as a product of free-will of
Nigerians but rather as a Military Constitution.

In Text Question (ITQ 4)

What was the role of the CDC in the drafting of the 1979 constitution?

11.7 The Alternatives

The first alternative is that the document should have been submitted to referendum for
general public approval or rejection. There is a problem with this alternative. It arises
from the fact that it will be a grand deceit to seek the approval of people 80% of whom
cannot read or will ever bother to read the constitution. The second alternative of course
is that the Constituent Assembly should have had the final word on the constitution.

11.8 CONCLUSION
The history of constitutional development in Nigeria has been highlighted. Available
evidence shows that Nigeria has been trying to fashion a constitution that will
accommodate the diverse elements that make up the country.

11.9 SUMMARY
We have been able to establish how the various constitutions were made in colonial and
post-colonial Nigeria. We concluded with the 1979 Constitution which we believe was
modified in the 1989 and 1999 Constitutions.

11.10 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQS)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. Colonial constitutions were made in London because
A. The British owned Nigeria
B. The British parliament in London was sovereign
C. Nigerians were not ready for self government.
D. Nigeria was sovereign void.

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2. The Macpherson constitution could be said to have involved Nigerians in its making
because
A. There were local regional conferences
B. There were national and Regional conferences
C. People were consulted
D. The educated elites were involved in drafting it.

3. The Republican Constitution of 1963 removed the Queen as Nigeria's head of state.
A. True
B. False

4. The Supreme Military Council which came into office as a result of the January 1966
coup was an illegitimate government because
A. It was not elected
B. It came in through a coup d'etat
C. It intervened to prevent chaos.
D. Because the political elites wanted military rule.

5. The 1979 constitution was a:

A. Presidential constitution
B. Unitary constitution
C. Unwritten constitution
D. Lyttleton constitution

6. The Constitutional Drafting Committee was set up in

A. 1975
B. 1974
C. 1976
D. 1977

7. The Constituent Assembly

A. Read the 1979 constitution
B. Enacted the 1979 constitution
C. Conducted the 1979 elections
D. Handed over to the Constitutional Drafting Committee.

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Essay: Discuss the various problems faced by the Constituent Assembly in bringing the 1979
constitution to life.

11.11 REFERENCES
Awolowo, O. 1969. The people's republic. Oxford University Press; Ibadan.

Coleman, James. 1958. Nigeria background to nationalism. Berkley Cali University of

California Press.

Elias, T.O 1967 Nigeria- The development of its law and constitution, London: Stevens.

Furnivall, J. S. 1943. Colonial policy and practice; Cambridge University Press.

Nwabueze, O. 1973. Constitutionalism in the emerging states. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers
Ltd., London.

11.12 FURTHER READINGS

Nvvabueze, O. 1974. Presidentialism in commonwealth africa. C. Hurst & Co.
Publishers Ltd., London.

Ojo, A. 1987 Constitutional law and military rule in Nigeria, Evans Brothers (Nig)
Publishers Ltd.

The Federalism Papers. 1961. The new American library inc., New York.

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STUDY SESSION 12

POLITICS AND SOCIAL CHANGE: REFORMS,

REVOLUTIONS AND MILITARY COUPS

CONTENTS
12.0 Introduction
12.1 Learning Outcomes
12.2 Main Body
12.3 Types of Change
12.4 What Leads to Political and Social Change?
12.5 The Differences between Coup D'etat and Revolution
12.6 Characteristics of the New States
12.7 Conclusion
12.8 Summary
12.9 Self Assessment Questions (SAQS)
12.10 References
12.11 Further Readings

12.0 INTRODUCTION
Political and social change refers to the varying changes in human behaviour and
institutions, in response to stimuli from society and the power relations between social
groups. What then is change? What makes it necessary? What are the different forms of
change? Change is the difference in process, form and structure in response to certain
stimuli or factors. Therefore, political and social changes are caused by certain factors
or reasons in which men struggle to effect change with the hope that it will make life
better for the majority of people living in society. If politics is defined as "Who Gets
What, When and How", the political change has to do with changes in who gets what,
when and how. Changes in human behaviour towards constituted authority, in the
state, in leadership, in political institutions and structures are bought about as a result
of changes in values. Therefore, a change in government is a form of political change,
just as a change in form of government, for instance, change from a Monarchical regime
to a Republican regime is a form of political change, just as independence from colonial
rule. Social change, is a much wider concept, used in referring to very important
changes in human societies, human behavior values, culture, norms and inter-group
relationship, and human organisations all in response to a given set of stimuli. Social
change is pervasive, leading to fundamental changes in a people's life, their attitudes,
expectations and goals, In some cases, social change takes place alongside political
change in what is often called a Revolution but at times it does not.

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12.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

By the end of this study session, you should be able to accurately:
a) Explain the reasons for changes in the political system.
b) Differentiate between a coup d'etat and a revolution.
c) Describe the characteristics of African new states after independence.

12.2 MAIN BODY

12.3 TYPES OF CHANGE

There are two broad forms of change, politically and socially speaking, violent and non-
violent change. Violent change is often viewed as an illegal, unconstitutional act and a
bloody method of effecting change. Examples are military coup d'etats, mass
insurrection or uprisings involving the use of fire-arms, civil wars and mass revolution.
Such changes were common in the 18th and 19th century Europe, the classic French and
American Revolutions, and the 1917 Great October Socialist Revolution which took
place in Russia, turning it from a semi-feudal backward empire into a socialist
superpower within a period of forty years. In the 20th Century, the bulk of violent
changes have occurred in Third World countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America which
were struggling to embark on the path of development.

Peaceful change on the other hand is change that does not involve any violence or the
spilling of blood. It often takes the form of constitutional changes through the ballot
box or the electoral process. It follows laid down procedures and relies often on the
goodwill of the people concerned and a desire to abide by the wishes of the majority.
Thus, governments can be changed peacefully through the ballot box, and government
officials removed in accordance with the popular will. Such change also involves the
use of peaceful demonstrations, petitions, campaigns and moral persuasion to demand
for change. Such acts are common in the industrialized countries such as France,
England, U.S. A., Japan, etc.

However, a peaceful change does not often lead to fundamental, deep or structural
changes in society; rather peaceful changes lead to reforms. Reforms are therefore,
modifications or slight changes in the political and social structure of the society. They
often aim at making a series of adjustments that would make the political and social
system more efficient and stable.

Examples are the social policies introduced in the U.S.A under President Reagan and in
Nigeria under President Ibrahim Babangida. Reforms are also called 'Revolutions from
above' since the changes are induced by the political leadership, that is, from the top
leaving the power structure intact.

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Revolution or violent change is often the 'revolution from below' often carried out by
and justified in the name of the oppressed and exploited majority who seek to break
the chains of bondage and regain their freedom and dignity. According to W.F. Wetheim,
1968 "Revolution is aimed at the overthrow of an existing social order and of a prevalent
power structure." Thus, it is a process of socio-political transformation or change which
must be differentiated from a coup d'etat, strike or acts of assassination. Since the
coup d'etat is aimed primarily at political change i.e. a change in the political
leadership, it is not a revolution.

According to Chalmers Johnson, 1966 revolutions are primarily social phenomena

which arise from the failure of society to meet the demands put upon it. This is the
liberal or behavioural position. On the other hand, the Radical or Marxist position
conceptualizes revolution differently. To cite the famous passage from Karl Marx and
Fredrick Engels in the Communist Manifesto, 1847:

…At a certain stage of their development, the material productive

forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of
production on what is but a legal expression for the same thing with the
property relations within which they have been at work hitherto. From
all forms to development of the productive forces, these relations turn
into fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolution.

For Karl Marx, the most important relations of production are those between the
bourgeoisie and the proletariat (Capital and Labour), as such the contradictions in
relations between the exploiter class of capitalists and the exploited workers would get to
a point where it can only be resolved by a revolution in which the proletariat would
overthrow the class of capitalists, destroy capitalist political structures, the capitalist
state, and oppressive relations of production and establish a new socialist state, with new
structures and new relations of production. It is therefore not surprising that V. I. Lenin,
1902 a Marxist, a father of the Russian revolution stated that "the transfer of state power
from one class to another class is the first, the principal, the basic sign of revolution".

From the radical perspective therefore, a revolution is a mass movement directed at

change in order to put an end to mass exploitation, oppression, poverty and misery.
Perhaps, the most comprehensive definition is that by C. B. Macpherson, (1973:4)
which conceptualized revolution as the

....transfer of state power by means involving the use of threat of

organized/unauthorized force, the subsequent consolidation of that
transferred power, with a view to bringing about a fundamental
change in social, economic and political institutions.

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12.4 WHAT LEADS TO POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGES?

According to Chalmers Johnson, (1966) explanation, political and social change is the
outcome of failures in the political system, and the failure of society to respond to
demands put on it.

This approach sees change as the outcome of the failure of the political leadership to
act decisively to ensure the stability of the political system; and is directed at
preventing change. As such its analytical value has been doubted and criticized.

Change is also the outcome of the failure of rulers to respond to the demands of the
people, and becomes inevitably violent when all legal channels for demands for reform
have been blocked. As reforms, socio-political change can be the outcome of the need
to modify and adjust the state and society in order to guarantee peace and stability,
and make the system work better.

Usually, social frustration could be explored by a well-organised opposition united

around a common ideology or programme which offers an alternative to the existing
undesired status quo. In some cases, change is accompanied by violence since the
ruling elite and government resists change, which would make them lose authority,
wealth and power.

From the radical position, revolutions arise from the material conditions in a given
society. When there is exploitation of many by the few, it gets to a point when the
contradictions "burst asunder" and the exploited rise up against and defeat their
exploiters thereby laying the basis for a new society when man is free, where the
quality of life is better, where the basic necessities of life are guaranteed to everybody.
Examples of such revolutions are those of Cuba, the U.S.A., Vietnam, the then U.S.S.R.,
China, Nicaragua and Iran.

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12.5 THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN COUP DETAT AND REVOLUTION

COUP D'ETAT REVOLUTION

Mainly to effect political change in To effect socio-political change, i.e. social
leadership. transformation.
Highly, enclavistic, the work of a clique of The result of popular mobilization of an oppressed
conspirators working secretly to overthrow an people over a period of time, with a large scale
existing government or existing individuals in organization, strategy and tactics.
a government.
Relies mainly on the Armed Forces and public The target is often to overthrow existing socio-
sympathy. political and economic order. It often relies on the
people and the Vanguard Party or Mass Movement.
Could be the result of external forces and Mainly the result of internal factors mainly social
intervention on behalf of, and in support of frustration, corruption, poverty, dictatorship,
local allies, e.g. U.S intervention in Chile, and oppression. But receive inspiration from successful
Grenada, Tanzania's intervention in Uganda, revolution, elsewhere.
in order to oust Idi Amin.
Relies on circumstance, change and elaborate Carried out by threats, sabotage, and propaganda or
planning with strategic places as targets - even armed insurrection. And often based on an
airports, seaports, radio/TV stations, military ideology which is built around freedom, social
installations and communications network. justice, truth, equality and democracy, as an
alternative to decadent status quo.
Can take place during a period of wealth. Exploits public frustration, can break out at any
Takes place at night to reduce the possibility time.
of civilian causalities.
Leads mainly to reforms aimed at stabilizing Leads to social transformation.
the political system.

In Text Questions (ITQ) 1

1. Explain the reasons for reforms
2. Describe revolutions.
3. Give 2 reasons for coup d'etats.

12.6 CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NEW STATES

A new state is one which has recently acquired political independence, and has political
control over its own affairs. The absence of a 'Nation-state' is the root of instability in
most African countries. For example, the new state of Nigeria, which came into
existence in October 1960, consists of many "nations" such as the Yorubas, Ibos, Hausas,
Ogonis, Edos, Ibibios, Tivs, Fulanis, etc.

At independence in most African states, the political perspectives and attitudes to

authority were still very much shaped by the experiences of the traditional system,

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which had prevailed for centuries before the .colonial contacts. However, under
colonial rule, some of these attitudes and political institutions were transformed while
new ones were created to support the colonial state.

In the 'scramble for Africa' of the 1880's and 1890's, the present day boundaries of the
new states were born in partition between the British, the French, the Portuguese, the
Belgian, Spanish and others. The results of such ad hoc and intense competition among
the European powers was the enclosure of several traditional units (people) into a
particular colonial territory and thus creating the future problem of cultural pluralism
for the New States. This pluralism - the existence of loyalties to groups based upon
shared religion, race, tribe or language - now poses a major danger to the very
existence of the new states. Nationhood - the achievement of a full and overriding
commitment to the state from its inhabitants against the demands of sub-national
loyalties - does not exist in most cases.

In most parts of Africa affected by non-settler colonial domination, colonial rule did not
sweep away existing patterns of behaviour. Rather, in social terms, the bringing
together of workers from different areas with different traditions tended to increase
awareness of individuals as well as group differences. Similarly, in administrative
terms, separation was strengthened by the politics pursued by the colonial authorities.
Thus, under a system of 'Indirect Rule' the British employed the existing patterns of
control and communication (in Northern Nigeria) to rule large numbers of colonial
subjects without the expense of creating their own administrative machinery. Thus,
where an existing ruler seemed moderately efficient and suitably pliable to British
pressures, the traditional structure was maintained and given the backing of the
colonial state (authority). And where such ruler was found to unmoved by British
pressures, he was removed and replaced by a puppet ruler.

In the colonial and post-colonial period, many of the traditional values were shattered
because of the creation of a new economic order in which subsistence rural agriculture
was replaced by the production of cash crops for an international market either on
plantations or by peasant producers. Finally, the introduction of Western education led
to restratification in which status came to be based upon such modern characteristics
as income, education and skill, and position in the new power structure.

Throughout the African continent, the claims by the elite to some form of recognition
as a result of educational achievements were rejected because of an overwhelming
paternalism of the colonial administrators. Thus, because they could not secure
genuine equality with Europeans in social, economic or political terms, the members of
these elite determined to respect Kwame Nkrumah's dictum of 'seeking first the
political kingdom and everything else will be added to you' consequently led to anti-
colonial nationalism.

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12.7 CONCLUSION
Change is an inevitable form of political existence. Change politically and socially
speaking can either take violent or nonviolent means. Change comes about as a result
of a disruption in equilibrium in the social system.

12.8 SUMMARY
We have briefly defined what reforms, coup d'etats and revolutions are. We also explained
what brings about social and political change. We emphasized the difference between
coup d'etat and revolutions. We also examined the features of African new states.

12.9 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQS)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. Political and Social reforms are carried out by government when
(a) There are serious economic problems
(b) There is war with a neighboring country
(c) There are serious political and economic crises
(d) The government has been defeated on a major bill in parliament.

2. One of the following political activist of his days said the transfer of state power from
one class to another class is the first, the principal, basic sign of a revolution?
(a) Mao TseTung
(b) V. I. Lenin
(c) J. Stalin
(d) Mahatma Ghandhi

3. One of the following said 'power lies in the barrel of a gun'

(a) P. Machiovelli
(b) K. Marx
(c) J. Stalin
(d) Chairman Mao

4. A coup d'etat has all the following attributes except one

(a) It is mainly to effect political change in leadership
(b) Relies on the armed forces
(c) Relies on circumstances
(d) Consider the interests of the community first

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Essay: Revolution is usually carried out to effect socio-political changes in a given country.
Discuss with examples.

12.10 REFERENCES
Finkle J. L. and Gable R. W. (ed) 1966. Political development and social change (2nd
ed.); John Wiley, New York.

Johnson J. J. ed. 1962). The rule of the military in underdeveloped countries, Princeton
University Press.

Johnson, C 1966 Revolutional change, Boston: Beacon Press.

Pye, Lucian W, 1961. Armies in the process of political modernization. New York.

12.11 FURTHER READINGS

Almond, G. A. and J. S. Coleman, eds. 1960. The politics of the developing areas,
Princeton-University Press.

Huntington, S. P. 1957. The solider and the state; Cambridge, Mass.

Lenin, V.I 1902. What is to be done? Harmondsworth and New York: Penguin.

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STUDY SESSION 13

THE NATURE OF AFRICAN ARMIES

CONTENTS
13.0 Introduction
13.1 Learning Outcomes
13.2 Main Body
13.3 Causes of Military Intervention
13.4 External Factors Influencing Military Take-Over
13.5 Impact of Military Rule
13.6 Conclusion
13.7 Summary
13.8 Self Assessment Question (SAQS)
13.9 References
13.10 Further Readings

13.0 INTRODUCTION
In looking at the Nature of African Armies, what we are really examining is the 'failure of
the military in Government'. According to Robin Luckham (1976) in 'The Nigerian
Military', 1976 African armies were at first 'mercenary' armies. Luckham means that
sub-Saharan African armies were created, organised and trained under colonial
tutelage. Further, armies which were created by the colonial powers were used to
establish the rule of the colonial powers. The army also existed as a visible
demonstration to the populace of the coercion which was the ultimate basis of colonial
rule. Initially therefore, one can say, that African armies had very little concern with
the defence of the state; this was left to the metropolitan powers. Finally, upholding
the status quo was the prime concern of armies in sub-Saharan Africa.

Bretton (1974) in his 'Power and Class in Africa' 1974, makes the important point that
the armies of sub-Saharan Africa have not yet completed the transition from colonial
auxiliary to principal instrument of power and control. In looking at the structure of the
armed forces, Bretton found that the officer corps' are still in the process of its
formation; officers are still subject to sudden, or occasional substantial and dramatic,
promotional changes. Military traditions as they bear on modern military service are
typically foreign to the armies of Africa.

Further, Bretton suggests that due to the relative under-development of the African
armies, the primary expectation of the officer corps, the ranks and officer candidates
was prompt promotion into positions to be vacated by Europeans. Moreover, because
such things as houses and pensions had to be bargained for, African armies became

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highly politicized prior to and after independence. Consequently, in pursuit of these

goals few of the armed forces, says Bretton, could fall back on the time-hounoured
rationale of national defence.

Ruth First 1970 in her book "The Barrel of A Gun" makes a number of interesting comments
as to why the military began to interfere in the political process. The early army coups
according to First, were concerned with pay strikes, to secure better condition for the
army. Later coups, however, embody larger political objectives and were initiated through
military take-over of governments, or extracted something from the old regime.
Regardless as to whether a distinction is drawn between the earlier coups and the later
ones, the conclusion which one will arrive at is that their objectives constituted what
could be loosely termed sectional, as the whole of society would not benefit materially or
otherwise from their action. This is also one of the reasons why when the military plays the
role of governance, it performs no better than the civilians it replaced.

Ruth First also puts forward the theory which is given a more detailed consideration by
Luckham that the internal characteristics of the army account for the inability of the
army to rule as a united body. Accordingly, "Once in power, the army divides". There are
a number of plausible reasons as to why this is the case. The general agreement,
however, is that once the military does not possess an ideology through which it can
define its policy and make decisions in terms of military procedures, they soak up social
conflict. Armies throughout the continent have shown that they are no less prone to
divisive loyalties as are politicians and political parties. Once the political system
divides on communal lines, the division will take the army in power with it. What is very
important here is that the seizure of power itself destroys the strongest unifying
feature of the army.

In addition, there exists acute societal and military factionalism which inevitably binds
the hands of the leaders in the armed forces for they have to remain vigilant in order to
prevent plots against their continued rule. By allowing a mixture of civilian and military
actors in the political sphere, it had not come as a great surprise to find that demands
within society and the government ultimately militate against any meaningful societal
programmed economic development or the creation of a stable political system.

Another dimension which has been developed by S. Decalo 1979 in his book "Coup and
Army Rule in Africa" is the idea known as the “Managerial Brokerage System”. According
to Decalo 1979 in this type of system, "the military comes to power in order to arbitrate
disputes among various sectors of society, such as the politicians, the civil servants and
the labour unions. What the word "arbitrate" means is that the concern is not with the
social or political mobilisation or development of the masses, but with how much of the
'national cake' each section of the ruling group will get. Once in power, the military

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continues to see its primary function as moderating and managing conflict. The stress
in this type of system is mainly on the economy. For the stability and development of a
meaningful type to take place equal stress must be given to political and social factors
as well as the economic ones.

13.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

In this study session, you should be able to accurately:
i) Explain the nature of African armies
ii) Explain the causes of military intervention in most African States
iii) Describe the achievements of the military while in power.

13.2 MAIN BODY

13.3 CAUSES OF MILITARY INTERVENTION (COUP D'ETAT)

No military coups are ever the same, nor are the situations in which they take place
identical. Each coup has its own characteristics, motivations, objectives and class or
tribal characters as well as its own specific relationship to external factors. According
to Jack Woddis in his book "Armies and Politics", the actions of military officers in
recent years have taken place at a stage of world history in which the forces of
progress, socialism, and national liberation are becoming stronger, while the forces of
reaction, fuedalism and imperialism are becoming weaker.

The causes of military coups in Third World countries, and especially Africa, have to do
with the weakness of the political structures and processes in all post-colonial states,
and institutional role of the military in these societies. Since the military are the
traditional guards of the state, they intervene in the political process as a means of
arresting political instability and ensuring the integrity of the country any time this is
threatened as a result of political and social tensions.

Secondly, the military are the only institution which can force themselves into power as
an organised unit without much opposition since they possess the monopoly of the
instruments of violence and can confront any threat of resistance to their intervention.

Thirdly, the military often justify their intervention as being based on the national
interest baptizing themselves as "corrective regimes" which have come to put an end to
political mis-rule and social crises. However, some military regimes soon prove to be as
corrupt as the regime they overthrew and their reforms gave way to intolerance and
totalitarianism or dictatorship.

Fourthly, military intervention is the outcome of the politicization of the military

institution itself. This is brought about by the civilians involving the military in their
(civilians) struggle for power and control. As a result, the military tasted power, knew

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its implications and got out of their traditional role of protection of the state, to
become "politicians in uniforms", gaining and wielding power and seeking to retain it.

Fifthly, it could be the result of the military elite under the leadership of ambitious and
power-hungry individuals who seek control of government in order to pursue their
personal interest or those of the dominant (exploiter) class, ethnic group, religious
group or international imperialist interests. It must be pointed out that not all coups
aim at reform or political office, some of them do signal the beginning of a revolution,
and a new socio-political order. A few examples in Africa are Muammer Ghaddafi 's coup
in Libya in 1969 against the monarch (King Idris) and transforming Libya into a People's
Jamahiriyya; Nasser's Coup in Egypt, and Mengistu Haile Mariams coup in Ethiopia on
the road to socialism. The objective of socialism has since failed in Ethiopia.

Sixthly, intervention could be in the corporate interest of the military for example, to
remove a government that is hurting the military through reduced defence spending
and embarrassment of the military as an institution e.g. Ghana 1966 February coup
against president Nkrumah.

Intervention also becomes inevitable when existing governance shows utter disregard for
the popular will, flagrantly abuses power and engages in electoral fraud causing mass
discontent and oppression both of which generate violent reactions from the masses.

Lastly, military intervention has unfortunately become a permanent feature of Third

World politics. With their weak states and economies, these neo-colonial regimes are
often destabilized by competing local elites struggling to assert control over the state,
in collaboration with imperialist powers which seek to control the resources of the
state. So, more often than not, the military arise in a neo-colonial arrangement with
imperialism to dominate and exploit their people by the force of institutionalized and
organized monopoly of the weapons of violence, against which most opposition fall, are
silenced or driven underground into exile.

In Text Questions (ITQ) 1

State 3 causes of military intervention in Africa.

In order to analyse why coups take place, we must differentiate three basic premises.
1. There are coups of a progressive character - e.g. Egypt, 1952; Iraq 1958; Libya
1969 Somalia, 1969; Ethiopia, 1974; etc.
2. There are reactionary coups which preempt a possible progressive civilian
government coming into power. Such preemptive coups include Ayub Khan and
Yayha Khan Coups in Pakistan, Mobutu in Zaire, now DRC, the Abacha coup in
Nigeria, etc.

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3. There are also coups of a clearly reactionary character which aim at removing a
progressive government. Examples include the Ghanaian military overthrow of
Kwame Nkrumah, Surhato coup in Indonesia, the military junta coup against Salvador
Allende in Chile, and Campaore overthrow of Sankara in Burkina Faso, etc.

In Text Question (ITQ) 2

Explain two reasons why coups take place.

13.4 EXTERNAL FACTORS INFLUENCING MILITARY TAKE OVER

The present position of all African states is one of dependence on the Western world
economically and militarily. Most top military officers throughout Africa have been
trained by Europeans and Americans. Most of the arms which we use for combat are
either bought or given as aids to African states. They have initially trained our military
and other intelligence services.

Consequently, it is quite easy for the British and Americans and other imperialist states
to seek and establish governments in Africa and the Third World in general which will
collaborate with them in exploiting the African masses.

An equally important aim is to support or create allies, so as to nourish the social forces
on which governments friendly to the imperialists can be based. Practically in the most
reactionary military coups, the imperialists have made use of existing situations, of
current crisis, internal conflicts, personal and social ambitions of groups and
individuals to ensure their own interests. In fact, today, "local allies, not agents, are
the key" to the continuous foreign influence throughout Africa. And this is more so in
both the political parties and the military.

Thus, imperialism seeks out those social forces, institutions, and individuals whose
short-term or long-term interest will place them on its side (in fact providing traitors -
with 'a second loyalty'). It seeks out and promotes those who may be committed to
supporting imperialism directly but who have not taken up a consistent and clear anti-
imperialist position. And those who, it is therefore hoped, will stand in the way of the
most firm anti-Western, anti-imperialist forces in a country.

It is with all these considerations in mind that Europe and America strive to influence
the leading personnel in the military establishment in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
However, the devil does not have its way all the time the ability to succeed in a
particular coup now depends on the internal power balance. But nevertheless, no
group planning to stage a coup can afford to ignore the external factors. Coup plotters
must ask themselves one major question: Whose interest (Economic, Strategic and

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Ideological) is dominant in our country? Subsequently, efforts must be made to contact

and if necessary placate that dominant interest until the coup has been successful and
the new regime has the masses' confidence.

13.5 IMPACT OF MILITARY RULE: HAS IT SOLVED THE PROBLEMS?

Although there are some controversies as to the impact of military rule, it is generally
agreed that military rule is an aberration, and should be a temporary measure paving
the way for a return to normal civil democracy.

However, the, record of military rule generally shows with a few rare, exceptions that
it has not resolved the contradictions and socio-political and economic problems facing
post-colonial states. Apart from institutional discipline and hierarchical command
structure, the military have proved to be slightly better than the civilian politicians. In
some other cases, they have been more corrupt and linked to the business class and
imperialism. Thus, military regimes have not solved the economic problems neither
have they carried out an industrial revolution that would form the basis for socio-
political change.

Secondly, most military regimes are 'dictatorial' and do not alleviate the exploitation or
oppression under which the mass of the people suffer. They are well known for the
abuse of Human Rights, lack of press freedom, forceful elimination of any opposition
and the brutal suppression of strikes, demonstrations and all forms of protests. A
notorious example is that of Uganda under Idi Amin, Sudan under El Nimiery and the
current regimes in Zaire, Mobutu Sese Seko, Abacha in Nigeria to mention a few.

In some cases, the military have enriched themselves having become part of the ruling
elite and the oligarchy. In such cases, they have relied on the use of state office to amass
wealth; which often means that the masses of the people are hardly taken care of.

13.6 CONCLUSION
In conclusion, neither the military nor the civilians have fared much in the
transformation of post-colonial societies in Africa. This is because the problems that
confront these societies are fundamental in nature; and go beyond forms of window
dressing or the type of regime. In these neo-colonial countries, (save for a few
exceptions where military intervention has been revolutionary leading to social
transformation), military intervention has become a game of musical chairs in which
one coup succeeds the other or displaces a corrupt civilian regime with promise of
reform which hardly ever lasts or indeed leads to sociopolitical change in a
fundamental sense.

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13.7 SUMMARY
In this study session, you have learnt about the nature of African armies from their
colonial (mercenary) origins to modern armies. You have also learnt of the reasons for
their intervention in politics. We can therefore conclude that military intervention
made little impact to the development in Africa.

13.8 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQS)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. Who said that African armies were at first Mercenary Armies?
(a) Ruth First
(b) Robin Luckham
(c) Kirk Greene
(d) Samuel Decalo

2. Name the author who wrote 'Power and Class in Africa'

(a) P. Bretton
(b) W. Guttridge
(c) Toyin Falola
(d) R. Joseph

3. Military coups take place often in Africa because of one of the following
(a) Government failure to improve life of the citizens
(b) Because of the weak political structures
(c) Because of military men's greed
(d) Because of allocation of less resources to the military

4. African military are often influenced by external forces because

(a) They love foreign travels
(b) Because they had been trained by the Europeans and Americans
(c) Because they owe their loyalty to European powers
(d) Because they are agents of imperialism

5. Military rule in Africa has failed to transform their respective countries mostly because:
(a) The military have no capacity to perform
(b) They are as corrupt as the civilian they replaced
(c) They are dictatorial in their approach to governance
(d) They disrespect the civilians

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Essay: Discuss five (5) major causes of military intervention in African politics

13.9 REFERENCES
Falola, Toyin & Julius Ihonbevre, 1985. The Rise and Fall of Nigeria's Second Republic,
1979 -83, London, 2nd Press Limited.

Kirk-Greene, H. M. (ed) 1997. Crisis and conflict in Nigeria. A documentary source book,
1966-1967. London: Oxford University Press.

Oyediran Oyeleye, 1979. Nigerian government and politics under military rule, 1966-
79; Macmillan, London.

Panter-Brick, K. (ed.) 1977. Soldiers and oil: the transformation of Nigeria, Frank Cass,
London.

13.10 FURTHER READINGS

Decalo, S. 1979. Coups and army rule in Africa; Yale University Press, New Haven.

First, Ruth. 1970. The barrel of a gun. Penguine Books.

Guttridge, W. 1975. Military regimes in Africa, Methuen, London.

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STUDY SESSION 14

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
CONTENTS
14.0 Introduction
14.1 Learning Outcomes
14.2 What is Public Administration?
14.3 Approaches to the Study of Public Administration^
14.4 Functions of Administration
14.5 Theories of Administration
14.6 From Human Relations to the Behavioural Movements
14.7 The Nigerian Civil Service
14.8 Conclusion
14.9 Summary
14.10 Self Assessment Questions (SAQS)
14.11 References
14.12 Further Readings

14.0 INTRODUCTION
Administration is a cooperative human action with a high degree of rationality.
Administration occurs when two or more persons agree to perform a task in order to
achieve an objective or goal.

Simon et al 1974 defined administration simply as "when two men cooperate to roll a
stone that neither could have moved alone, the-rudiments of administration have
appeared". The first ingredient of administration is people. People have to be present
before administration can take place. The second ingredient of administration is
action. People have to be involved in a sort of activity, for example concerning rolling a
stone, the people must get involved in a sort of action to move the stone, it is then that
one can say administration has occurred.

The third ingredient is interaction. People must combine their efforts one way or the
other to achieve the accomplishment of an administration; administration therefore
involves people, action, and interaction. It is a process involving human beings jointly
engaged in working toward common goals. Administration is a universal phenomenon.
As a concept and as a process, it can be said to exist in government, in business, in
families and in other group interactions.

The focus of this session is on the public sector (i.e. administration in government).

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14.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of study session, you should be able to:
i) Explain what is meant by Public Administration ,
ii) Describe the major theories, of Public Administration
iii) Analyse the functions of public Administration
iv) Explain the processes of Administration

14.2 WHAT IS PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION?

At its fullest range, public administration embraces every area and activity governed
by public policy. The central idea of public administration is rational action. Rational
action is defined as action correctly calculated to realize given desired goals.
Therefore, public administration both as a study and as an activity is intended to
maximize the realization of goals.

Public administration is said to be difficult to define. Yet some attention to definition is

important. It is necessary to establish the general boundaries and to convey the major
concerns of the discipline, and practice of public administration. And again, the
definition of public administration helps to place the field in a broader, political,
economic, and social context.

Efforts at defining the concept of public administration have produced the following:

"Public administration is the action part of government, the means by which the
purposes and goals of government are realized" - Woodrow Wilson (1887).

"Public administration is the organization and management of men and materials to

achieve the purpose of government" - Dwight Waldo (1948).

"By public administration is meant in common usage, the activities of the executive
branches of national, state and local governments, independent boards and
commissions set up by the congress and state legislatives; government corporations,
and certain agencies of a specialized character" - Simon et al.

"Public administration is the accomplishment of politically determined objectives" - M.

E. Dimock and G. O. Dimock.

"Public administration is the means by which the purposes and goals of government are
realized" - Corsou and Harris.

It follows from these definitions that public administration is an activity that has to do
with politics and policy-making. Its locus is the governmental bureaucracy, and is
therefore seen as the machinery for implementing governmental policy. It covers all
the three branches of government: the executive, legislative, judiciary and their
interrelationships.

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The scope of public administration in its broadest form will include policy analysis, the
identification of options, programme implementation and a constant pre-occupation
with the efficient allocation of resources.

The purpose of public administration is to promote a superior understanding of

government and its relationship with the society it governs, as well as to encourage
public policies more responsive to social needs and to institute managerial practices
attuned to effectiveness, efficiency, and the deeper human requisites of the citizenry.

In Text Question (ITQ 1)

Define Public Administration

14.3 APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

There are namely three approaches to the study of public administration.
(1) Legal - historical approach
(2) Structural - descriptive approach
(3) Behavioural approach

Legal - Historical approach looks at the formal relationship among the levels of
government: Federal State and Local Governments.

Structural - Descriptive approach emphasizes the relevance of business methods and

motivations for public administration. This approach restricts the field of study to
organization and personnel management.

Behavioural Approach is concerned with the systematic study of human behaviour in

an organization. The analysis of the behaviour of individuals and group is the focus,
(groups in organizations, motivation, leadership style, etc.)

In Text Questions (ITQ)

1. State the three approaches to the study of Public Administration.
2. Describe the Behavioural approach in Public Administration.

14.4 FUNCTIONS OF ADMINISTRATION

Administrative work involves, planning, organizing, leading and controlling. Each of
these functions requires decisions. Decision making is the means by which
administrators plan, organize, lead and control. It is defined as the selection of a
preferred course of action from two or more alternatives. Two types of decisions have
been identified: (i) Decision concerning the ends (that is the goals). (ii) Decision
concerning the means (that is the methods).

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The decision concerning ends has to do with the basic goals/objective of the
organization, and it involves value judgment as to what they should be. The decision
concerning the means relates to the selection of alternative courses of action that will
lead to the attainment of specified goals.

The alternatives are usually selected on the basis of rationality. For a decision-maker to
be rational, he must conform to the following steps in decision-making process.

Steps in the decision-making process

1. Ascertain the need for a decision
2. Establish decision criteria
3. Allocate weights to criteria
4. Develop alternatives
5. Evaluate alternatives
6. Select the best alternative

Step 1: Ascertain the need for a decision

The decision-making process starts by determining that a problem exists. (Identification of
the problem)

Step 2: Establish decision criteria

After identifying the problem, the administrator must establish decision criteria. This
requires identifying those characteristics that are important in making the decision.

Step 3: Allocate weights to criteria

The list of criteria is prioritized at this stage. Each criterion need to be weighted to reflect its
importance in the decision.

Step 4: Develop alternatives

The administrator develops a list of the alternatives that may be viable in dealing with the
stated problem.

Step 5: Evaluate alternatives

Once the alternatives have been enumerated, the administrator must critically evaluate each
of the alternatives listed to determine their strengths and weaknesses.

Step 6: Select the best alternative

This is the final step and it involves the selection of which has quantitatively been
determined.

Functions of administration listed earlier; planning, organization, leading and controlling,

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therefore involves taking decision.

Planning is determining in advance of the objectives to be accomplished and the means by
which these are attained.

Planning begins with the establishment of objectives “where you are going". Hence,
objectives need to cover economic dimensions of the organization so that the administrators
can determine if the ongoing activities of members are making positive contributions to the
organization.

Organizing: This is the establishment of relationships between the activities to be performed,

the personnel to perform them, and the physical factors that are needed.
Leading: Basically, leading consists of supervision, motivation, communication, bringing
about change, and managing conflict within the organization. An essential ingredient for
these tasks is effective leadership.

Controlling: The administrator here, reviews and regulates to ensure that it conforms to
certain standards. In the control function, performance is measured, compared to standards
(which would have been set during planning) and should there be significant deviations,
corrective actions are instituted.

Decision-making and the activities of planning, organizing, leading, and controlling are what
differentiate administrators from administrators.

In Text Questions (ITQ)

In two paragraphs explain the functions of Public Administration.

14.5 THEORIES OF ADMINISTRATION

Organizations are a major part of our environment. We are born in organizations,
educated by organizations, and we spend most of our times working for organizations.
Organizations are social units (or human groupings) deliberately constructed and
reconstructed to seek specific goals. (Amitai Etzioni) (1967:385-92).

Organizations:
1. are purposeful, complex human collectivities;
2. are characterized by secondary (or impersonal) relationships;
3. have specialized and limited goals;
4. are characterized by sustained cooperative activity;
5. are integrated within a larger social system;
6. provide services and products to their environment;
7. are dependent upon exchanges with their environment.

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Organizations are characterized by:

1. Division of Labour, power, and communication responsibilities, divisions which are not
random or traditionally patterned, but deliberately planed to enhance the realization
of specific goals;
2. The Presence of One or More Power Centers which control the concerted efforts of the
organization and direct them toward its goals. These power centers also must review
continuously the organization's performance and re-pattern its structure, where
necessary, to increase efficiency;
3. Substitution of Personnel, that is, unsatisfactory persons can be removed and others
assigned their tasks. Organization can also recombine its personnel through transfer
and promotion.

The search for greater effectiveness and efficiency in organizations gave rise to the
classical theory of administration. Essentially, classical theory was developed in three
streams: scientific management, administrative theory, and bureaucracy.

In Text Questions (ITQ 5)

State the main characteristics of organizations.

Classical Theory
The classical writers thought of the organization in terms of its purposes and formal structure.
They placed emphasis on the following:
1. planning of work
2. technical requirement of the organization
3. principles of management
4. assumption of rational and logical behaviour.

The analysis of organization in this manner is associated with the work of such writers
as Taylor, Fayol, Urwick and Gullick among others.

A clear understanding of the purpose of an organization is seen as essential to

understanding how the organization works and how its methods of working can be
improved. Attention is given to the division of work, the clear definition of duties and
responsibilities, and maintaining specialization and coordination. Emphasis is on a
hierarchy of management and formal organizational relations.

Scientific Management
Scientific management writers were concerned with the improvement of management as a
means of increasing productivity. A major contributor to this approach was Frederick Taylor.
He believed in the rational economic needs concept of motivation. Workers would be
motivated by getting the highest possible wages through working in the most efficient and
productive way. Taylor was also concerned with finding more efficient methods and

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procedures for coordinating and control of work.

The central theme of 'Taylorism' was that it is possible for organizations to be more efficient
and more rational. This could be made possible through the application of scientific method
and planning to the tasks of organizations. Taylor pursued the idea that efficiency at work
could be improved through careful scientific analysis.

He therefore developed core principles of scientific management which are:

(a) Scientific selection of personnel - Workers should be scientifically selected according
to physical, mental and psychological attributes.
(b) Incentives - Taylor thought of men as mechanical and motivated by economic
considerations. He therefore proposed a differential piece rate in which a worker was
paid in direct proportion to how much he or she produced rather than simply according
to a basic hourly rate.
(c) Functional foremanship - Taylor advocated the division of the entire work of an
organization into managerial and non-managerial categories.
Taylor's writing at least gave a major impetus to the development of modern
management thinking and the later development of organizational behaviour.

Administrative Management Theory

Administrative theory concerns itself with the concept of 'administrative efficiency'.
Administrative management is also known as 'generic management', 'functional' or 'process
management'. It seeks to achieve efficiency by improving work arrangement and suggests an
ideal organization structure along the lives of (a) scalar level, (b) span of control or
supervision (c) line and staff, departmentalisation, e.t.c., classified also were managerial
activities or processes into planning, organizing and controlling.

Fayol with other contributors like Mooney, (1970) Urwick, (1974) Gullick, (1970) Folliet (1980)
among others believed that they could fashion a more comprehensive set of principles for
arranging the formal structure of administration in order to achieve efficiency.

Henri Fayol, the main proponent of the administrative management theory, focused on the
management and come up with his own principles of management. To Fayol management
functions include; planning, organization, command, coordination and control.

Feature of his theory includes:

1. Deductive theory.
2. Organization is seen as a close system.
3. Emphasis on objectivity, rationality, hierarchy, certainty and professionalism.
4. Order as the bedrock of formal organization
5. Focus on management

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6. Prescription of universal scientific principles to achieve the goals of organization.

Principles of management as developed by Henri Fayol include:
i. Division of work
ii. Authority and responsibility
iii. Discipline
iv. Unity of command
v. Unity of direction
vi. Subordination of individual to general interest
vii. Pay
viii. Centralization
ix. Hierarchy
x. Order xi.
Equity xii.
Stability xiii.
Initiative
xiv. Spirit de corps

Fayol's writing on the principles of management set the pace for others to follow, change and
restructure them. Gullick and Urwick came up with the acronym POSDCORB:

Planning: Working out in broad outline the methods for accomplishing them.

Organizing: Establishing the formal structure of the enterprise.

Staffing: The personnel function

Directing: Decision making and communicating orders.

Coordinating: Interrelating the various parts of the work.

Reporting: Supplying information through record keeping, research, inspection.

Budgeting: fiscal planning, accounting, and control. Mooney and Reiley (1982) in their
principles of organizations have also contributed to this school of thought. The four principles
of organization according to them are:

(i) the coordinative principle

(ii) the scalar principle (or hierarchical structure)
(iii) the functional principle (or division of labor) and
(iv) the staff / line principle.

The general approach of these theorists can be summarized as follows: they see the work of an
administrator as that of planning, organizing, controlling, commanding, and coordinating.
Concepts of authority, leadership, responsibility and accountability are used to relate to
organizational units. They identified various bases such as product, service, client or

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geographical area for creating organizational units to divide the organization.

Bureaucracy
The growth of bureaucracy has come about through the increasing size and complexity of
organization and the associated demand for effective administration.

Bureaucracy as a concept appears difficult to define. The term is employed in a large variety
of contexts.

Bureaucracy can be applied to:

(i) A state administration - Government organizations
(ii) A group of officials in an organization who carry out administrative tasks on
contract-employment basis.
(iii) Administrative autocracy, where officials exert power in order to enhance and
serve their interests and goals.
(iv) Rational organization, that is, in accordance with the Weber's type of structure.

Max Weber, (1947) the famous sociologist, was the first to advance a systematic theory of
bureaucratic organization. Weber analyzed bureaucracy as an ideal type derived from the
most characteristic bureaucratic features of all known organisations. He emphasized the
importance of administration based on expertise and administration based on discipline.

Characteristics of Bureaucracy
1. Division of labor and specialization: Division of labor is the essential hallmark of
bureaucracy. The job of every employee is broken down into simple, operational and
routine well-defined tasks. It results in efficiency in operations because when people
are employed on routine tasks over certain period of time they would be specialized in
their fields. Specialization results in efficiency; efficiency, in turn, leads to
effectiveness.
2. Impersonality: Another notable feature of bureaucracy is the impersonality of
relationships among the organizational members. The decisions are entirely guided by
rules and regulations and are totally impersonal. There is no room for emotions and
sentiments in this type of organizational structure. The essence of bureaucracy is total
depersonalization. Weber's ideal official is characterized by the spirit of formalistic
impersonality, without hatred or passion, without affection on enthusiasm. Though
such concept of impersonality is oblivious to environmental reality, Weber contends
that the bureaucrats make completely rational decisions avoiding emotional
attachment to their subordinates.
3. Hierarchy of Authority: Another important feature of Weberian bureaucracy is the
authority structure. Authority is the right to command and exact obedience. Authority
is organizational and positional but not personal. Since the bureaucratic structure is
like a pyramid, the quantum of authority increases as one moves up the ladder in the

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organization.
The hierarchy serves as line of communication and command, not a means for
delegating tasks. People at the higher levels command more authority than at lower
rungs. In a bureaucratic organization, thus, the hierarchy of authority is a fundamental
feature. It is fundamental because without specified lines of authority and jobs, the
organization becomes a mere collection of people placed in disorder.
4. Professionalism and technical competence: An outstanding feature of bureaucracy is
the recruitment of personnel based on the technical competence, expertise, skills, and
experiences, etc. In bureaucracy the officialdom constitutes salaried professionals
who are recruited by virtue of their technical training and competence. Competence is
the essential qualification of decision makers. Managers are autonomous within their
spheres of competence and their decisions are generally accepted by the management.
5. Rules, regulations and official records: One essential and often emphasized feature is
the set of formal rules and regulations in the organization of bureaucratic type. A
rational approach to organization calls for a system of maintaining rules to ensure twin
requirements of uniformity and coordination of efforts by individual members in an
organization. Rules are permanent in this type whereas personnel may change.
Organization generally frames rules in such a fashion that they are more or less stable
and more or less exhaustive. Rules and regulations provide an organization the benefits
of stability, continuity and predictability.
6. Official records. Bureaucratic organization is characterized by the maintenance of
good and proper official records. The decisions and activities in the organization are
formally recorded and preserved safely for future reference. This is made possible by
extensive filing system. Written documentation and formal filing root out the
possibility of loopholes in the oral communication among the organizational members.
An official record is considered as the encyclopedia of the various activities performed
or undertaken by the employees in the organization. Records also provide running
commentary of the activities that are taking place in day-to-day organizational life.
7. Career tracks for employees. Bureaucratic organization requires employment of full-
time staff. Employees view their jobs as career and try to acquire thorough knowledge
of it and gradually specialize in their respective fields. The tenure of services of the
employees is determined by the prescribed rules and regulations in the organization.
Members pursue a career in the organization; in return for this career commitment,
employees have tenure. They will be retained even if they burn out their candle of skills
or when the skills they possess become obsolete. Organization provides some sort of
cushion for the employees and hence the members will have stake in the organization
to the extent of their careers (Rao and Narayana).

The combined effect of the characteristics of bureaucracy is to create social conditions which
constrain each member of the organization to act in ways that further the rational pursuit of

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organizational objectives.
In Text Questions (ITQ)
1. List 5 characteristics of bureaucracy
2. Discuss three of them.

14.6 FROM HUMAN RELATIONS TO THE BEHAVIOURAL MOVEMENTS

Essentially, the Human relations developed as a necessary correction to the excesses of
classical theory. While classical theories emphasized order, rationality, structure,
specialization and generally viewed employees as economic tools, human relations
conceived organization as a social system. According to the human relations school, an
organization should be viewed as a social system which has both economic and social
dimensions.

Essential features of Human Relations/Neo-classical theory include:

i. Human relations strives to create a positive work environment in which people can
simultaneously fulfill their own needs as well as those of the organization. The
goals of productivity and employee satisfaction are inextricably interwoven.
ii. The focus is on people. When management stimulates the workers more they
work better, we have sound human relations in the organization.
iii. The ultimate goal of creating sound human relations is to help make workers
more productive, not just happier. Human relations is essentially concerned
with motivating people to peak performance.
iv. Human relations seek to build human cooperation toward organizational goals in
an effective way, that is, with minimum inputs in relation to outputs. It is an
action oriented process.

The Human Relations School taught that it is necessary to relate work and the
organizational structure to the social needs of the employees. Human relationists
argue that by making the employee happy, the organization would obtain their full
cooperation and effort and thus increase its efficiency. By conceiving organization as a
social system the human relations school stressed the need for a rigorous examination
of psychological and social aspects of organizational behaviour.

The results of the Hawthorne experiments of the human relations school and the
subsequent attention given to the social organization and to theories of individual
motivation gave rise to the work of those writers in the 1950s and 1960s who adopted a
more psychological orientation. Among these writers were; McGregor, Maslow,
Herzberg, Lewin, Argyris, and Likert 1964. The major focus of concern was the personal
adjustment of the individual within the work organization, and the effects of group

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relationships and leadership styles.

Abraham Maslow 1947 one of the proponents of this theory, put forward a theoretical
framework of individual personality development and motivation based on a hierarchy
of human needs. The hierarchy ranges through five levels from, at the lowest level,
physiological needs, through safety needs, love needs, esteem needs, to the need for
self-actualization at the highest level.

Herzberg and McGregor (1946) also wrote on the motivation theory. Herzberg
identified two different sets of factors affecting motivation and satisfaction at work.
One set of factors comprises those which, if absent, cause dissatisfaction. Those are
'hygiene' or 'maintenance" factors which are concerned basically with job environment.
However, in order to motivate workers to give off their best, proper attention must be
given to a different set of factors, the 'motivator" or 'growth' factors. McGregor in his
own way argued that the style of management adopted is a function of the manager's
attitudes towards human nature and behaviour at work.

He put forward two suppositions called theory X and theory Y which are based on
popular assumptions about work and people.

Theory X takes a pessimistic view of human nature that the average person is by nature
lazy. He or she will work as little as possible. Such an individual lacks ambition, dislikes
responsibility, and prefers to be led.

The manager here was seen as an active agent for motivating people controlling their
actions, modifying their behavior to fit the needs of the organization. Theory X places
exclusive reliance upon external control of human behavior.

Theory Y takes the humanistic approach that people are not by nature passive, lazy, and
dumb. But instead, they are generally eager for opportunities to show initiative and to
bear responsibility. They are not resistant to organizational needs. The motivation, the
potential for development, is inherent in people. Therefore the goal of management
here becomes creating environment where people can achieve their own goals best by
directing their own efforts towards organizational objectives.

Job enlargement, delegation of authority, decentralized responsibilities, and

participatory management are several methods by which theory Y could be practically
implemented in organizations. Theory Y therefore relies heavily on self-control and self-
direction. These theorists call for less hierarchy and more humanity in organizational life.

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In Text Questions (ITQ)

1. Outline the Human Relation theory to Public Administration.
2. Write a brief critique of the Behavioural approach in Public Administration.

14.7 THE NIGERIAN CIVIL SERVICE

The Nigerian civil service has been patterned on the British civil service practice and
tradition. The system of administration which emerged at independence was British in
character. However, there had been major reforms of the Nigerian civil service to
transform not only the structure but also its functions to suit social, economic and
political needs of the country.

The Nigerian civil service as the administrative machinery of government, is looked

upon by the society as the state vehicle for implementing developmental policies and
achieving the goals of each government, such as the creation of new economic and
political structures and infusing them with values and purposes, the adaptation and
reconstruction of old values and the acceleration of economic and social changes,
designed to reduce unemployment, increase social products, and ensure a more
equitable distribution of income.

A major feature of the civil service organization into units known as department is the
hierarchical structure of the service. The organizational structure of a typical Ministry is
hierarchical with the Minister as the head (in case of the federal) and Commissioner (in
case of the state). Each Ministry is expected to deal with all matters in respect of which it
was established. The Permanent Secretary is next in line to the Minister, he is the
executive head of the Ministry who is in direct control of all the staff assigned to him. Each
Ministry is sub-divided into two or more Divisions, each of which deals with a particular
aspect of the ministry's work under the authority of a Head of Division. Divisions are again
subdivided into Branches, in charge are Heads of Branches. Smaller sub-divisions are
called Sections or Units in the ministry. Within the various sections, or units, the rest of the
senior staff take their places in accordance with their ranking in seniority.

Functions of the Civil Servants

The role and functions of the civil servants are summarized by Augustus Adebayo (1984)
thus:
(i) Decisions are taken by Ministers and it is the duty of civil servants to supply the
Minister with the information necessary to make a right decision.
(ii) The civil servant must place before his minister the arguments on both sides.
(iii) Once the decision is taken, the civil servant must carry out loyally the policy
chosen even though he may have preferred a different one.
(iv) The decision, when once taken, is that of the Minister or the government as a

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whole, and the civil servant must not take credit for such decision.
(v) The civil servant must observe absolute silence and be discrete as to what takes
place in the office. He is guided by the Official Secret Act.
(vi) The civil service is responsible for continuity of policy.
(vii) The civil servant must observe the triple maxim of impartiality, neutrality, and
anonymity.
(viii) The civil servant, while carrying out the decisions and policy laid down by the
political boss, must resist illegitimate political demands or pressures.

14.8 CONCLUSION
In this study session, you have examined in detail the term “public administration”. You
have learnt about the functions of an administrator, and examined what an
organization is and its defining characteristics. The session also looked at the various
theories of administration beginning from the classical theory to the behavioural school
of thought. You would have also learnt about the Nigerian civil service

14.9 SUMMARY
From the classical to human relations and behavioural approaches to the study of
administration, theorists have placed emphasis on the proper coordination and
management of human and material resources in order to achieve organizational goals.
The Nigerian civil service which has evolved from the British system is the state vehicle
for implementing developmental policies and achieving the goals of each government,
such as; the creation of new economic and political structures and infusing them with
values and purposes, the adaptation and reconstruction of old values and the
acceleration of economic and social changes, designed to reduce unemployment,
increase social products, and ensure a more equitable distribution of income.

14.10 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQS)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. Administration is said to be possible only when
(a) Two or more people cooperate to achieve a goal
(b) When men are fighting over power
(c) When a country decides to develop
(d) When two arms of government are united.

2. The following are approaches to the study of public administration except one:
(a) Legal historical approach
(b) Structural descriptive approach
(c) Behavioural approach

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(d) Philosophical approach

3. Which one of the following authors said that 'public administration is the action part of
government, the means by which the purposes and goals of government are realized?
(a) President Reagan
(b) Woodrow Wilson
(c) Robert Kennedy
(d) Dwight Waldo

4. The functions of Administration include all except one of the following:

(a) Planning
(b) Organizing
(c) Leading and controlling
(d) Giving bribes to civil servants

5. Which of the following wrote his work on scientific management?

(a) Frederick Taylor
(b) Samuel Huntington
(c) Amitai Etzioni
(d) Max Weber

Essay: Discuss briefly Max Weber's contribution to theory of bureaucratic organizations.

14.11 REFERENCES
Adebayo, A, 1981. Principles and practice of public administration in Nigeria, N. Y. John
Wiley and Sons.

Allen, J. G. C, 1985. A handbook of basic administration and civil service procedure in

the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Ibadan. University Press, Ltd.

Etzioni, Amitai. 1964. Modern organizations, New Jersey, Prentice-hall, Inc. Englewood
Cliffs.

Faseke, M, 1998. The civil service in Nigeria. A Historical Perspective, Ibadan, Rex
Charles Publication.

Henry, Nicholas. 2001. Public administration and public affairs, New Delhi. Prentice
Hall of India Private Ltd.

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14.2 FURTHER READINGS

Hyde, A. C. and Shafritz, J. M, 1997. Classics of public administration, New York.
Harcourt Brace & Company.

Peter, G. 1978. The politics of bureaucracy, New York. Longman Inc.

Rao, V.S.P and Narayana, P. S, 1987. Organization theory and behaviour, Delhi. Konark
Publishers PUT Ltd.

Rosenbloom, D. 1980. Public administration - understanding management, Politics and

law in the public sector, New York. McGraw-Hill Companies Inc.

Simon, H. 1948. Administrative behavior: A study of decision-administrative

organizations. New York.

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STUDY SESSION 15

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND ORGANISATIONS

CONTENTS
15.0 Introduction
15.1 Learning Outcomes
15.2 Main body
15.3 The imperatives of International Relations
15.4 Preconditions for International Relations
15.5 Focus of International Relations
15.6 International Organisations
15.7 United Nations Organisation (UNO)
15.8 African Union (AU)
15.9 Conclusion
15.10 Summary
15.11 Self Assessment Questions
15.12 References
15.13 Further Readings

15.0 INTRODUCTION
Man by nature is a social animal. There is always a propensity for man to associate with
others. This flows from the mutually beneficial advantages that such an associational,
cooperative and collaborative relationship confers on human existence. Thus, at the
micro-level of negative human existence, the state is the expression of the desire of
man to exist within a political society in which structured and orderly existence take
place. Through the social contract freely entered into by man the state came into
existence as a platform for collaborative and cooperative human living.

However, the peace and orderly existence which man had forged through the existence
of the state would hardly endure without a similar order and prescribed norms of
cooperation which mediate and resolve disputes and conflicts when the different state
systems produced and empowered with the monopoly of the means of physical
coercion by different states.

To this end, international relations is a replication of the cooperative, collaborative

and ordered process of social interactions within the state at the international level
between and amongst different state systems, and other non-state actors that have
bearing on the possibilities or otherwise of what happens in terms of Who Gets What,
When, and How? Within the state systems from the globally limited resources. Central
therefore to the problematic of international relations, is the issue of power, its uses
and control between and amongst states within the context of global geopolitics.

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15.1 LEARNING OUTCOMES

At the end of the study session, you should be able to:
3. Explain what international relations are.
4. Explain what international organizations are.
5. Describe the workings of international organizations such as the United Nations
Organization (UNO) and the African Union (AU).

15.2 MAIN BODY

15.3 THE IMPERATIVES OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

International relations is as important for states as domestic politics. Fundamentally,
states seek to achieve two goals in their relations with other states at the international
level. One, every state has peculiar and particularistic interests and problems; the
state uses the platform of relations with other nations to promote, and find solutions
too. Two, there are a number of problems which impact negatively on conditions within
the territorial boundaries of a state, but with implications of an international nature.
Hence, solutions to such concerns cannot but be of a transnational character.
International relations engenders the possibilities of transnational solutions and
management of such problems of global concern.

It must be clearly stated however, that state relations at the international level is never
unidirectional, that is, it is not solely, peaceful. It could manifest in terms of
cooperation and collaboration, or conflictual in nature. It is for this reason that
Akindele (2003) argues that war and peace are the core of international relations. This
underscores the importance and the premium placed on the issue of alliances and
collective security in international relations.

15.4 PRECONDITIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

According to Akinboye and Ottoh (2005:23), certain conditions are germane for the
existence of international relations amongst states. These are:
(a) There must be in place a global international system in which international
actors are co-inhabitants;
(b) The existence of different international actors e.g. states, international
organizations, non-state actors, e.g. Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO),
transnational corporations, etc engaged in cooperation or competition over
resources;
(c) Bilateral and multilateral interactions among international actors;
(d) The need for resolution of conflicting claims and rights between the different
international actors collectively.

The implication of the foregoing is that international relations is a system embedded in

a structural relationship between different actors with particularistic and sometimes

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collective interests, which they strive to achieve within a mutually agreed process and
given pre-determined normative behaviour. It is in this context that Stoessinger
(1979:27) opines that nation's in international relation attempt to use its tangible and
intangible resources to change the probability of outcome, that is, to condition what
would happen in a way desirable and beneficial to it. So, while national interests
condition the behaviour of nations in international relations, the Mutually Assured
Destruction (MAD) of every state in the event of chaos occasioned by unregulated
pursuit of selfish national interests imposes limits on state's action in the system
through a collective preservation orientation on the parts of nation-states. Hence,
international relations entail the promotion of national interests by individual nation-
states, as well as a conscious attempt at preserving the collective security of the
international order, the failure of which in the past led to the outbreak of World War 1
and World War II, with devastating consequences for humanity.

15.5 FOCUS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

International relations deal with a universe of concerns. Some of which cooperative
interactions, economic cooperation, political cooperation, international politics,
diplomacy, foreign policy, strategic studies, international law, international
organizations, bilateralism and multilateralism, human security, and global peace
initiatives. For instance political cooperation is a desideratum to international
relations, and for international peace and security. As Adeniran (1982: 34) notes, "the
motivations for political cooperation are based on the national interests of the
individual nation-states". Similarly, international law is the platform on which
international cooperation is established. Specifically, international law, according to
Adeniran (1982: 45) is designed to: (a) minimize friction between states; (b) stabilize
behaviour of states; (c) facilitate cooperation between and among states; (d) protect
individuals; (e) settle disputes; (f) serve as a tool of public relations and propaganda.

Flowing from the above, it is clear that international relations is a system, a structure
and a process. It is as much an academic discipline as it is a power and interest-based
relation among nation-states. And as Akinbobola (1999: 329) submits, international
relations entail "conscious promotion of peace among nations and of the study and
enhancement of the mechanism of conflict prevention, management and resolution".

In Text Questions (ITQ)

What is International Relations?

15.6 INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

A conceptual understanding of international relations is incomplete without
international organizations. This is because, next to the nation-states, international
organizations are the most important actors in the global arena, and they constitute
the platform for bilateral and multilateral interactions and politics amongst nation-

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states. According to Palmer and Perkins (1969 cited in Akinboye and Ottoh, 2005: 167),
an international organization is "any cooperative arrangement instituted among states
usually by agreement to perform some mutually advantageous functions implemented
through periodic treaties and staff activities".

Modern international organizations are products of historical development amongst

nation-states in their constant desire to engender global peace and security. Three
historical developments that preceded the modern international organization are
relevant to our concern at this point. First, were the high level meetings between
leaders at various times to find solutions to issues of general concern. One of such
meetings was the Vienna Congress of 1815. Second, was the institution of the Hague
system in 1899, and again in 1907, with the programmatic agenda amongst nations to
order and structure inter-state relations. The third was the public international unions,
such as, the Danube River and Rhine Commission (1806), which deals with non-political
issues, but establishing basis of providing services of mutual beneficial global concerns
which are of economic and social problems, e.g. International Postal Union (1875),
International Bureau for Weights and Measures (1875), International Office of Public
Health (1903), International Bureau for Telegraphic Administrations (1868).

Certain conditions are sine qua non to the existence of any international organization.
Adeniran (1982: 85) proposes the following as essential basis for international
organizations: (a) operation in a world of states; (b) contacts amongst states; (c)
recognition of certain problems of common interest to all the states; and (d) the need
for joint action in solving mutual problems.

As Akindele (2003: 109) argues, international organizations are important for the
following reasons: (a) they are much needed instruments for the conduct of foreign
policy; (b) they are actors in the diplomatic game involving the management of
international order; and (c) they bring pressure to bear on states in the conduct of their
foreign policy, and consequently influence the shape of their policy.

It is however important to bear in mind the following issues as it relates to international

organizations:
1. International organization can only exist when there is agreement between two
or more nation-states, in essence, international organization is formed by
states;
2. The legislative competence of international organization is almost nil;
3. Democratic principles, that is, one man one vote regime governs decision
making of international organizations;
4. Negotiation, enquiry, mediation and conciliation, rather than forces are the
preferred techniques of conflict resolution and management by international
organizations;

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5. International organizations, in some respects limit the sovereignty of nation-

states. Decisions taken by international organizations to which states are
members are morally binding on the state-members. As Akinbobola (1999: 344)
submits, while "no one wishes to diminish the scope of a nation state's
sovereignty, however the capacity to take unilateral action is at variance to the
collective will to which a state is a signatory".

15.7 UNITED NATIONS ORGANIZATIONS (UNO)

The United Nations was established following the inability of the League of Nations,
which was put in place as a global system in 1919 at the end of World War I, to prevent
the outbreak of another World War. The different international activities during World
War II by powerful Western nations to engender global peace after the war historically
culminated in the establishment of the United Nations on October 24, 1945, with the
ratification of the organization's Charter by the United States of America, United
Kingdom, France, China, Soviet Union, and other signatories.

The UN has the following objectives:

(i) Maintain international peace and security through collaborative measures
geared towards removing threats, acts of aggression or other breaches of peace
and to use peaceful means for conflict resolution;
(ii) To develop friendly relations based on the principle of equal rights and self-
determination of people;
(iii) To achieve international cooperation in different spheres of human existence;
(iv) To promote respect for fundamental freedom and human rights.

Article 1, of the UN Charter outlined the principles, which constitutes the strategies for
the achievement of the above objectives. These principles are sovereign equality of all
nations; peaceful settlement of disputes between nations; prohibition of the use of
force or threat of its use against other states; non-interference by the UN in the
internal affairs of member states; and faithful fulfillment of obligations by members to
the organization.

Structure of the UN
Structurally, the UN was designed as an all-inclusive umbrella to accommodate all
nations irrespective of size, power and wealth, just as its scope of activities took
account of the multi-dimensional concerns of member nations. However, the power of
nation-states, and their ability to use such powers to change the probabilities of
outcome in global politics, was a major variable in the determination of the structure
of the UN. The dominant power and hegemonic forces in global politics during World
War II, insisted on the need to take account of the relative powers of the different

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member nations in the structuring of the UN. Goodrich (1974:60) argues, the powerful
nations favoured "... the allocation of responsibilities among organizations and the
definition of powers, composition should reflect difference of power, with the
emphasis on the military element". The functions and powers of the various organs of
the UN as we have them today conform to this global power calculus. The UN has six
principal organs namely:
a) Security Council;
b) The General Assembly;
c) The Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC);
d) The Trusteeship Council;
e) The International Court of Justice; and
f) The Secretariat.

For the purpose of this paper we shall concern ourselves with discussion of the two most
important organs of the UN, namely the Security Council and the General Assembly.

The Security Council is the most powerful organ of the UN. Expectedly, the five most
powerful nations at the end of World War II, namely, the United States of America,
United kingdom, France, Soviet Union, and China, in line with the power calculus as a
basis for giving responsibilities that was canvassed by the powerful nations, are
permanent members of the Security Council In addition to these permanent members
are six other temporary members elected every two years. It is however unfortunate
that such an important organ of the UN charged with the sole responsibility of
maintaining world peace and security does not operate by democratic imperative in
both membership and decision-making process. Any of the permanent members can
veto the decision of the organ. It is noteworthy however, that efforts are been made to
reform the UN, and democratize its operations. As part of this reform the UN is to give
two permanent seats to Africa in the Security Council, while more countries in Asia and
Latin America are also demanding for seats.

The General Assembly is the most important organ of the UN. Five members represent
each member nation on the Assembly during its yearly meetings. Its jurisdiction covers
every issue contained in the UN Charter. Matters are referred to the Assembly by the
Security Council for discussions and decisions. It operates on democratic imperative of
equality of nations and votes on decisions. The annual budget of the UN is placed before
the Assembly for approval.

Associated with the UN are some international intergovernmental organizations,

namely, World Health Organization (WHO); Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO);
International Labour Organization (ILO); International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (IBRD) otherwise known as the World Bank; International Monetary Fund
(IMF); the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO);

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While the lack of enforcement power and the non-interference in the domestic affairs
of member nations amongst other factors have seriously inhibited the effectiveness
and efficiency of the UN, what cannot be denied is that in the last fifty years, the UN
has succeeded in preventing another World War. It has embarked on a number of peace-
keeping operations across the globe, promoting international cooperation and respect
for fundamental human rights globally.

In Text Questions (ITQ) 2

Discuss the major functions of the United Nations Organization.

15.8 AFRICAN UNION (AU)

The AU is the successor of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), founded in 1963. The
formation of the AU is underscored by the imperative of change and the need to cope
with contemporary challenges of development by African nations, and the imperative
engendered by the radical change and hegemonic politics of the international political
economy following the end of the Cold War. According to Ogwu (2004:6),

AU is the cornerstone on the new terms of engagement between

Africa and the world… Indeed, the renegotiation of Africa's place in
the international division of labour as well as the equitable
redistribution of global developmental resources in favour of Africa
constitutes important items in the transformation of Africa.

The formation of the AU entails a lot of preparations, consultations, and deliberations,

hence its emergence was not an over-night affair.

Historically, the match towards the formation of the AU started in 1979, with the
attempt to amend the OAU Charter. However, the lack of the necessary political will on
the part of African Heads of State, contributed to the inefficiency and the inability of
the committee set up for the purpose to achieve results. The Ouagadougou Declaration
of 10 June, 1998, was however a positive effort at reengineering and refocusing the
OAU. At the Ouagadougou, decision was taken for the establishment and consolidation
of effective democratic institutions. Interestingly, the thrust of the Ouagadougou
deliberations were basically economic and developmental, rather than the
characteristic political concern of the OAU. The Algiers Summit, with was held in July,
1999, which centered on the themes of "Collective Security and Problems of Conflicts in
Africa", and "The Challenges of Globalization and Establishment of the African
Economic Community", build on the Ouagadougou achievements.

Following the Algiers Summit was the Sitre, Libya, 4th Extraordinary Summit in
September, 1999. The purpose of this Summit was to amend the OAU Charter in order to

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make the organization more functionally effective and efficient. This concern was
reflected in the theme of the Summit, "Strengthening OAU capacity to enable it to
meet the challenges of the New Millennium". At the Summit, the establishment of the
AU was agreed upon. To this end, the draft Constitutive Act of the AU (as well as the
draft Protocol establishing Pan-African Parliament) was prepared. This was adopted by
the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Lome, Togo, between 10-12
July, 2000. At the 5th Extraordinary Summit of the OAU, again at Sitre, Libya, between
1-2 March, 2001, the establishment of the AU was unanimously declared. There were
however provisions in the Constitutive Act detailing conditions precedent to the full
realization of the AU.

According to Kawonihse (2002:92),

In the decision (at the Sitre, Summit) African Heads of states and
Governments specified that legal requirements of the union would
have been completed upon the deposit of the 36th instrument of
ratification of the Constitutive Act of the AU.

It was agreed too that the effective date of the Constitutive Act will be 30 days after
2/3 members of the OAU have deposited their instruments of ratification. Nigeria, on
26 April, 2001, became the 36th state to deposit the instrument of ratification of the AU
Constitutive Act. Based on this agreement, the AU Constitutive Act became effective on
26 May, 2001, being the 30th day after the 36 instrument of the AU was deposited. The
formal launching of the AU was however to wait till the OAU Summit in Lusaka, Zambia,
between 9-11 July, 2001. The AU finally emerged at the Durban, South African Summit,
9 July, 2002, after the expiration of one- year transitional period provided by Article 33
(1) of the AU Constitutive Act.

Given the series of activities and historical landmark that culminated in the formation of
the AU, there is confusion as to the date that should be regarded as the formation of the
AU. Some illumination is offered in the literature. According to Kawonishe (2002:95),

On this controversy two precedents exist. The adoption of the OAU Charter on 25 May,
1963 is the day commemorated as the OAU birthday, although the Charter entered into
force on 13 September. On the other hand, and conversely, the establishment of the UN
is traced to 24 October 1945, the day the UN Charter entered into force, and not 26
July, 1946, the day it was adopted.

Using the African standard set by the OAU precedent, the birthday of the AU is 26 May,
2001.

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Reasons for the Formation of the AU

1. The OAU Charter has become stale and anachronistic. The issues of which it seeks to
address, such as, colonialism, independence, apartheid, etc, are no longer relevant
and has become overtaken by time.
2. The end of the Cold War and the emergence of a unipolar world order under the hegemonic
control of America have reduced the importance of African nations in global geopolitical
calculation thus necessitating the need for unity, cooperation, collaboration, and
common positions on major issues of general concern to the continent.
3. The failure of the imposed Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), debt crisis, and
deteriorating and parlous state of African economies which has aggravated the
problems of poverty, unemployment, malnutrition, HIV/AIDS, brain-drain,
deindustrialization, etc, calls for regional economic cooperation and programmatic
continental actions.
4. Decline in the value of inflow of foreign aid and Foreign Direct Investment. Added to this is
the reduction in the volume of trade between the North and Africa, a situation occasioned
by the establishment of the European Union, and the increasing trade between countries
of the North, and Transnational Corporations domiciled in the North.
5. The regime of globalization has gone beyond the exploitation of African nations, and
made it possible for them to be totally excluded to the extent that they are irrelevant
to the profit calculation of North profit goals.
6. The realization that individually African nations are structurally and organically weak
to effectively and decisively participate in the present global politics which is oriented
toward regionalism.

Objectives of the AU
Article 3 of the AU the Constitutive Act clearly detailed the objectives of the
organization as follows:
a. Achieve greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and the
peoples of Africa;
b. Defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its member
states;
c. Accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent;
d. Promote and defend African common positions on issues of interests to the
continent and its people;
e. Encourage international cooperation, taking due account of the charter of the
United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;
f. Promote peace, security, and stability on the continent;
g. Promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good
governance;

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h. Promote and protect human and people's rights in accordance with the African
Charter of Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights
instruments;
i. Establish the necessary conditions which will enable the continent to play its
rightful role in the global economy and international negotiations;
j. Promote sustainable development at the economic, social and cultural levels as
well as the integration of African economies;
k. Promote cooperation in all fields of human activity to raise the living standards
of African people;
l. Coordinate and harmonize the policies between the existing and future regional
economic communities for the gradual attainment of the objectives of the Union;
m. Advance the development of the continent by promoting research in all fields, in
particular in science and technology; and
n. Work with relevant international partners in the eradication of preventable
diseases and the promotion of good health on the continent.

In Text Questions (ITQ)

What are the objectives of the African Union?

Structure of the AU
Nine organs are provided for in the AU Constitutive Act. These organs are spelt out in Article 5
(1) of the AU Constitutive Act as follows:
1. The Assembly, which is the supreme organ of the Union;
2. Executive Council;
3. The Pan-African Parliament;
4. The Court of Justice;
5. The Commission;
6. The Permanent Representative Committee;
7. The Specialized Technical Committees;
8. The Economic, Social and Cultural Council; and
9. The Financial Institutions.

The headquarters of the organization by the provision of Article 24 (1) is in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia where the OAU has its headquarters. While the formation of the AU is a right
step in the right direction, especially against the democratic imperatives of its
principles, gender equality, respect for human rights, rule of law and good governance.
However, it is too early in the day to say to what extent the AU can fulfill the dreams of
its founding fathers by now getting ensnared by the many crises that led to the demise
of its predecessor, the OAU.

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15.9 CONCLUSION
International relations and international organizations are veritable platforms and
tools for nation-states in the realization of nation's interests, promotion of global
peace and harmony, and ensuring international cooperation and security which are
desideratum for the realization of domestic development and human progress.

15.10 SUMMARY
You have learnt that international relations is a cooperative, collaborative and ordered
process of social interactions within the state at the international level between and
amongst different state systems, and other non-state actors that have bearing on the
possibilities or otherwise of what happens in terms of who gets what when and how
within the state Systems from the globally limited resources.

15.11 SELF ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS (SAQS)

Multiple Choice Questions and Essay

1. The following are the subfields of international relations except
(a) Diplomacy
(b) International Organizations
(c) Political Ideas
(d) Foreign Policy Analysis.

2. International politics refers to

(a) Politics among nations
(b) International relations
(c) International political economy
(d) Peaceful relations between states

3. One of the following is a military international organization

(a) United Nations Organization
(b) North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(c) Organization of American States
(d) Mano River Union

4. United Nations Organization (UNO) was formally established on:

(a) October 24, 1945
(b) October 15, 1945
(c) October 1, 1945
(d) October 30, 1946

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5. Which of the following is not a member of the security council of the UNO?
(a) Russia
(b) China
(c) Japan
(d) France

Essay: Trace the historical transition from the organization of African Unity (OAU) to African
Union (AU).

15.12 REFERENCES
Akinboye, S. O. and F. Ottoh. 2005. A systemic approach to international relations.
Lagos: Concept Publications.

Akindele, A. 2003. "International relations and organizations", in O. Oyediran.

Introduction to political science. Ibadan: Oyediran Consults International. Pp. 103-113.

Akintoye, S. A. 1976. Emergent African states; Longman, Harlow.

Akinbobola, A. "International relations", in R. Anifowose and F. Enemuo, Elements of

politics. Lagos: Malthouse Press Ltd.

Claude, I. L. 1967. The changing United Nations; Random House, N. Y.

Kawonishe, D. 2002. "Metamorphosis of the OAU into AU: problems and prospects".
African journal of international affairs and development. Vol. 7 (1) pp. 84- 113.

Mazrui, Ali A, 1967. Towards Pan-Africana; Weidenfeld Nicalson.

Nicolson, H. G, 1971. The United Nations as a political institution (Oxford University

Press.

Ogwu, J.U, 2004. "Introduction: AU and Africa's development", in Agubuzu, L.O.C. from
OAU to AU. NIIA lecture series No. 83. Lagos: NIIA. Pp. 6-9.

15.13 FURTHER READINGS

Stoessinger, J. G. 1979. The might of nations: world politics in our time. Sixth Edition.
New York: Random House.

Wolfers, M. 1976. Politics in the organisation of African unity, Methuen, London.

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ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 1

(MCQ) ANSWERS

1 2 3 4 5
A D D C B

ESSAY: Discuss the development of political science as a field of study.

Answer:
Political science as a field of study started when Jean Bodin (1430 1596) a French political
philosopher/Lawyer used the term 'science politique'. Bodin focused on the characteristics of
the state rather than the political process because of his legal training and background.

Another French philosopher Montesquieu (1689-1755) argued that the functions of

government could be encompassed within the categories of legislation, execution, and the
adjudication of law.

It was the work of these two philosophers that influenced and restricted the study of politics
or political science to political institutions for a long time.

However, the advent of World War II brought about a rethink by political scientists that the
legislative, executives and its agencies and the judiciary did not exist by themselves. Thus,
political scientists in Europe and America embarked on new fields of study by examining
political ideas and movements, political parties and pressure groups as well as corporations
and church organizations.

Today the study of politics is not just about government and politicians but a complex process
involving everybody in a given society. It is a study of attitudes to issues, interest groups,
organizations, electioneering, as well as the formulation, implementation and interpretation
of laws.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 2

(MCQ) ANSWERS

1 2 3
D A A

ESSAY: Discuss two approaches to the study of political science known to you.

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ANSWER:
1. Traditional approaches
2. Behavioural approach

The traditional approaches to the study of political science deals majorly with the historical
and institutional approaches. The historical approach employs historical data and facts to
analyze political development with political institutions and processes. The institutional
approach lays emphasis on the analysis of institutional parameters in the study of political
science. These parameters include philosophy, law, logic, norms, values and institutions.
These approaches have however been criticized as not being capable of offering reliable
analysis of politics, because they are viewed as static and having oversimplified assumptions
about today's reality in the political process.

The behavioural approach arose as a result of the perceived failing of the traditional
approaches. It was developed by American political scientists mainly from the Chicago and
Princeton schools of politics. As an approach, behaviouralism is based on careful observations
of individual in the political process and less on state political institutions. The behavioural
approach adopts methods of inquiry from psychology and sociology and some other
disciplines. The adoption and application of statistical methods, psychoanalysis, decision
making models and system theory, opened the frontier of knowledge in political science. The
behaviouralists insist that it is only through practical approach, measurements and facts that
political science can move towards being a science than mere descriptive formalism and
political philosophy. This approach has indeed brought development to the discipline of
political science.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 3

(MCQ) ANSWERS

1 2 3 4
A D D D

ESSAY: Democratic governments can not operate without the rule of law. Do you agree?

ANSWER:
No modern society can exist without a system of laws. The institution of law (rule of law) is
crucial to the social organization of human beings and democratic governments.

The concept of the rule of law connotes to the political scientist, the processes, principles,
standards and rules which governs the relationships and which help resolve the conflicting
interests of men and institutions in a democratic society.

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Generally, law can be defined as a body of rules for human conduct that is backed by
legitimate authority. Society survives because there are laws which regulate the behaviour of
individuals. And indeed, no society whether democratic or authoritarian can achieve any
measure of success or development unless there are established legal systems.

Under democratic governments political rights are protected by certain legal devices such as:
the Rule of Law, the Right to fair hearing (Audi alteram parterm and the Rule against Bias
(Nemo Judex in Causa Sua).

Similarly, under democratic governments there are legal remedies for violation of rights.
Remedies are compensation for the violation of legal rights. These remedies include: (1) the
Order of Habeas Corpus, (2) the writ of Prohibitions (3) the writ of Mandamus (4) the writ of
Injunctions and (5) Declaration.

And in addition to these, there are other legal instruments that influence the democratic
process in a particular country. These include laws made by the legislative assembly and the
system of courts.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 4

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4 5 6
C D B D D A

ESSAY: Discuss the emergence of behavioural approach in the study of politics.

ANSWER:
The journey to behaviouralism in political science was affected by many factors. There are
factors that contributed immensely to the emergence of this critical approach to the study of
political science.

1. The Chicago school: The foundation stone for the emergence of the behavioural
approach was laid in the Chicago School under the leadership of Charles Merriam. What
is known today as the behavioural approach was born. This School was based in the
Department of Political Science, University of Chicago, USA with eminent political
scientists like Harold Lasswell, V. O. Key Jr., David Truman, Herbert Simon and Gabriel
Almond and others.

2. The Princeton School: based in the Department of Political Science, University of

Princeton, U.S.A., the School also contributed to the emergence of the Behavioural

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Approach. The School adopted the behavioural approach as research methodology

while specializing on cross-cultural studies. Scholars like Lucian Pye, Sydney verba,
Myron Wedner, Dankwart A. Rostow and George I. Blankstern were some of the
members of the Princeton school.

3. There was substantial flow of foundation funds which helped to develop the
behavioural approach. The smooth re-orientation and the transition period would not
have been successful if not for the provision of unprecedented funds by the Ford, the
Rockefeller and the Carnegie Foundations.

4. The immigration of European scholars into the USA. The aftermath of Nazi policies in
Germany made European scholars, majorly of German origin to move en masse to the
United States in the course of World War II. The Germans being positivists by orientation
helped shore up the intellectual building blocks of the behavioural approach. Their
movement to the United States afforded the Approach the tools for comparative
studies and analysis. Their intellectual techniques/method helped in no small
measures to make the behavioral approach more robust.

Other factors responsible for the emergence of the Behavioural Approach included the
encouragement of the American Political Science Association and the Social Science
Research Council, the growth of survey methods, especially at the Survey Research
Centre of the University of Michigan and the Bureau of Applied Social Research at
Columbia University.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 5

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4 5
C D A C C

ESSAY: Explain the major characteristics of a modern state.

ANSWER:
Broadly speaking, the state is the political form of society. What we call the state is a
community of men organized for preserving and creating order and general well-being of its
members.

The essential characteristics of a modern state are: Territory, People, Government and
Sovereignty. It is the combination of these four categories that answer the question “what is
the nature of the state?”

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An essential prerequisite for the existence of the state is territory. Most states have been
established by conquest of neighboring tribes and annexing them in forming a centralized
administration.

In the modern world there are sovereign independent states of various sizes and shapes
ranging from such a huge country like China to such a tiny country like Lesotho or Monaco with
small populations and land areas. Yet, China and these small states have equal rights and
status in international law. However, small states often find it difficult to act on the world
stage or even exist without alliances with stronger neighbours or a super power.

Similarly, a state as a human organization is made up of people that reside within its territory.
Membership of a state is compulsory, once an individual is born into it unless he changed
his/her nationality. For example, if a Nigeria citizen renounces his citizenship, he must
acquire another citizenship because no one can be stateless except refugees who temporarily
lost their state from which they fled into exile.

However, when we are talking about the state in terms of population, we are concerned with
numbers and the characteristics of the people who live there. For example, while some
modern states like the United States and Canada are still under populated relative to the land
area and resources, other states like India and Egypt are confronted with the problem of a
population that is expanding too rapidly for their natural and technological resources.

Another important characteristic of the state is government. The state exists in order to
ensure the safety of lives, liberties and properties of citizens. The agency or machinery by
which the state performs its functions is known as the government. The government can
command and coerce, that is use force, when obedience is not forthcoming from individuals or
groups. These two attributes - the ability to command and coerce constitute power or
authority of the state. Thus, government is a body of persons authorized to govern or rule a
country or state.

Finally, the forth characteristic of a state is sovereignty. The term sovereignty is from French
and it means 'above' or 'one who is superior to another'. The term was originally used to
identify the king and in this context, the king represents the supreme and final authority of a
state. The king by exercising this enormous power of state sovereignty is known as the
“sovereign”. Thus any country or state that is able to conduct its own affairs independent of
other states is a sovereign state and as such is equal to other states in international law.

Jean Bodin in his book titled “Six Books of a Commonwealth” (1576) popularized the concept
of sovereignty. He argued that “sovereignty” refers to the source of the state authority
regardless of its form of government. Sovereignty may be vested in a king or in some elite

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group or even in the corporate citizenry of a society over time. Whatever the form of
sovereignty, Bodin argued, it is distinguished by three attributes (1) it is absolute (2)
perpetual and (3) indivisible.

Other writers such as Hugo Grotius, John Locke and Jean Jack Rousseau also contributed to the
development of the concept. For example, John Locke and J. J. Rouseau redefined
sovereignty in terms of people rather than one single leader or ruler. Locke, in his, “Essay on
Civil Government” wrote that the Supreme power in the state reside with the people.
Rousseau went further by insisting that whenever the ruler violated or betrayed the “people's
trust”, the people had the right not to obey the sovereign and to even overthrow his
government.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 6

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
B B B A above Jean Bodin Sovereign C

ESSAY: “State sovereignty today has limits because of states joining international
organizations”. Discuss

ANSWER:
The conceptualization of sovereignty as absolute perpetual and indivisible no longer hold
because of states joining international organizations such as the United Nations Organisation
(UNO).

However, as far as the relationship between the state and the individuals is concerned, there
is little or no limit to the sovereignty of the state. However, Jean Bodin argued that the
sovereign is subjected to limitations imposed by the “Salic laws” (the law of succession) the
Law of Nature and the Law of God, which law the sovereign must obey. Similarly, Thomas
Hobbes believed that the sovereign can be disobeyed when he can no longer protect the lives
of his subjects.

Constitutional supremacy in many modern states, especially in federal states, constitutes

another limitation on state sovereignty. In federal states, for example in the USA, the legal
sovereign is difficult to locate. The sovereign is difficult to locate because it is not located in
Congress, Supreme Court or the fifty States. The legal sovereign consists of the combination of
authorities that have power to amend the constitution this include the Judiciary, the States
and Congress.

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Another limitation to state sovereignty is membership of International organisations. Most

states are members of the United Nations Organisation which is one of the most influential
world bodies today. Similarly, states have joined regional organizations such as the European
Union, the African Union, ECOWAS, SADC, etc. These organizations limit the sovereignty of
member states.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 7

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4 5 6
A A A B C A

ESSAY: Conceptualize Power and Authority, and show distinction between the two.

ANSWER:
Power and Authority are concepts that are critical to any understanding of policies and
political science. This is because these concepts are some of the most important concepts that
occupy the attention of both researchers and practitioners of politics. Power is largely a
behavioural concept in the sense that it is relational in nature. That is, it involves a process of
interaction between two or more persons. Robert Dahl takes power to be a situation in which A
has power over B to the extent he can get B to do something that B would otherwise not do. It is
the ability of one mind to control the other. It is the ability or capacity to modify the behaviour
of a person either as the threat of deprivation or sanction for non-conformity with the policy
intended. Force, domination and manipulation are the types of power that exist.

On the other hand, authority is a derivative of recognized and consented use of power. Authority
is a legitimate use of power. Having defined power as the power of A to make B do what B would
not do, such power must be legitimately earned and exercised. Alan Ball (2005) holds that
political authority is the recognition of the government/ruler to rule irrespective of the sanction
the ruler may possess. Authority implies that B does what A wants done without questioning A's
right to issue command and does so without much or any inducement or threat of sanction.
Hence, the basis of authority relationship lies in the fact that it is legitimate. There are several
sources of legitimacy, which may be in form of Traditional, legal rational or charismatic sources.

Power and authority are very distinct concepts. While power is relational and makes A superior
to B in some ways, Authority on the other hand connotes the recognition and acceptance of
such superiority by B and would not contest whatever rightful command issued by A. Power
and Authority are two very critical political variables in our society both local and
international. Hence, there is need to adequately study, understand the meaning and context

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of usage of both. In a mathematical form, the relationship between power and authority can
be represented as follows:

Authority= power + legitimacy

Therefore any power exercised without the consent (Legitimacy) of the people is not
authority. This is because given adequate resources (weapons, wealth, force, etc) such use of
power can be resented.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 8

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4
B A B A

ESSAY: What are the factors that determine the legitimacy of a government?

ANSWER:
The concept of legitimacy is crucial to the understanding of government. Having known power
as the ability of A to control the actions and behaviour of B, and authority as the recognition of
such control, legitimacy is what actually authorized the use of political power. Hence, it may
be safe to conclude that legitimacy is the raw material that produces authorized use of power.
Any government that lacks legitimacy only exercises unauthorized power which may induce
instability of both government and state.

Legitimacy may only be conferred on a government to the extent that it is based on justice.
Whoever exercises authority must justify its existence to the people. If it fails to convince the
people about its adherence to justice it may lose its legitimacy. Justice is a very crucial factor
in determining the legitimacy of a government. a credible election also goes some ways in
conferring legitimacy on a government in this age of democratization. These days, a
government that is not democratically elected may not enjoy legitimacy from the citizenry,
likewise is a government formed on the basis of flawed elections.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 9

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7
A D D C B B A

ESSAY: Define ideology and explain why ideology is so important in politics today.

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ANSWER:
The place of ideology in the study and practice of politics remains as important as ever. The
robust nature of politics was a lot to the influence of ideology. In fact, ideology is a gateway to
the understanding of political action and indeed, interpenetration of politics. It is a
systematized and interconnected set of ideas that direct and guide the action of political
action. Politics being a contextual enterprise is guided by the presence and application of
ideology. It offers sound explanation of various socio-economic variables in the human society.
It contains ideas, ends, and purposes that the society should pursue. If there is anything that
has made politics a very dynamic field of human endeavour, ideology stands tall because the
dynamism that was occupied in human history can be negatively attributed to the presence of
ideology in politics.

Ideology is very important in politics (in study and practice) for a number of reasons. It offers
itself as a means of legitimization of leadership. Through ideology, government can come up
with national rhetoric through which its desires legitimacy and sustains itself in power.
Ideology is capable of being a cognitive structure for looking at the society generally. It is
useful for the ruling class for consolidating power. Through ideology the state can be made
firmer than it would have been a good conflict management mechanism within the state. It
also helps the integration quest of the society because it opens up areas of discussion and
debate and sets a limit to the issue areas over which members of society can disagree.

Some members of the society have obtained their identity or self identification by professing
some ideologies. For example, some people may be called Marxists because they proffer the
ideas and belief espoused by Marx in Scientific Socialism. It helps to satisfy specific personal
means and a means of self-evaluation. Ideology provides the framework for making policy
choices by government and the parameters for assessing the conduct of officials and the
performance of government.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 10

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4 5 6
B D C C A D

ESSAY: Distinguish between federal and unitary constitutions.

ANSWER:
In this age of constitutionalism, it is clear that most modern states operate either unitary or
federal constitutions. Hence, there is the need to clearly distinguish between the two types of
constitutions. A unitary constitution institutes a single source of law making body which is the

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central government. This is not tenable in a federal crime because there are more than one
source of law making. In a federal state (federation), the central government and the
constituent units are engaged in political arrangement in which each level of government has
its constitutionally assigned roles. One distinguish feature of a federation is that both levels
are equal and coordinate. In this sense, the federal government cannot withdraw the powers
assigned to the states by the constitution. This is however possible in a Unitary constitution
because the powers are delegated by the central government and can be withdrawn.

The federal constitution is a political contrivance for managing a deeply divided state. This
does not mean that unitary states are not divided but most divided states operate the federal
constitution because it guarantees the majority of each unit to develop as it seems fit and
preserving their identity which can be eroded in a unitary state. The federal constitution has
special mechanisms for running the system like the provision for a supreme court to interpret
clashes from the constitution, a bicameral legislature, a process of fiscal relations between
levels of government. Scholars have concluded that the principle of non-centralisation is what
guides a federal constitution and makes it distinct from the unitary constitution, makes laws
for the whole country and reserves almost unlimited powers over the lowest governments.
U.S.A, Nigeria, India, Canada, Australia, Germany and Brazil are examples of countries that
operate federal constitutions. Ghana, UK, France, Spain, Portugal, Togo, Benin are some of
the countries that operate unitary constitutions.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 11

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7
B C A B A A B

ESSAY: Discuss the various problems faced by the constituent assembly in bringing the 1979
constitution to life.

ANSWER:
The Constituent Assembly was set up with the task of performing the twin functions of
deliberating on the findings of the CDC and enacting the draft constitution of Nigeria drawn up
by the CDC. However, there were few problems even before the C.A could be established. This
bordered on divergent opinion of how to constitute the C.A as one opinion viewed that there
should be a direct election of the constituencies, while the other opinion favoured the use of
local councils as electoral colleges for constituting the assembly, this gave rise to further
problems.

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In the first instance, the system of indirect rule was undemocratic as it was motivated against
popular will. This is because citizens were not allowed to choose their representatives; hence
it was doubtful if the representative would carry out the will of the people. Secondly, the
exclusion of the critical masses of articulate and informed Nigerians (e.g. civil servants and
teachers) was banned from contesting the elections. As a result, some of the best and most
qualified Nigerians were prevented from contributing to the process of constitutional
engineering that gave birth to the constitution. These Nigerians could have added value to the
process and made the constitution more robust. Lastly, as at the time of the election to the CA
local councils were relatively new and were only established after the 1976 local government
reforms. As a result, the local councils did not have enough time to establish public
confidence. This made the call and critical election into the CA an exercise that was
undemocratic and the citizenry not to believe in the exercise and all the more controversial.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 12

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4
C B D D

ESSAY: “A revolution is usually carried out to effect socio-political changes in a given country.”
Discuss with examples.

ANSWER:
There are two types of change, politically and socially speaking, violent (revolutions or civil
wars, war of conquest, etc) and non-violent (reforms, orderly change of government, etc)
change. Violent change is often viewed as an illegal, unconstitutional act and a bloody method
of effecting change. Examples are mass insurrection or uprising involving the use of fire-arms,
civil wars, military coups and mass revolutions. Such changes were common in the 18th and
19th century, Europe, the French and American Revolutions. In the 20th century there have
been some revolutions that have impacted the world positively the Russian Revolution of 1917
transformed Russia from a semi-feudal backward empire into a socialist super power within a
period of forty years.

In the 20th century also the Chinese had a great revolution that has transformed China into an
industrialized country and a powerful state in the world today. The Chinese economy is now
said to be second to the Americans.

According to Chalmers Johnson, revolutions are primarily social phenomena which arise from the
failure of society to meet the demands put upon it. This is the liberal or behavioural position. On
the other hand, the radical or Marxist position conceptualizes revolution differently.

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For Karl Max the most important relations of production are those between the Bourgeoisie
and the Proletariat (capital and labour) and this is the source of all contradictions in capitalist
society that will inevitably lead to workers revolution. For Marx, the contradiction in relations
between the exploiter class of capitalists and the exploited workers would get to a point
where it can only be resolved by a revolution in which the proletariat would overthrow the
class of capitalists, destroy capitalist political structures, the capitalist state, and oppressive
relations of production and establish a new socialist state with new structures and new
relations of production.

It is therefore not surprising that V. I. Lenin, a Marxist, a father of the Russian revolution stated
that “the transfer of state power from one class to another class is the first, the principal, the
basic sign of revolution”.

From the radical perspective therefore, a revolution is a mass movement directed at change in
order to put an end to mass exploitation, oppression, poverty and misery.

Finally, we may say categorically that revolutions arise from the material conditions of a given
society, where there is exploitation of many by the few, it gets to a point when the
contradictions “burst asunder” and the exploited rise up and defeat their exploiters thereby
laying the basis for a new society where man is free, where the quality of life is better, where
the basic necessities of life are guaranteed to everybody. Examples of such revolutions are the
Russian Revolution of 1917, the Chinese Revolution of 1949, and the Cuban Revolution of 1959.
In recent years there has been massive uprising in the Arab world that has translated to
revolutions in Egypt and Libya since the fall of Ghaddafi and Mubarak.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 13

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4 5
B A B B A

ESSAY: Discuss five (5) major causes of military intervention in African politics.

ANSWER:
No military coups are ever the same, nor are the situations in which they take place identical.
Each coup has its own characteristics, motivations, objectives and class or tribal characters as
well as its own specific relationship to external factors.

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The causes of military coups in Africa have to do with the weakness of the political structures
and processes in all post-colonial states, and the institutional role of the military in these
societies. Since the military are the traditional guards of the state, then to intervene in the
political process as means of arresting political instability and ensuring the integrity of the
country any time the state is threatened as a result of political and social tensions. The
military have the right to intervene to prevent chaos and anarchy.

Secondly, the military are the only institution which can force themselves into power as an
organized unit without much opposition since they possess the monopoly of the instruments of
violence and can confront any threat of resistance to their intervention.

Thirdly, military intervention is the outcome of the politicization of the military institution
itself. This is brought about by the civilians involving the military in the political elite struggle
for power and control of government and resources of the country. As a result, once the
military tasted power and knows how sweet it is they became “politicians in uniforms”
thereby abandoning their traditional role of protecting the state.

Fourthly, the military elite might be under the leadership of ambitious and power-hungry
individuals who seek to control government in order to pursue their personal interest or those
of the dominant class, ethnic group or international imperialist interests.

Fifthly, intervention could be in the corporate interest of the military. For example, to remove a
government that is hurting the military through reduced defence spending and embarrassment of
the military as an institution e.g. Ghana. In February, 1966 President Nkrumah was overthrown
largely due to his creation of the presidential guards for his own protection.

In conclusion, we may say that, military coups in Africa were mainly due to the above 5
reasons.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 14

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4 5
A D B D A

ESSAY: Briefly outline Max Weber's contribution to the theory of bureaucracy.

ANSWER:
The growth of bureaucracy has come about through the increasing size and complexity of
government and its agencies in the process of manning an effective administration.

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Max Weber (1947) a famous sociologist, was the first to advance a systematic theory of
bureaucratic organization. Weber analyzed bureaucracy as an ideal type derived from the
most characteristic bureaucratic features of all known organizations. He emphasized the
importance of administration based on expertise and administration based on discipline.

Weber's contribution to the concept of bureaucracy and its implication for organizations are as
follows:
1. Division of Labour and Specialization - Weber argued that division of labour is the
hallmark of bureaucracy. The job of every employee is broken down into simple,
operational routine and well defined tasks. It results in efficiency in operations
because when people are employed on routine tasks over time they would be
specialized in their fields.
2. Impersonality - There must be impersonality of relationships among the organizational
members. The decisions are to be guided by Rules and Regulations and are totally
impersonal. The essence of bureaucracy is depersonalization.
3. Hierarchy of Authority - Authority is the right to command and exact obedience.
Authority is organizational and positional but not personal. Since, the bureaucratic
structure is like a pyramid the quantum of authority increases as one moves up the
organization ladder.
4. Professionalism and Technical Competence - An important feature of bureaucracy is
the recruitment of personnel based on the technical competence, expertise, skill and
experience, etc. competence is the essential qualification of decision makers.
Managers are autonomous within their spheres of competence and their decisions are
generally accepted by the management.
5. Rules, Regulations and Official Records - There are set of rules and regulations in
bureaucratic organizations. A rational approach to organization calls for a system of
maintaining rules to ensure the twin requirements of uniformity and coordination of
efforts by individual members in an organization. Rules and regulations provide an
organization the benefits of stability, continuity and predictability.

ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS IN STUDY SESSION 15

(MCQ) ANSWERS:

1 2 3 4 5
C B B C C

ESSAY: Discuss the transformation of the OAU to AU recently and highlight the reasons for the
change.

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ANSWER
The African Union (AU) is the succession of the organization of African Unity (OAU) founded in
1963. The formation of the AU is underscored by the imperative of change and the need to
cope with contemporary challenges of development in Africa, and the imperative engendered
by the radical change and hegemonic politics of the international political economy following
the end of the cold war.

The reasons for the formation of the African Union out of the OAU are many and we only wish
to mention 5 five here.

1. The OAU charter has become stale and anachronistic. The issue it seeks to address such
as colonialism, independence, apartheid, etc, are no longer relevant and has become
overtaken by time.
2. The end of the Cold War and the emergence of a unipolar world order under the
hegemonic control of America have reduced the importance of African Nations in global
geopolitical calculation.
3. The failure of the imposed Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), debt crisis, and
deteriorating and parlous state of African economics which has aggravated the
problems of poverty, unemployment, malnutrition, HIV/AIDS, brain drain, etc. calls for
regional economic cooperation and programmatic continental actions.
4. Decline in the value of inflow of Foreign Aid and Foreign Direct Investment. Added to
this is the reduction in the volume of trade between the North and Africa.
5. The realization that individual African Nations are structurally and organically weak to
effectively and decisively participate in the present global politics which is oriented
toward regionalism.

The above are the major reasons for the transformation of the OAU to AU on 26 May, 2001. The
Headquarters of the AU is a new structure built and donated by China in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
While the formation of AU is a right step in the right direction, it is too early in the day to say to
what extent the AU can fulfill the dreams of its founding fathers by not getting ensnared by the
many crises that led to the demise of its predecessors, the OAU.

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