TITLE PAGE

Topic 2
 Distinction of primary and secondary sources

Learning Outcome:
 Distinguish primary sources from secondary or tertiary sources

Number of Weeks to be Taught:

 2

Background

The study of Philippine history has been made traditionally by reading secondary
sources like textbooks written by early historians. The study has become relatively easy
as these books are made readily available for all people. In effect, as these books are
widely distributed around the country, those who study history simply are parroting what
has been said in the books.
In the subsequent pages, you will encounter new type of historical sources. As you
read and examine historical documents, you would be able to distinguish primary source
from secondary or tertiary source.

GUIDE CARD

Sources

Historical sources, in general, are the basis of our knowledge about the past from
which historians construct meanings. They are the historian’s fundamental tools in
providing particulars or historical facts and in reconstructing, understanding, analyzing,
and interpreting the human past. Such historical facts are woven together to present a
historical narrative. Accordingly, they can be grouped into four categories: documents,
numerical records, oral statements, and relics.

Sources can be artifacts left by the past either in the form of relics or testimonies
of witnesses to the past. Testimonies refer to oral or written report that describes an event.
For example, record of a property exchange or speeches or commentaries. The authors
of such can provide information about What happened, How and in what circumstances
the event occurred, and Why it occurred. Few sources however yield this information in
equal measure. However, content of testimonies are more important than its form.

Historical work or interpretation is a result of depiction of the past. Historical

research emphasizes interpretation of documents, diaries and the like. Document refers
to any process of proof based upon any kind of source whether written, oral, pictorial or
archeological remains.

A primary source is a written document which serves as the testimony of an

eyewitness or of one who or that which was present at the events of which he/she tells.
It must have been produced by a contemporary of the events it narrates. It need not be
original in the legal sense as a later copy will do just as well. While it is harder to find,
most historical researchers preferred primary source because it is more accurate and
reliable.

A secondary source is the testimony of anyone who is not an eyewitness – that is

of one who was not present at the events of which he/she tells. Usually, the description
of the event is derived from someone else, hence, secondhand information.

Typology of Primary Sources

Scholars generally prefer first-hand accounts as basis to examine sources. These

accounts are popularly known as primary sources because they provide first evidence of
something that occurred in the past. Examples of categories of primary sources include:

1. Autobiographies and memoirs

An autobiography is an account of a person’s life narrated by that person

himself or herself. A memoir is a record composed from personal observation and
experience of certain event. A memoir differs from autobiography as the latter is
primarily concerned with oneself as subject matter while the former on the role the
person played as observer or participant of historical event whose purpose is to
describe or interpret the event.

2. Diaries, Personal letters, and Correspondence

A diary is a record of a person’s regular activities and reflections which is

intended for personal consumption.
Personal letter is an informal communication sent from an individual to another
person.
 Correspondence is a group of letters or communications between two persons
or entities.

3. Interviews, Surveys, and Fieldwork

An interview is being done in a question and answer format. It is a conversation

between two or more persons where questions are thrown and answers are
issued. Recently, interviews are being made through new technology where the
interviewer and interviewee do not come physically face-to-face.
A survey is a sequence of interrelated questions with the purpose of getting
specific data from a particular group of people. Like interview, survey is also
conducted through many ways.
A field research is the collection of raw data outside a laboratory, library or
workplace setting. It involves a range of well-defined, although variable, methods:
informal interviews, direct observation, participation in the life of the group,
collective discussions, analysis of personal documents produced within the group,
self-analysis, results from activities undertaken off- or on-line, and life histories.
(Wikipedia, 2020)

4. Photographs and posters

Photographs and posters are under the category of primary sources

because they can depict past events as they occurred and people as they were
at a given time.

5. Works of art and literature

An artwork traditionally is a creation like sculpture or painting that is made

as a thing of beauty in itself. While artists create artwork for art sake or no practical
function, some artworks expresses symbolic meaning. There are many forms of
art like painting, drawing and literature.
Paintings are visual art which use paint or ink on a canvass, wooden panels
or walls, to illustrate an artist’s rendering of a scene or even of an abstract image.
Drawing is a visual art produced by artists using drawing instruments like
pen and ink to mark paper or any two-dimensional medium.
Literature is a body of written works which include satire, poetry and prose
identified by the intentions of their author and the perceived aesthetic excellence
of their execution.

6. Speeches and oral histories

A speech is a form of communication in spoken language, made by

 a speaker before an audience for a given purpose.

Typology of Secondary Sources

Secondary sources are materials created by someone who has no participation

in the event being described. Examples of secondary sources are found below.

1. Bibliographies

A bibliography is a complete or selective list of work materials that are used

or consulted in the preparation of a work or that are referred to in the text.
(Dictionary.com, 2020)

2. Biographical Accounts

Biography, form of literature, commonly considered nonfictional, the

subject of which is the life of an individual. One of the oldest forms of literary
expression, it seeks to re-create in words the life of a human being—as understood
from the historical or personal perspective of the author—by drawing upon all
available evidence, including that retained in memory as well as written, oral, and
pictorial material. (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2020)

3. Periodicals

Newspapers, magazines, and journals are periodicals. Some periodicals

are in print, in electronic, or in both forms.
A newspaper is a publication issued at regular and usually close
intervals, especially daily or weekly, and commonly containing news, comment,
features, and advertising. (Dictionary.com, 2020)
Magazines and journals are a little bit different as they may be
published monthly, quarterly, semi-annually or annually. They are printed in a
better and more colorful paper than newspaper.

4. Film review and book review

A film review is one way of assessing a film’s overall quality and

determine whether or not it is worth recommending. A book review is a critique on
the book based on its content, style, and merit.
 Learning Activities

Activity 1

Direction: Read Santiago Alvarez’s account of Tejeros Assembly and that of Teodoro
Agoncillo’s. Answer the questions after reading.

Santiago Alvarez’s Account of Tejeros Assembly

The Assembly at Tejeros was finally convened on 25 March 1897. The

invitations to the meeting were signed by Secretary Jacinto Lumbreras of the
Magdiwang Council, and he presided over the assembly. Seated with Lumbreras
at the long presidential table were the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, Messrs.
Mariano M. Alvarez, Pascual Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, Mariano C. Trias,
Diego Mojica, Emiliano R. de Dios, Santiago V. Alvarez, Artemio Ricarte, Santos
Nocon, Luciano San Miguel, Pablo Mojica, Severino de las Alas, and Santiago
Rillo, all of them of the Magdiwang. Among the Magdalo seated at the head table
were Messrs. Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, and Cayetano Topacio.

It must be mentioned that, before the assembly was convened, Secretary

of War Ariston Villanueva of the Magdiwang Council received the confidential
information that Mr. Daniel Tirona of the Magdalo faction was set to undermine
the proceedings of the assembly and that he had already succeeded in enjoining
many among the Magdiwang leaders to ally with him. Secretary Villanueva kept
silent, but nevertheless alerted Captain General Apoy, who had troops in
readiness for any sudden eventuality.

The leaders were seated at the presidential table, as previously

described, and all the others were standing in groups on both sides of those
seated. After Chairman Jacinto Lumbreras had declared the assembly open, he
announced the main topic of discussion, which was how to bolster the defenses
in the areas still under Magdiwang control. Presently, Mr. Severino de las Alas
rose to speak, and when he was recognized he said, “Before we discuss minor
details, let us first tackle the major issue such as what kind of government we
should have and how we should go about establishing it. Once we make a
decision about these questions, the problem of organization and strengthening
of defenses will be resolved.”

“As initiator of the Revolution,” Chairman Lumbreras replied, “the

Katipunan now holds authority over the islands. It has a government of law and
a definite program. It is obeyed and respected by all because it stands for
freedom, brotherly love, and a well-organized and well-run government. The
purpose of this meeting is to discuss the best measures to take to strengthen
the Magdiwang government vis-à-vis the enemy. We should avoid surrendering
the headquarters of the Katipunan army should the Magdalo eventually lose out.”

The chair next recognized the Supremo. He concurred with what

Chairman Lumbreras had just said and explained that the “K” in the middle of
the sun in the Katipunan flag used in the Revolution stood for Kalayaan
(Freedom).

Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again. He countered that the letter ‘K” and
the sun on the flag did not indicated whether the revolutionary government was
democratic or not.

The Supremo replied that from the rank and file to the highest levels, the
Katipunan was united in its respect for universal brotherhood and equality of
men. It was risking bloodshed and life itself in its struggle against the king, in
order to establish a sovereign and free government. In short, it stood for people’s
sovereignty led by only one or two.

Mr. Antonio Montenegro spoke in defense of Mr. Severino de las Alas’s

stand. He argued that if they would not agree on the kind of revolutionary
government they were to have and that if they let the status quo prevail, then
they who were in the Revolution would be no better than a pack of bandits or of
wild, mindless animals.
 Mr. Apoy was hurt by these words of Mr. Montenegro. He quickly stood
up and looked angrily at the previous speaker.

“We of the Katipunan,” he began, “are under the jurisdiction of our

respected Highest Council of the sons of the People. This council is the defender
of, and has authority over, the Magdiwang and Magdalo governments of Cavite.
We are true revolutionaries fighting for freedom of the native land. We are not
bandits who rob others of their property and wealth. Nor should we be likened to
beasts for we know how to protect and defend others, especially the political
refugees who seek asylum with us. We are rational and we do not expose those
who talk big but do not accomplish anything. If you want to establish a different
kind of government that is to your liking, you must do as we have done. Go back
to your localities and snatch them from Spanish control! Then you can do what
pleases you but don’t you dare seek refuge among cowards who might call you
bandits and beasts. And for everybody’s satisfaction, I am now ordering your
arrest!”

Captain General Apoy stopped speaking and looked intently at the person
he was alluding to and ordered a detachment under Maj. Damaso Fojas to keep
him under guard. After a short while, Dr. Jose Rizal’s sister, Trining, and his
widow, Josephine, pleaded with General apoy not to arrest Mr. Montenegro, but
to let him stay at the state house where they themselves were staying. They
volunteered to be held responsible for Mr. Montenegro while in their custody.
Captain General Apoy easily acceded to the request.

The strong an excited denunciation by Captain General Apoy of Mr.

Montenegro alerted the Magdiwang troops. The leaders eyed everyone
suspiciously and were only awaiting a signal from General Apoy for them to
begin shooting. Disorder ensued and disrupted the assembly.

When order was restored, some wanted the convention adjourned, but
the Supremo Bonifacio prevailed upon the others to continue. However, the
presiding officer, Mr. Lumbreras, refused to resume his role of chairman. He
wanted to yield the chair to the Supremo whom he thought to be the rightful
chairman.

“The Katipunan, as you know,” Mr. Lumbreras explained, “was

responsible from the beginning for the spread of the revolutionary movement
throughout the Philippines. But because of the dissatisfaction of some, this
assembly was called to establish a new overall revolutionary council. If we are
to pursue this ambitious and important undertaking, only the Supremo has the
right to preside at this assembly, for he is the Father of the Katipunan and the
Revolution.”

Mr. Lumbreras’s speech was well received and his proposal was
unanimously accepted. The Supremo Bonifacio assumed the chairmanship
accordingly and said, “Your aim is to establish a new overall government of the
Katipunan of the Sons of the People. This would repudiate the decisions made
at the meeting held at the friar estate house in Imus. In my capacity as “President
Supremo”of the Most Venerable Katipunan of the Sons of the People, I agree
and symphatize with your aspirations. But I wish to remind you that we should
respect all decisions properly discussed and approved in all our meetings. We
should respect and abide by the wishes of the majority.”

Because of repeated clamor for the approval of the establishment of a

government of the Philippine Republic, the chair proceeded to prepare for an
election to the following positions: president, vice-president, minister of finance,
minister of welfare, minister of justice, and captain general.

The Supremo spoke again before the election began. He said that the
candidate who would get the most number of votes for each position should be
the winner, no matter what his station in life or his educational attainment. What
shouls matter was that the candidate had never been a traitor to the cause of
the Motherland. Everyone agreed and there were shouts of approval such as,
“That is how it should be—equality for everyone! Nobody should be higher nor
lower than the other. May love of country prevail!”
 The Supremo Bonifacio appointed Gen. Artemio Ricarte as secretary.
Then, with the help of Mr. Daniel Tirona, he distributed pieces of paper to serve
as ballots. When the ballots had been collected and the votes were ready to be
canvassed, Mr. Diego Mojica, the Magdiwang secretary of the treasury, warned
the Supremo that manyballots distributed were already filled out and that the
voters had not done this themselves. The Supremo ignored this remark. He
proceeded with the business at hand as if nothing unusual had happened.

When the votes for president were counted, Mr. Emilio Aguinaldo won
over Mr. Andres Bonifacio, the Supremo. The winner was acclaimed by applause
and shouts of “Mabuhay!” (Long live!)

Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again to say that since the Supremo
Bonifacio had received the second highest number of votes for the presidency,
he should be proclaimed vice-president of the government of the Philippine
Republic. When nobody signified approval or disapproval of the proposal, the
presiding officer, the Supremo Bonifacio, ruled that the election be continued.
For vice-president, Mr. Mariano Trias won over Mr. Mariano Alvarez and the
Supremo Bonifacio. General Vibora was elected captain over General Apoy.
General Vibora demurred, saying that he had neither the ability nor the right to
assume the new position. But General Apoy cut short his objections by saying
that he personally vouched for General Vibora’s competence and right to occupy
the position to which he was elected. General Apoy’s endorsement was greeted
with shouts of Long live the newly elected captain general!

Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo wanted the elections to be finished before it got

too dark. To facilitate the counting of votes, he suggested that for all other
positions to be voted upon, voters stand on one side of the hall if in favor and
the other side if against. The suggestion was adopted for the rest of the election.
For the position of Secretary of War, Mr. Emiliano R. de Dios was elected
overwhelmingly over Messrs. Santiago V. Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, and
Daniel Tirona. After the voters had given the proper honor to the new Secretary
of War, they proceeded to elect the secretary of the interior. Mr. Andres
Bonifacio, the Spupremo, won over Mr. Mariano Alvarez. The crowd broke into
shouts of “Mabuhay!” Mr. Daniel Tirona requested for a restoration of order and
then spoke aloud:
 “My brethren, the office of secretary of the interior is of so great a scope
and of such sensitivity that we should not entrust it to one who is not a lawyer.
One among us here is a lawyer. He is Mr. Jose del Rosario. Let us reconsider
the choice for the last position, for he has no credentials to show attesting to any
educational attainment.”

Then in as loud a voice as he could muster, Tirona shouted, “Let us elect

Mr. Jose del Rosario, the lawyer.

Greatly embarrassed, the Supremo Bonifacio stood up and said, “We

agreed to abide by the majority vote and accept its choice no matter what the
station in life of the person elected. And because of this, I demand from you, Mr.
Daniel Tirona, an apology. You must restore to the voters and the one they
elected the honor you have only now besmirched.”

Then he pulled out his revolver and took aim.

Instead of replying, Mr. Tirona ignored the Supremo’s remarks and,

perhaps because of fear, he slid away and got lost in the crowd. Disorder ensued
as the convention secretary tried to disarm the Supremo, who was intent on
shooting Mr. Tirona. The people began to disperse and the Supremo adjourned
the meeting with these words:

“In my capacity as chairman of this convention and as President-Supremo

of the Most Venerable Katipunan of the Sons of the People which association is
known and acknowledge by all, I hereby declare null and void all matters
approved in this meeting.”

Then he left quickly and was followed by his aides and some others
present.
 Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo, the Magdalo president, did not leave San
Francisco de Malabon that night, in order to convince the Magdiwang leaders to
reconvene the disrupted meeting the following day. They agreed to his proposal.
That same night, rumor had it that Messrs. Mariano Trias, Daniel Tirona,
Emiliano R. de Dios, Santiago Rillo, and others were in the parish house of the
Catholic church at Tanza ( Santa Cruz de Malabon), and that they were
conferring with the priest, Fr. Cenon Villafranca. Many attested to seeing them,
but no one knew what they talked about.

On the request of Magdalo President Baldomero Aguinlado, a meeting

was called at the same friar estate house in Tejeros. Called on the day after the
tumultuous convention, its purpose was to continue and revalidate the
proceedings of the election meeting, to revive their former alliances, and to
restore cordiality and fraternal love in their relations. Aside from Supremo Andres
Bonifacio, among the Magdiwang leaders who attended were Messrs. Mariano
Alvarez, Diego Mojica, Ariston Villanueva, Pascual Alvarez, Jacinto Lumbreras,
Santiago Alvarez, Artemio Ricarte, Nicolas Portilla, Santos Noco, and Fr. Manuel
Trias, the parish priest of San Francisco de Malabon. They waited until five that
afternoon, but none of the Magdalo members came, not even their president
who had initiated what would have been a reconciliation meeting.

That same night it was rumored that the Magdalo leaders were currently
holding their own meeting at the parish house in Tanza. Though it had reason to
be apprehensive because the Magdalo were meeting in territory under its
jurisdiction, the Magdiwang leadership looked the other way because the
Magdalo were hard-pressed for meeting places since its territories had all been
taken by the Spanish enemy. The next morning, 27 March 1897, eyewitnesses
who had spied on the proceedings revealed that, indeed, a meeting had taken
place at the Tanza parish house and that the Supremo’s decisions regarding the
election at the friar estate house were not respected. These revelations surfaced
despite denials from many sectors.

At the gatherings in the Tanza parish house, those elected at the Tejeros
convention knelt before a crucifix and in the name of the Holy Father, the
highest pontiff of the Roman Catholic church, invoked the martyred saints and
solemnly took their office. Fr. Cenon Villafranca officiated.

Seeds of Discontent by Teodoro Agoncillo

In the first flush of rebel victory climaxing the simultaneous attacks upon the
Spanish garrisons and convents, followed by the dismal failure of Governor
General Blanco to smash the insurgent power, the Katipunan of Cavite, divided
into factions, the Magdiwang and the Magdalo, immediately proceeded to
reorganize the province along partisan lines. Each faction exercised sovereign
power over a number of towns, including those in Batangas bordering Cavite.
Thus, Talisay, a town in Batangas was under the Magdalo government, while
Nasugbu, Tuwi and Look, in the same province, belonged to the Magdiwang. As
independent entities, the leaders of the two provincial councils never got
together to elect one supreme council that would hold sway over the entire
province. The Magdiwang, proceeding its election independently of Magdalo,
chose the following men to administerits government: Mariano Alvarez,
President; Pascual Alvarez, Executive Secretary; Emiliano Riego de Dios,
Minister of the Interior (Pagpapaunlad), Mariano Trias, Minister of Grace and
Justice; Ariston Villanueva, Minster of War; Santiago Alvarez, Commander-in-
Chief; Diego Moxica, Minister of Finance, Artemio Ricarte and Mariano Riego de
Dios, Military Commanders with the rank of Brigadier General. On the other
hand, the Magdalo elected the following to take the reins of its government:
Baldomero Aguinaldo, President; Candido Tirona, Minister of War, Cayetano
Topacio, Minister of Finance; Emilio Aguinaldo, Comamnder-in-Chief; Edilberto
Evangelista, Lieutenant General; Vito Belarmino and Crispolo Aguinaldo Military
Commanders with the rank of Brigadier-General. Since the organization of
Magdiwang, its capital had been in Noveleta, but in the early part of November,
when General Blanco began his offensive, the capital was moved to San
Francisco de Malabon and later to Naik. The Magdalo for its part, had its capital
in Kawit and when it fell, Imus, San Francsico de Malabon, Naik and
Maragondon successively become its seat.
 An attempt was made by both factions to make their respective armies
wear the same uniform. It was agreed to adopt the following insignia: for the
President’s cap, a sun with golden rays on a white background, a K (Katipunan),
and the letters A.N.B. (Anak ng Bayan) in the middle. The same insignia was
used for the sleeves. The Minister had the same insignia as the President’s
except that the letters A.N.B. were not included. The bands on the sleeves of a
Minister, including the K, were of different colors according to the Ministry to
which each belonged. The Minister of War had a red K on a white background,
a sun on the cap, a sun on the left breast but none on the sleeves. The plan,
however, did not go beyond the paper stage, as the rebels did not have the
means to buy the uniform.

When Cavite, led by its rival factions, successfully rose in revolt, the
leaders fell into disputes arising from the desire of one group to lord it over the
other. Since both groups were responsible for the rebel victories, neither would
bow to the other or allow itself to be placed under its rival’s command. There
was no serious open breach, but the silent conflict, more ominous than it
appeared on the surface, threatened to wreck the unity that in the beginning had
done much to prevent the foe from overrunning the whole province and
annihilating the revolution at its very inception. It was this conflict more than
anything else, that led to the rebel’s defeat at the hands of Polavieja. The
Magdiwang faction, believing that as the initiator of the revolution in Cavite it had
the priority right to rule over the insurgents of the province, looked with disdain
at the way the Magdalo refused to cooperate with it. The Magdalo ollowers,
believing that most of the victories in the whole territory were won by their
leaders, wanted to appear the stronger and, therefore, the better fitted to rule.

The situation, though not so serious on the surface, led the Magdiwang
men to invite Andres Bonifacio to visit Cavite and see for himself all that had
been accomplished by the revolutionists in that area and too intervene in the
conflict. A delegate was sent to look for the Supremo in the mountains of
Montalban and Mariquina to apprise him of the urgent necessity of mediating on
the widening rift between the two popular councils. Bonifacio, informed of the
situation, refused to heed the request of the Magdiwang leaders on the ground
that in order to succeed in the revolution against Spain the leaders must not be
concentrated in a single place. This preliminary contact with the Supremo
resulted in the periodic exchanges of communications between him and the
Magdiwang chieftains. On the third invitation written by Artemio Ricarte upon the
instruction of Mariano Alvarez, Bonifacio acceded to the request. With his wife
and two brothers, Ciriaco and Procopio, Bonifacio left for Cavite about the middle
of December 1896. Emilio Aguinaldo, Candido Tirona, and Edilberto Evangelista
were on hand to meet the Supremo and his entorouge at Zapote. It was at this
preliminary meeting that a misunderstanding arose between the Magdalo
leaders and Bonifacio, for the former, rightly or wrongly, saw from Bonifacio a
gestures and behavior that he regarded himself superior and acted as if he were
a king. Even so, the hard feeling that Bonifacio’s unconscious and unintentional
actions engendered remained submerged and flared up only in the Imus
Assembly.

Bonifacio was brought by the rebel leaders to the house of Juan

Castañeda in Imus, where he was visited by Baldomero Aguinlado, Daniel
Tirona, Vicente Fernandez and others. The Supremo, upon seeing Fernandez,
ordered his arrest. For Bonifacio, remembering that Fernandez was the same
man who had promised before the battle of San Juan to attack the Spaniards in
Laguna and Morong simultaneously with Bonifacio’s offensive in San Juan del
Monte but whose promise was never carried out, now saw his chance to punish
the offender. Bonifacio blamed him for the defeat in San Juan and was
determined he should not go unpunished. As Supreme Head of the Katipunan,
Bonifacio took it for granted that he would be obeyed by all. To his surprise and
dismay, the Magdalo chieftain to whom Fernandez had run for the shelter
refused to give up their man. The Supremo by then had realized that he had very
little, if any, in the Magdalo area. With doubts crisscrossing his mind and
misgivings assailing his heart, Bonifacio, on January 2, 1897, wrote from San
Francisco de Malabon to his uncle-in-law Mariano Alvarez: President Mariano
don’t fail to come to this very moment for I want to talk to you privately about
what happened to me in Magdalo and so that you might explain their
organization to me.

Meanwhile, Esteban San Juan invited Bonifacio to attend the

demonstration of the Magdiwang rebels in Noveleta. Accompanied by San Juan
himself, Baldoemro Aguinaldo, and Candido Tirona, Bonifacio arrived at
Noveleta amidst the enthusiastic acclamation of the people. At three in the
afternoon, a parade took place in which Bonifacio, riding in a carriage and
flanked on both sides by the Magdiwang soldiers in red uniforms, was the object
of the demonstration. As the parade wound its way to San Francisco de
Malabon, the people shouted, “Long live the ruler of the Philippines,” to which
Bonifacio answered, “Long live Philippine Liberty!.” Upon arriving at Malabon, he
was quartered in the house of Santos Nocon, and later in the house of Mrs.
Estefania Potente, where he stayed until the Spaniards captured the town in
April 1897.

The misunderstanding that existed between the followers of the

Magdiwang and the Magdalo, so destructive of the Katipunan plans, deepened
into mutual suspicions and jealousies that resulted in military reverses in several
sectors. Polavieja’s counter-offensive led to the fall of several towns hitherto held
by the rebels, and the attitude of non-cooperation exhibited by one faction when
the other was harassed by the enemy led, as it must, to disaster in the field. The
situations, both camps believed, could only be remedied by coming together and
threshing out differences of opinion and solving, ultimately, the question of
leadership in the province. For this purpose, the leaders of Magdiwang and the
Magdalo decided to call a convention or assembly at Imus.

In the assembly hall, the two factions met and exchanged the usual
greetings. Bonifacio entered, proceeded to the head of the table and
unceremoniously occupied the chair. He beckoned to the Magdiwang Ministers
to sit at his right side. This obvious partiality to the Magdiwang was resented by
the Magdalo, for as Supreme Head of the Katipunan who was called upon to
mediate between the two factions, Bonifacio was expected to show impartiality.
But his actions in the case were motivated by his regard for his wife’s uncle,
Mariano Alvarez, the president of the Magdiwang, a fact that aggravated the
situation. Even so, the Magdalo men did not show their resentment but kept
silent in order to prevent further misunderstanding between the followers of both
camps. Seeing that Bonifacio had called his Ministers, Baldomero Aguinaldo,
President of Magdalo, without being invited, sat to the left of Bonifacio. General
Emilio Aguinaldo, seeing his position as a purely military one, was content to be
mere observer. He had, however, a plan of his own. Since it was the intention of
his faction to propose the establishment of a Revolutionary Government, he had
decided beforehand that in the coming election for the presidency he would
nominate and support Edilberto Evangelista, since among them all “Evangelista
was the most educated.” Bonifacio knew of Aguinaldo’s active electioneering in
favor of Evangelista and was deeply hurt, for as founder and Supreme Head of
the Katipunan he felt that the presidency should be given to him as a reward.

The assembly opened with Bonifacio as Chairman. It was evident, when

Baldomero Aguinaldo made the proposal to establish a revolutionary
government, that the two factions would never come to an understanding. The
Magdalo men contended that the continuance of the Katipunan government was
no longer necessary, for since the start of the Revolution the Society had ceased
to remain a secret society and must therefore be supplanted by one that would
better fit the situation. The Magdalo people further contended that being small,
Cavite must not be divided between the two factions. On the other hand, the
Magdiwang followers argued that the Katipunan already had a constitution and
by-laws duly approved and enforced in the Islands and that, by virtue of this,
provincial and municipal governments in and around Manila had already been
established. There was, therefore, no necessity of establishing a new
government. Even so, the Magdiwang Minister of War, Ariston Villanueva, stood
up and said that if a new government was to be established, Andres Bonifacio,
who had organized and planted the entire revolutionary government, must of
right to occupy the presidency without any election. Further, he pointed out that
as Chairman and Supremo, Bonifacio should be given blanket authority to
appoint the Ministers. The Magdalo group strenuously objected and insisted on
an election. The discussion became heated and did not accomplish any tangible
result. The assembly was adjourned and each faction left without any definite
understanding.

Suspicious and jealousies continued to plague the ranks of the rebels,

and even among the members of the same faction petty quarrels continued to
come up. The Magdalo followers suspected the Magdiwang of courting the favor
of the Spaniards, while the same suspicion was aroused in the Magdiwang as
regards the Magdalo. In a situation where the Magdalo needed the help of the
Magdiwang, the latter to which Bonifacio belonged, refused to come to the aid
of the former. Moreoever, the Magdiwang followers were themselves occupied,
now and then, with petty jealousies and quarrels that tended to demoralize the
soldiers. Thus, when the town fiesta of San Francisco de Malabon was held in
January 1897, the rebels, then enjoying the afternoon games, were disturbed by
a series of rifle shots that sent them scampering away to places of safety.
Thinking that the enemy was approaching, Ariston Villanueva and Santiago
Alvarez gathered their men and prepared to meet an attack. They later found out
that the rifle shots came from the men of Captain Mariano San Gabriel, also a
Magdiwang man, who, trigger-happy, had fired several shots in the air. Alvarez’s
men tried to disarm the offending soldiers, but instead were themselves
disarmed. Alvarez was furious and demanded that San Gabriel disarm his men.
The latter refused and left for Noveleta. It was only through Ricarte’s intervention
that the two men, Alvarez and San Gabriel, were brought together again as
comrades.

The situation had not eased up a bit when the leaders of the Magdiwang
planned to hold another convention, this timein the estat house of Tejeros, a
Magdiwang territory situated about two kilometers from San Francisco de
Malabon and about half a kilometer from the town proper of Salinas. The
government under the Magdalo, comprising the towns of Kawit, Bakood and
Imus, was at the time seriously threatened by the Spansih army which occupied
the estate house of Salitran and which had dug in as a preparatory step to the
battle that was about to commence. General Emilio Aguinaldo, leading the
Magdalo soldiers, faced the Spaniards in Salitran, a barrio between the towns of
Imus and Dasmariñas. It was March 22, 1897, Aguinaldo’s birthday, when
simultaneously the battle raged and the assembly convened at Tejeros.

The delegates, mostly belonging to the Magdiwang, lazily trooped that

sultry afternoon to the spacious estate-house of Tejeros. Some of the men were,
barefoot; others wore buri hats or were dressed in barong Tagalog. They came
from all directions: from Kawit, Noveleta and Imus to the north; from Tanza to
the west; and from San Francisco de Malabon to the northeast. The estate-
house, surrounded by stone walls and built in the middle of the six hectare farm
owned by the friars and now in rebel hands, had a 60-meter frontage. The
entrance was through an arched gate connected to the rear arched gate by a
long and wide corridor. To the right, a few meters from the front gate, were the
stairs. Directly opposite the stairs was a storage room, and next to it, to the rear,
was the chapel. Directly opposite this and next to the stairs was a storage room.
Up the stairs was the big hall, with the doors of thirty rooms opening to it. In the
rear of a room to the right were the dining room and the azotea that commanded
a beautiful view of the fields around and the murky Ilog Kawayan on whose
banks thick clumps of bamboo protected the house from the glare of the sun.
The estate-house stood alone in that wide expanse of Riceland. Directly
opposite the house and across the the road was more Riceland (tubigan). The
long road that commenced from the town of Salinas led directly to San Francisco
de Malabon, and half a kilometer from the estate-house it breached off to the
right, where a bridge connected the latter town to the town of Tanza or Santa
Cruz de Malabon.

It was this place, the former summer resort of the friars, that witnessed
the first important election held under the auspices of the Katipunan government.
An invitation was sent by the Magdiwang chieftains to the Magdalo followers to
attend the meeting, but because of the battle then raging around the locality not
all the Magdalo leaders were able to attend. The Magdiwang was represented
by Andres Bonifacio, Mariano Alvarez, Pascual Alvarez, Santiago Alvarez,
Luciano San Miguel, Mariano Trias, Severino de las Alas, Santos Nocon and
others, while the Magdalo was represented by Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel
Tirona, Cayetano Topacio, Antonio Montenegro and others. The estate-house
buzzed with life as more rebels, some of them uninvited, came to the convention.
It was past two in the afternoon when the meeting was formally opened.

Jacinto Lumbreras, acting president of the Magdiwang took the chair and
opened the convention with introductory remarks summing up the purpose of the
meeting. To his right sat Teodoro Gonzales, also a Magdiwang, who acted as
secretary. Severini de las Alas, a Magdiwang, immediately took the floor and
explained that before discussing ways and means of defending such a small
area as Cavite, the convention assembled should first of all agree upon the kind
of government that should be set up to administer the whole country under the
prevailing circumstances. “From this government,” he said, “anything that is
necessary in the defense of the country can emanate.” The presiding officer,
however, reminded the speaker that a government had already been established
upon the founding of the Katipunan, its Supreme Councils, and that the meeting
was called to adopt defensive measures. At this juncture, Bonifacio spoke and
supplemented Lumbreras’ explanation, calling the attention of those assembled
to the Katipunan flag with a K in the middle, which embodied the ideal of the
revolutionists, namely, liberty. De las Alas, not contented with the Supremo’s
explanation, countered that the K in the flag of the Katipunan did not in any way
identify the kind of government that they had, whether such government was
monarchial or republican. Bonifacio remarked that all the Katipuneros, from the
Supreme Head to the lowest member, recognized the principle of Unity,
Fraternity and Equality. “It can be seen,” he said, “that the Government of the
Association of the Sons of the People is republican in form.
 The discussion was going nowhere and tempers ran high as the men
insisted on their own points of view. So far, the discussion was between the men
of the same faction. In an unfortunate moment, a Magdalo man, Antonio
Montenegro, stood up and, shouting at the top of his voice, took issue with
Bonifacio: “If we do not act upon the suggestion of Mr. de las Alas,” he said, “we,
the rebel, will be likened unto a mere pack of highway robbers, or worse, like
animals without reason.” The words, uttered in good faith and in the belief that
something must be done to have a new government organized, touched off a
sensitive spot in the hearts of the Magdiwang listeners. Santaigo Alvarez, a
Magdiwang, pricked to anger, took the floor and, throwing a malicious side-
glance at Montenegro, retorted: ‘We, the rebels of Cavite, especially those under
the Magdiwang, recognize the government organized by the Association of the
Sons of the People. And if you want to set up another form of government, you
can go back to your own province and wrest the authority from the Spaniards,
as we have already done. As such, you can do whatever you want to and nobody
would interfere with you. We of Cavite,” he added with a meaning full of
bitterness, “we of Cavite do not need and will never need any adviser of your
own standing only.”

Pandemoniun reigned as the voice of Santiago Alvarez boomed inside

the spacious sala. His bodyguards, planted near the stairs, moved ominously—
all set to fire at those inside the hall. Lumbreras, sensing the explosive situation,
tactfully called a recess to give sufficient time for the angry men to cool off. At
the end of an hour, the meeting was resumed. Jacinto Lumbreras, seeing that it
would be useless for him to continue to preside in such a atmosphere, refused
to take the chair, saying: “As the question under discussion is completely outside
of what is mentioned in the agenda of the meeting and is concerned instead with
the establishment of an overall government of the revolution, I should not
continue to preside over this session.” Then he took jis seat among the
members, and Andres Bonifacio, who was acclaimed by all to succeed him, took
the chair as the presiding officer by virtue of his being the President of the
Supreme Council of the Katipunan. He then called the meeting to order and said:
“As you desire to set up a supreme government to direct the revolution,
abolishing what was organized by the Katipunan and repudiating the resolution
approved in the Assembly of Imus, as President of the Supreme Council of the
Katipunan, I accede to your just petition, but first of all I want to ask you to
recognize a principle as a basis of agreement in this or in other meetings, which
is: that we respect and obey the will of the majority.” Those present saw the the
justice and wisdom of his proposition and assented unanimously.

The Republic of the Philippines was then and there proclaimed amidst
enthusiastic hurrahs. With a new form of government determined to take the
place of the Katipunan, the election of officers was then prepared. Nine officers
were to be elected by popular vote, namely, President, Vice-President, Captain-
General, Director of War, Director of Interior, Director of State, Director of
Finance, Director of Fomento and Director of Justice. Before proceeding with the
election, Bonifacio, probably assailed by doubts and aware of his limitations,
called the attention of all the electors representing the different regions of the
Philippines to the principle that whoever would be elected should be recognized
and respected regardless of social condition and education. The proposal, made
in the form of a mere statement and reminder, was approved, for in that
convention very few, if any were men of high intellectual attainments. The ballots
were prepared and distributed. The balloting was made successively, that is, the
office of the President was first voted upon, after which the other offices were
filled in singly. After an hour, the ballots were cast for the presidency, and Emilio
Aguinaldo won in absentia over Andres Bonifacio and Mariano Trias. The
President elect was proclaimed with loud shouts and applause.

Before the ballots were cast for the Vice Presidency, Severino de las Alas
stood up and suggested that in as much as Bonifacio had received the second
largest number of voteshe should automatically be allowed to occupy the Vice-
Presidency. The men assembled appeared lukewarm to the suggestion, there
being no one who approved or disapproved it. Consequently, Bonifacio decided
to continue with the election of the Vice-President. Mariano Trias was elected to
the position over Andres Bonifacio, Severino de las Alas, and Mariano Alvarez.
The election of the Captain-General came next and Ricarte, the acting secretary
of the convention, came out over Santiago Alvarez. With a modesty that sprang
from the realization of the responsibility attached to the position, Ricarte stood
up and declared: “None better than I know my own limitations and fitness; the
position with which this assembly honors me is a very honorable position but its
horizon is too wide for me; so I request the assembly not to resent my refusal to
accept it.” Ricarte’s modesty, genuine or assumed, proved effective. Cries of
disapproval followed his request to be relieved, and the disturbance created by
the enthusiastic followers of the General forced Bonifacio to call the meeting to
order. Then, “It is getting dark,” he said, “so we have to proceed to the election
to other positions.” Somebody suggested that in order to expedite the election
to the remaining positions, the electors should step to one side when their
candidates were called, a proposal that was immediately approved. In this
manner, the following were elected: Director of War, Emiliano riego de Dios, who
won over Ariston Villanueva, Daniel Tirona and Santiago Alvarez; Director of
Interior, Andres Bonifacio, who won over Mariano Alvarez and Pascual Alvarez.

The election of Bonifacio gave rise to an incident that nearly ended in a bloody
affair. Amidst the acclamations that followed the announcements of his election,
Daniel Tirona, a Magdalo man, stood up and said: “The position of Director of
the Interior is an exalted one and it is not meet that a person without a lawyer’s
diploma should occupy it. We have in our province a lawyer, Jose del Rosario,
therefore, we should protest against the elected and acclaimed.” And shouting
at the top of his voice, he added: “Let us vote for Jose del Rosario!” No one,
however, took up the suggestion which was shouted four times. Nevertheless,
Bonifacio felt insulted and he turned crimson with anger. Controlling himself, he
demanded that Daniel Tirona retract what he had said. “Did we not agree,” he
added, “that we have to abide by the decision of the majority whatever may be
the social standing of the elected?” He insisted that Tirona give satisfaction to
the assembly for his defamatory words. But Tirona ignored Bonifacio and tried
to lose himself in the cowd. In the flush of his anger, Bonifacio whipped out his
pistol to fire at Tirona but Ricarte grabbed his hand and thus prevented what
might have been a tragic affair. The people then began to leave the hall, and
Bonifacio, frustrated and deeply wounded in feeling, cried aloud: “I, as Chairman
of this assembly, and as President of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan, as
all of you do not deny, declare this assembly dissolved, and I annul all that has
been approved and resolved.” With this parting statement, he left the hall,
followed by his men.
 REFERENCES

Agoncillo, Teodoro. The Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan.
Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 2002.

Galicia, Reynaldo, Palencia, Marjueve, and Solmerano, Ernesto Thaddeus. Readings in

Philippine History. Sampaloc, Manila: Fastbooks Educational Supply, Inc., 2018.

Gottschalk, Louis. Understanding History: A Primer of Historical Method. New York: A.A.
Knopf., 1969.

Howell, Martha and Prevenier Walter. From Reliable Sources: An Introduction to

Historical Methods. New York: Cornell University Press, 2001.