Xunzi On Music

Monumenta Serica
Journal of Oriental Studies
ISSN: 0254-9948 (Print) 2057-1690 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ymon20
Xun Zi on Ritual and Music
Scott Cook
To cite this article: Scott Cook (1997) Xun Zi on Ritual and Music, Monumenta Serica, 45:1,
1-38, DOI: 10.1080/02549948.1997.11731299
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Monumenta Serica
45 (1997): 1-38
XUN ZI ON RITUAL AND MUSIC
SCOTTCOOK
Contents
Iotroductioo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Mohist Views 00 Ritual and Music .. . . .. .......... . . . . .. . . . . . . . . ..... . . . .. 5
The Nature of Ritual .... ........………………………………………… 12
Downloaded by [University of Georgia] at 18:17 05 June 2016
The Nature of Music ...........…………………………………………. 21

The Nature of Ritual and Music ............................................. 29
Introduction
Warriog States philosopher Xuo Zi's 苟子 (ca. 340? - ca. 245? B.C.)I essays 00
ritual aod music2 ("Liluo" 檀揄 aod "Yueluo" 集揄) opeo io roughly parallel
fashioo. The fact that the "Yueluo" has beeo transmitted to us devoid of aoy
annotatioos by Taog-dyoasty commeotator Yaog Liaog 揭僚 has led some - parti-
cularly those eager to prove the chrooological priority of the parallel passages io
the Yueji 架起 (Record of Music) - to suspect that our preseot versioo of this
chapter may have beeo a post-Taog forge可. 3 That such a substitutioo could have
beeo made io a text editioos of which had already beeo io existeoce for a
thousaod years without aoyooe catchiog 00 to it , however , seems improbable at
best; 让 is much more likely that this chapter of Yaog Liar毡 's annotated editioo
(where it occupies exactly ooe juan) had beeo lost early 00 aod that subsequeot
copies of that editioo inserted the chapter from earlier uoannotated editioos of the
These are his dates as determined by Qian Mu 鲍穆， Xian Qin zhuzi xinian 先秦苗子繁年
(1935; 2nd ed. , rev. and en l., 1956; Taibei: Dong缸， 3rd ed. , 19佣). More traditional dates for
him are ca. 315-236 B.C.; John Knoblock gives his dates as ca. 310 - ca. 215 B.C. (Xun Zi: A
Translation and Study 0/ the Complete Works , vo l. 1 [Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press , 1988] ,
pp. 3, 35). For details , see my "Unity and Diversity in the Musical Thought of Warring States
China" (Ph.D. diss. , The University of Michigan , 1995; Ann Arbor: University Microfilm纱，
p. 374 , note 1.
The "Yuelun" 集揄 (Essay on Music) forms chapter twenty of the Xunzi in (Tang dynasty)
Yang Liang's 榻惊 arrangement of the tex t. Curiously , no editions of the text contain any an-
notations by Yang for this chapter.
See especially Guo Moruo 郭沫若， "Gongsun Ni Zi yu qi yinyue lilun" 公掠尼子舆其音袋理
输， in Zhao Feng 趟澜 (ed.) ， Yueji lunbian 祭起揄黯 (Beijing: Renmin yinyue , 1983) , pp. 1-
18.
2 ScorrCOOK
Xunzi to fill the void. Besides , there is other strong evidence to suggest the
impossibi1 ity of a post-Tang , or indeed even post-Warring States , forgery of 由is
chapter. As mentioned , much of the material in the "Yuelun" chapter is found
nearly verbatim in 由e "Yueji" chapter of the Liji 檀配 (the "Yueji" was compi1ed
in the early Han on the basis of Warring States-period sources).
Now , as the reader will see by examining the two , the opening section of the
"Yuelun" follows the same rhetorical structure , and even uses some of the s创ne
wording , as 由e opening of the "Li1un" chapter with great precision. The "Yueji"
contains a nearly verbatim version of this entire section of the "Yuelun" chapter ,
and thus if we were to conclude that 由e "Yuelun" was forged on the basis of the
"Yueji ," we would also have to conclude that 由e "Li1un" chapter was also
forged at the same time - a suggestion which no one has made. Clearly the "Li-
lun" was annotated by Yang Liang , and thus 由e "Yuelun" that we now have
cannot but be the same one 由at existed prior to his time. Moreover , there is no
reason to suspect that these chapters were not written in the Warring States; if
they were not written by Xun Zi himself, then they must have been written by his
immediate disciples. The early Han compiler of the "Yueji" then made generous
use of this chapter when piecing together his rather syncretic text. 4 The opening
sections of both the "Lilun" and "Yuelun" run as follows: 5
檀输架前
檀起於何也?曰:人生而有欲，夫集者，费也，人情之所必不免也。
欲而不得，剧不能知求;求而知度故人不能煞费，集别必费於壁音，形於勤
量分界，别不能不争;争剧缸，菌L 静，而人之道、整音、勤静，性循之蟹盏
剧窟。先王惠其菌l也，故制檀器以是矣。故人不能不架，费剧不能解形，形
分之，以费人之欲，始人之求，使而不属道，别不能燕缸。先王辱、其菌L也，
欲必不羁乎物，物必不屈於欲，雨故制〈雅》、〈旗〉之整以道之，使其暨
者相持而曼，是檀之所起也。足以集而不流，使其文足以辨而不嚣，使
其曲直、繁省、廉肉、卸秦足以感勤人之
善心，使夫邪汗之氯氟由得接焉。是先王
立架之方也，而墨子弃之，奈何!
4
The theory that 由e whole of the "Yueji" was taken from a pre-Xun Zi Confucian figure by the
name of Gongsun Ni Zi 公骤尼子 has by now been adequately dispensed with (for details , see
Scott Cook , .. Yue Ji - ‘ Record of Music': Introduction , Translation , Notes , and Commentary"
[M.A. thesis , 19佣; Cornell: Asian Music , vo l. XXVI , no. 2 (Spring/Summer 1995) , pp. 1-
佣1 ， pp. 3-10 [especia l1 y pp. 6-10]). In short , there is no good r国son to doubt that the
"Yuelun" was an authentic work of either Xun Zi himself or his immediate disciples - proba-
bly the former. For more on this issue , see Cook , "Unity and Diversity ," pp. 412-4 13 , n. 54.
Wang Xianqian 王先都 (1842-1917) ， Xunz; jijie 苟子集解(1 891; Shen Xiaohuan 沈喃寰 and
Wang Xingxian 王星黄 (eds.); Beijing: Zhongh剧， 1988) , pp. 346 , 379. Hereafter Xunzijijie.
XUN ZI ON RITUAL AND MUSIC 3
From whence does ritual (Ii 檀) arise? "Music" (yue 费) is "happiness" (le 集); it is
1 say: When people 缸e born , they have something toward which human sentiments are
desires. Wh en there are desires yet no unavoidably bound. Th us mat也ind cannot be
obtainment of [the 0时 ects of those without happiness , and happiness will invaria-
desires] , then it is inevitable 出at there bly be expressed through musical sounds , and
will be seeking. When there is seeking take form through movement and rest. And in
with yet no standards, measures, divi- 由e way of mankind , it is in these things -
sions, or boundaries, then it is inevita- musical sounds , movement and rest - that
ble 由at there will be contention. With variations in 由e pa由ways of human nature
contention , there is chaos; with chaos , reach their limit. o Thus mankind cannot but be
there is impoverishment. 1ñe former happy [at times] , and happiness cannot be
kings despised such chaos , and thus without its external form; but if 由is external
constructed ritual and propriety in form does not take the [proper] course ,7 then
order to make divisions (yi fen zhi 以 chaos cannot but ensue. 1ñe former kings
分之)， to provide for the desires of despised such chaos, and thω constructed the
man , to supply the demands of man , sounds of the Ya and the Song in order to
and to ensure 由at desires would not be guide [mankind] (yi dao zhi 以道之).8 They
exhausted in things , and 由at things made their sounds sufficient to take delight in
would not become depleted from (le) without getting carried away; made 由eir
desires. These two become long-Iasting lyrics sufficient to yield discernment without
through mutual suppon. It is this from leading thoughts astray; made their [variations
which ritual arises. in terms o t] winding or straight , intricate or
sparse, acute or robust, and restrained or
progressive su仔icient to set into motion
people's virtuous minds(/hearts) , so that
depraved , muddy energy (ql) would have no
means by which to attach itself therein. Th is is
the direction by which the former kings
established music. And yet Mo Zi denounced
it - what can one do?!
6 Th is portion of the passage presents a number of difficulties in interpretation , particularly those

stemming from the ambiguity created by the pun on the character 集 (yuelle; "music/happi-
ness"). For a full , detailed annotation of the "Yuelun ," explaining my translation choices ,
variant readings and interpretations , and noting all points of overlap with "Yueji" citations ,
etc. , refer to pages 413-428 of "Unity and Diversity." It should be noted that the Liji annota-
tions (zhu 注) of Zheng Xuan 鄙玄 (A.D.127-2∞) and the elucidations (shu 疏) upon them by
Kong Yingda 孔颖遣 (A.D. 574-648) were of some help in determining the meaning of "Yue-
lun" passages in the absence of any pre-Qing commentary on this chapter of the Xunzi itself.
AII other interpretations cited below are to be found in Wang Xianqian's Xunzi jijie , unless
noted otherwise.
7 Like its next occurrenω， this dao might also be taken in the sense of "to guide" (dao 尊)，
giving the sense: "if guidance is not provided for such external expression , then chaos cannot
but ensue."
8 The Ya and the Song are , of course , two of the three major divisions of the Shijing 需钮， both
of which are styles of courtly p侃try ， as distinguished from the Feng 凰， which were gathered
from amongst the populace. AII such poetry was set to music , and thus the Ya and Song can be
said to represent distinct musical styles as well.
4 SCOTICOOK
From the openings of these two essays , it is clear that Xun Zi conceived ritual (li
檀) and music (yue 费) as a pair of complementa可 institutions arising from
similar social needs , as the respective remedies to two different types of societal
chaos. One line in particular stands out:
The former kings despised such chaos , and thus constructed (rituallmusic)
in order to (divide/guide) [mankind] ... .
And so the creation of these two venerable institutions is said to go way back to
the enlightened sages of antiquity , and , moreover , to have been a result of, a
reaction to , the troublesome situation that arises when mankind follows out its
natural tendencies without the guidance of any self-imposed restraints. The
invention of such restraints is the mark of the sage-king , the one man of his time
who is uniquely able to overcome his inherently base tendencies and implement
his human intelligence and capaci叩 for artifice (wei 儒)， as Xun Zi puts it
elsewhere. 9 All of this is , of course , in line with Xun Zi's view of the essential
deplorability of unchecked human nature (xing'e 性惠)， and the mark of higher
human wisdom in its ability to overcome it.
Why , however , do these two arguments take the particular form 由at they do?
Why this emphasis on the economic supply of material goods , on the one hand ,
and on mankind's inherent need for musical expression on the other? In case this
could not already be inferred from our knowledge of the intellectual milieu at the
time , the last line of the opening to the "Yuelun" makes it abundantly clear 由at
Xun Zi is aiming his arrows straight at the Mohists , IO the other "prominent"
school at the time and the main rival to the Ruist vision that Xun Zi inherited.
The Mohists had clearly staked out a position against both music and ritual
extravagance generally , and the form of argument these essays of Xun Zi's take
cannot be properly appreciated apart from historical considerations of school
rivalries. Yet at the same time , Xun Zi was , to a large degree , simply reasserting
and reformulating a vision of these two great institutions , ritual and music , that
had long since been articulated by his Confucian and pre-Con臼cian pre-
decessors. In this paper , 1 shall attempt to highlight the nature of that vision and
explain why ritual and music were so highly valued by Xun Zi as a complemen-
taηpair of institutions for shaping society and all its members. Before proceed-
ing with that , however , we must first try to understand these essays as an attack
upon and defense against a rather pernicious Mohist doctrine.
9
See especially lhe "Xing'e" 性惠 chapler ， XUllzijijie , pp. 437-439.
10 This direcl condemnalion of Mo Zi 墨子 (478? - 392? B.C.) , lhe founder of lhe school , is
repealed al lhe end of almosl every seclion of lhe essay.
Mohist Views 00 Ritual and Music

The Mohist philosophy was not categorically opposed to every由ing subsumed
under the Confucian (and pre-Confucian) concept of li 槽， ritual. To make 由is
point clear , let us first define the essential features of ritual as described by
earlier texts. Though the term may have originally been limited to sacrificial
ceremony proper , its field of meaning soon came to encompass everything from
the hierarchical structure of suzerainty and officialdom itself, to 由e sumptuary
regulations which se凹ed to highlight the distinctions in rank and function
between the various positions within this structure , all the way down to such
details as individual poiòts of etiquette , decorum , and specific ceremonial
practices through which the duties and functions appropriate to each station were
carried out. In short , it denoted the entire network of institutions , regulations ,
customs , taboos , and practices 由rough which the vast , feudal power-structure
was able to maintain the distinctions of rank and function that allowed it to
operate. 11 Abstracted into a kind of philosophical categ。可， it comes to be
portrayed as nothing less than the overall name for 由at which in human society
lends support to basic human nature , by means of a strict systematization,
regulation , and delimitation of human behavioral manifestations and inclinations ,
on the basis of the principles of separation and hierarchy , which accord with the
na阳ral regulating principles inherent in the operations of Heaven and Ea rth. It is
in essence an abstraction of human order itself, embodying everything from the
regulation of man's fulfillment of aesthetic and material needs in his contact with
由e sensuous world around him , to the distinctions and role-separation among 由e
various members of the family and their extensions in the realm of social
hierarchy , to the appropriate control of all governmental enactments and mea-
sures , as in the timely alternation in cycles of punishment and leniency. 12 All in
all , nothing about the concept of ritual stands out more than the notion that social
order is achieved and maintained through h i e r a r c h i c a 1 d i v i s i 0 n s .
The te口n ritual itself does not play an important role in the Mohist canon.
Yet given the above considerations , we might reasonably answer 由e question of
what the Mohist attitude toward ritual was by showing what place hierarchical
divisions occupied in the ideal Mohist society. In Qian Mu's mind ，由is was
precisely the demarcation line along which the two schools separated camps:
1 have stated 也at 出e distinction between the Ruists and the Mohists arose
from the question of whether or not they espoused having ritual. The Xunzi
11 "Unity and Diversity ," pp. 28-29.

12 "Unity and Diversity ," pp. 36-37. The description of ritual given here is based largely on the
speeches of Zi Taishu 子大叔 (Zhao 25 [517 B.C.]) and Yan Zi 晏子 (Zhao 26 [516 B.C.])
found in the Zuozhuan 左傅. See Yang Bojun 惕伯艘， Chunqiu Zuol.hωn zhu 春秋左傅注，
pp. 1457-1459, 1480-148 1.
6 ScorrCOOK
("Lilun") s町s ，"‘ ritual' means 'divisions'" (li zhe fen ye 檀者分也).白lUS
the distinction between the Ruists and the Mohists boils down to whether or
n刨出ey advocated having divisions. The Ruists placed a priority on divi-
sions , and 伽us 由ey sought to distinguish themselves from the common
masses. The Mohists denounced ritual and advocated "love of all" (jian'ai
兼爱)，也us 由ey sought forcibly ωput themselves in a class with the com-
mon man. This is the distinction between the twO. 13
Qian also maintains that an important part of 由is distinction translated to the fact
that while the Ruists took seeking office as their professional goal ，出e Mohists
did not advocate serving in office. These assumptio邸， however , may well be
14
called into question. If we look at the "Shang xian" 尚黄 (Upholding Worthies)

chapters of the Mozi - the first of the ten sets of "canonical" chapters in three
versions each l5 - we see the value placed upon promoting the right men to office ,
regardless of either their social background or the fact that their views run
counter to those of the ruler. However , not only are such virtues of "equal-
opportunity employing" extolled; a great deal of emphasis is also placed on the
importance of attractive salaries and emoluments to lure such worthies into
office:
…曰: r 然别束置之衡，将奈何哉? J
子墨子言曰: r 譬若欲乘其圄之善射御之士者，必将富之贵之，敬之
春之，然后圄之善射御之士，将可得而来也。况又有置具之士，厚乎
t新于，肆乎言截，博乎道衡者乎!此固圄家之珍，而社穰之佐也。亦
必且富之贯之，敬之替之，然后圄之奥士，亦将可得而素也。」
13 Qian Mu , Xian Qin zhuzi xinian , p. 94. The entire discussion may be found on pp. 90-96. 1
have here translated the term jian 'ai according to its standard interpretation , which differs from
my own understanding of it.
14 Qian Mu , Xian Qin zhuzi xilliall , p. 94.
15 According to the "Treatise on Bibliography" of the Hanshu , the Moû of the time existed in
seventy-one chapters (pian 篇)， of which fifiy-three now remain. Th e seven chapters with
which the work opens were once thought to be the writings of Mo Zi himself; but are now
generally recognized to be of relatively late origin. Th e most important set of chapters for
studying early Mohist thought are the twenty-three chapters which follow these; these are from
an original group of thirty chapters , seven of which only the titles remain. Beginning with
"Shang xian ," parts 1-3 , and ending with "民i ming" 奔命， parts 1-3 , these thirty chapters are
constituted by ten distinct chapters in three versions each. They were cI early not written by Mo
Zi himself, but are written in the form of elaborations upon the many quotations of "Master
Mo Zi" contained therein. According to Yu Y时 's 俞幢 (1821-1906) theory , largelyaccepted
today , these three separate versions are those that were passed down within each of the three
separate lineages - Xiangli 相里， Xiangfu 相夫， and Dengling 部陵- into which , according to
historical sources (namely the "Xianxue" 黯擎 chapter of the Hanfeiz l), the Mohist sch∞l
divided , and were only later combined into a single body. They thus carry weight as "ca-
nonical" texts within the schoo l. See Yu YI妃 's preface (xu 序) to Sun Yirang 踩捶嚣(1 848-
1 佣旬， Moû jiangu 墨子回站 (in Xinbian zhuzi jicheng 新踊器子集成 [Yang Jialuo 榻家黯
(ed.); Taibei: Shijie , 1983 ], vo l. 6) , p. 1.
XUN ZI ON RITUAL AND 岛{USIC 7
"币lis being 由e case , what so口 of technique is to be employed in obtain-

ing numerous worthies?" it was asked.
Mo Zi replied , "It is like when one wishes to make numerous 由e quality
archers and charioteers of his state - he must make them rich and ennoble
由em ， respect them and bring them fame. Qnly then will the quality archers
缸ld charioteers of the state be attainable in great numbers. - Le t alone the
fact that there are those worthy and quality gentlemen who are rich in vi口ue
and conduct , skilled in discussion and debate , and broad in the knowledge
of ways and methods! Such are surely the tre臼ures of the state and the 臼
sistants to its deities. They , t∞， must be made wealthy and ennobled , re-
spected and brought fame. Qnly then , too , will the quality officials of the
state be attainable in great numbers. ,, 16
This can hardly be the philosophy of a man uninterested in holding office , not to
mention in the accoutrements that go with it. To be sure , it is true that Mo Zi , to
a much greater degree than Kong Zi ever had , came to emphasize the broad base
of social stations from which such worthy ministers could possibly arise , given
由e opportunity. EIsewhere in the same chapter , it is discussed how propriety (yi
篝) was taken by the ancient sage kings as the sole criterion for advancement to
office , so that:
. .建至遗鄙郊外之臣，阿庭庶子，圄中之来，四鄙之萌人，团之
皆兢爵藉。
. All 也e way down to the ministers of far-off border towns and beyond
the outskirts , the "numerous sons" serving as guards in the court , the multi-
tude within the city walls , and the farm-hands of the four border-regions -
when they heard of 由is ， they all competed to act with propriety.17
Yet while Mo Zi wished to do away with nobility as a basis for the filling of
government positions , he by no means wished to do away with the concepts of
nobility and ritual hierarchy altogether; 18 they continued to se凹e for the Mohists
much the same function in governance that they had for the Ruists:
16 "Shang xian , shang"; Sun Yirang , Mozijiangu , p. 25.

17 "Shang xian , shang"; Mozijiangu , pp. 25-26.
18 Further evidence for this can be adduced from other core chapters of the text as well. For
example , "Shang tong , zhong" 尚同，中 has the following Ii nes relating to the necessity for the
people of ancient times to set up a system of rulership to guarantee uniformity of views and
thus rid the world of its chaos: "It got to the point [where people acted] Ii ke birds and beasts ,
lacking the regu Ia r i ty 筋。f ruler and minister , the high- and low-placed , the elder and
younger; and the r i t ua I 檀 pertaining to father and son , elder and younger brother - thus the
world was in chaos" 至如禽默然，知君臣上下是幼之筒，元子兄弟之惶，是以天下毗焉
(Mozijiangu , p. 47). So it is not that the Mohists 叫 ected the notion of ritual outright , but only
ritual that was overly lavish , complicated , or served no practical purpose , as we shall see
below.
8 SCOTTCOOK
故古者璧王之昂政，列德而尚蟹，睡在虞舆」二肆之人，有能剧事之。
高予之爵，重予之路， fJ:之以事，断予之舍，曰: r 自位不高，剧民
弗敬;蓄栋不厚，别民不信 .1改舍不断，别民不畏。」翠二者授之蟹
者， ~~局置揭也，欲其事之成。
Thus in ancient times , the sage-kings would carry out governance by tilling
the ranks on the basis of virtue and by upholding worthies. Even though
they be men from the tïelds or the craftsman's marketplace , they would be
promoted if they had the ability. They would give them high entitlements
and generous salaries , and they would assign duties to them , giving them a
clear-cut power to make commands , arguing tha t: "If their titles and posi-
tions are not high , then the people will not respect them. If their salaries
and emoluments are not generous , then the people will not have trust in
them. If their administrative commands are not clear-cut , then the people
will hold no awe." When these three things are bestowed upon worthies , it
is not a matter of giving them prizes for their worthiness , but rather is it so
that they might accomplish their affairs. 19
This is little more than a modified ritual system - one based upon equaIi ty of
opportunity , but not one of equa Ii ty of rank justly won. 50 if hierarchical
divisions remained a key part of the Mohist philosophy , exactly which aspects of
Confucian ritual was it that the Mohists came to reject?
To answer this question , let us turn to the Mohist view on a subject that
constituted an important part of the ritual system , music (yue 柴). The Mohist
position against music is , of course , well known; "Fei Yue" 非嚷 (Denouncing
Music [pt. 1]) constitutes a core chapter in the Mohist canon. And if we are to
believe the "Gong Meng" 公孟 chapter of the Mozi , the master himself included
the practice of music in his list of "four precepts" (si zheng 四政) of the Ruists
that could not be tolerated:
子墨子器程子曰. r 懦之道，足以要天下者，四政焉。懦以〔天〕局
不明，以鬼局不神，天鬼不前，此足以要天下。又厚葬久耍，重局棺
梆，多局去会，送死若徙;三年哭过，挟後起，杖?是行，耳摆阔，目
如晃，此足以要天下。又弦歌鼓舞，营局整架，此足以要天下。又以
命局有，黄富吾天， ì白筒L安危，有植矣，不可揭益也。肩上者行之，
必不黯泊矣;周下者行之，必不能事矣;此足以要天下。」 2υ
Master Mo Zi said to Cheng Zi:21 "There are four precepts among the way
of the Ruists that are sufficient to bring about the loss of the kingdom. The
19 'Shang tong ," pt. 1. Mozijiallgll , pp. 26-27.

20
'Gong Meng ," Mozijial/gll , p. 277.
21 According to Su Shixu的解峙擎 note ， this Cheng Zi is the sa l11e as the Cheng Fan 繁 who
inquired to Mo Zi ahout the music of the ancient sages in the "San bian" 三辨 ch叩ter -
perhaps a scholar of both Ruis l11 and Mohis l11. suggests Sun Yirang (p. 22).
Ruists believe Heaven not to be enlightened , and the ghosts not to be spiri-
tual; Heaven and the ghosts are [th山] discontented - this is sufficient to
bring about the loss of the kingdom. Furthermore , they [prescribe] extra-
vagant burials and lengthy mouming periods , make extra layers of the inner
and outer coffi血， and an abundance of burial garments - sending off the
dead 臼 if they were [simply] moving their abode. [币le moumers] wailing
and sobbing for three years , not getting up w由ss helped , not taking walks
without a cane; their ears hear nothing , and their eyes see nothing - this is
sufficient to bring about the loss of the kingdom. Furthermore , [the Ruisωl
sing to the accompaniment of strings and dance to the beat of drums , we11-
practiced in the making of music -由is is sufficient to bring about the loss
of the kingdom. Furthermore , they believe in the existence of fate - that
poverty and wealth , longevity and premature death , order and chaos , and
security and danger a11 have their constant poles and can be neither allevi-
ated nor helped along. When those above conduct [themselves und叫 such
[a belie f], they will invariably fail to attend to govemance; when those be-
low conduct [由emselves under] such [a belief]，由ey will invariably fail to
C缸叩 out their tasks - this is sufficient to bring about the loss of the king-
dom."
In short , the distinction between the two schools is characterized by their
differing attitudes toward four questions: the existence of a sentient Heaven and
sentient ghosts , the proper way to send off the dead , the role of music in society ,
and the existence of fate. On the first and last of these , the Mohists held the
position 由at not only was Heaven a sentient being with a pu甲oseful will , but that
it was precisely man's task to carry out that will through the exertion of his own
efforts down below;22 and in this they distinguished themselves from the Ruists ,
whom they chose to perceive as not only disrespectful , but irresponsible and
misguided as well. For the sentient ghosts of the Mohists had no use for such
earthly things as lavish burial outfits and multiple-layer coffins , and there was
surely no greater absurdity for those Ruists who did not believe the dead to be
sentient anyway to waste so much of the resources of the living on their behal f. It
was , the Mohists believed , precisely the will of Heaven that human society be
conducted in such a manner that the greatest possible profit or benefit (li 利) to
mankind as a whole be achieved , and though this by no means presupposed an
equal distribution of all material resources , it did entail that the basic needs of the
22 As Benjamin Schwartz ap tI y puts it: "Far from perceiving the problem in terms of the modern
Western antithesis between a world in which the will of God or the gods governs all and a
world in which men controltheir own destiny , he [i.e. , Mo Zi] perceives an antithesis between
the concept of a world - both cosmic and human - as an inscrutable , impersonal order .
beyond the control of any conscious will and a world in which order itself is the achievement of
the strenuous efforts of the wills of both gods and men. What the advocates of ‘ fate' deny is the
active , intentional will of both gods and men." See Th e World 01 Th ought in Ancient China
(Cambridge: Harvard , 1985) , p. 14 1.
10 SCOTICOOK
populace be filled , and that none of the resources be directed toward ends which
served no useful purpose and were thus considered inherently wasteful. This ,
then , was the nature of the Mohist "ritual" system: a compromise between the
need to maintain and manifest hierarchical rank distinctions , on the one hand ,
and the requirement of eliminating wasteful extravagance in expenditures that
realized no tangible benefit to society , on the other.
It is for these reasons that the attitude toward music (yue 费) was singled out
as one of the four precepts in which the Mohists and the Ruists differed most
acutely. Given the external standard of maximum benefit thus conceived , music ,
the gains and benefits of which are too subtle to be understood by those who are
given to ignore the internal , subjective side of the equation , could be assigned
little or no value in the Mohist scheme of things , and indeed demanded much that
was deemed harmful to its overall goals. In the "Fei Yue" chapter , the notion of
ultimate benefit is defined primarily in terms of the "three worries" (san huan
三，患) of the people - the need for food , clothing , and rest:
民有三患:凯者不得盒，寥若不得去，劈者不得息。三者，民之巨曹、
也。然即首眉之撞巨锺、擎唱鼓、弹琴瑟、口欠芋笙、而揭干戚，民夜
盒之财，将安可得乎?即我以属未必然也。
The people have three worries: that the hung可 might not obtain food , the
cold might not obtain clothing , and the work-weary might not obtain res t.
These three are the great worries of the people. This being the case , t可23
striking for them great bells , beating singing drums , pulling the strings of
qin and se zithers , and blowing upon yu and sheng reed mouth-organs ,
while waving shields and axes in dance - will the financial resources for the
clothing and food of the people be obtainable at 由is point?24 1 believe there
would be no guarantee of this. 25
Beyond these , the only real need is that of maintaining conditions of order in
society by putting a stop to banditry and warfare. 26 Music not only serves no
function in fulfilling these basic requirements; on the contrary it serves - it being
primarily the court music of the state to which the discussion refers - to do much
23 Following Sun Yirang and reading the character dang 富 as a loan for chang 笛， "try." For
more complete annotations to these passages , see my full translation of the entire "Fei Yue"
chapter , in "Unity and Diversity ," pp. 185-199. For convenience , 1 will cross-reference
passages cited in this paper with the paragraph numbers given in my full translation.
24 Reading an 安 in the sense of "thereupon" rather than as an interrogative ("how?" "where?") ,
following Wang Yinzhi 王引之 AII (OC *'an) , like its phonetic cousin yan 焉 (OC 吨(r)jan) ，
is one of those characters which may function alternately as either an interrogative or a con-
Juncllve.
25 "Fei Yue" 6; Mozi jiallgu , p. 156.
26 "Fei Yue" 6-7; Mozi jiallgu. p. 156.
to hinder such goals. For , the text argues , to make the great sets of bells , chime-
stones , and the like , great material resources and manpower must be expended ,
for which heavy taxations must be imposed upon the populace. 27 Then , once 由e
instruments are made , the services of healthy , robust adults are required in order
to have the musicians to play them; these people are thus taken away from the
fields or the spinning looms where they could have been productively employed
in the task of providing food and clothing , whereas now it is precisely they who
feed particularly well off the labor of others , while they themselves contribute not
toward what they eat. 28 Finally , in order to enjoy the music thus performed , the
ruler requires an audience to listen along with him , and for all the time its
members spend indulging themselves in musical pleasures , they will be neglect-
ing their duties toward society. 29 - So the argument runs.

Given the fact that the old social order no longer worked the way it used to ,
the Mohists , in their effort to come up with the conceptual standard by which to
bring about a new order , focused on the most obvious aspects of social ills - the
extravagance in which now even the lowest-ranking of the nobility indulged
themselves at the expense of a weary populace. And while half-consciously
accepting aspects of the old institutions as invariable - hierarchy and privilege
generally - they rejected those which social mobility and the overall disorder of
the times had rendered most nonsensical , such as hereditary promotion to office ,
and those accoutrements of nobility that served only ω flaunt the privileges of
rank. Mo Zi lived at a time when massive musical orchestras were being put on
display by perhaps every minor feudal lord in the kingdom (the huge Zeng Hou
Yi 曾侯乙 bell-set ， 30 for instance , dated to around 433 B.C. , would have been
sounding in the Zeng court during the prime of Mo Zi's lifetime) , when many of
the more prominent ministerial families , in the tradition of the Ji clan of LU , 31
were lining up eight rows of dancers in their courtyard - the sheer scope of these
ritual usu叩ations must have brought about a tremendous drain on social and
27 "Fei Yue" 8; Mozijiangu , pp. 156-157.

28 "Fei Yue" 9 , 11; Mozijiangu , pp. 157-158.
29 "Fei Yue" 10 , 14; Mozijiangu , pp. 157-159.
30 This set of bells was unearthed , along with a plethora of other musical instruments , from the
tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (who died ca. 433 B.C.) , at Leigudun 擂鼓墩， Suizhou 随州，
Hubei , in 1978. Consisting of some sixty-five bells laid out on a large L-shaped rack , this set
was preserved in excellent condition. and the bells may still be played today , emitting the same
tones as they did over 2000 years ago. The set is now on display at the Hubei provincial
museum in Wuhan. Interested readers should turn to Lothar von Falkenhausen's recent study of
the Zeng and other bells in Zhou China , Suspended Music: Chime-bells in the Culture of
Bronze Age China (Berkeley: California , 1993) , in which all aspects of the bells are described
in great , painstaking detai l.
31 See Lunyu , 3.1-3.3; "Unity and Diversity ," pp. 46-48.
12 ScorrCOOK
material resources. It was under such conditions that Mo Zi contrived his ulti-
mate standard of "gain" or "bene缸" - or , more basically , the externally-objec-
tive standard of "propriety" (yi 篝) in general - by which to determine, within
the necessarily-hierarchical system , which aspects of 由is system were conducive
to such ultimate benefit , as he conceived it , and which were detrimental to 由at
cause. The Mohist definition of benefit was , however , rather narrowly con-
ceived; moreover , the Mohists chose not to recognize 由.e possibil均由at there
might be a more subtle or indirect means by which to ultimately bringing about
由.at benefit. They thereby came to ignore or denounce outright much of what had
fo口nerly been viewed as positively valuable. Excluding from their vocabulary
any notion of an internal standard of benefit , they chose not to enlist the pos-
sibility that there may have been some form of "benefit" to be derived from state
music which would in the end justify the great expenses required to support it.
The Nature of Ritual

Recall 血at Mo Zi , in his denunciation of music , based his argument on 由e point
由at it served only to increase the "three worries" (san huan) of the people:
obtaining food for the hungry , clothing for the cold , and rest for the weary. Xun
Zi picks up on 由is very theme , but gives it a new twis t:
荣辱之大分，安危利害之常髓:先费而後利者柴，先利而後费者辱;
集者常通，辱者常踊;通者常制人，肩者常制於人:是荣辱之大分也
。
. .凡人有所一同:凯而欲盒，事而欲'厦，劈而欲息，好利而惠害
，是人之所生而有也，是知待而然者也，是禹、架之所同也。.
可以爵莞、禹，可以爵荣、距，可以属工匠，可以爵晨贾'在注错营
俗之所横耳. . .然而人力爵此而寡爵彼'何也?曰:陋也。莞、禹
者，弈生而具者也，夫起於费故，成乎修修之爵，待噩而後俑者也。
人之生固小人，知即知法剧唯利之晃耳。人之生固小人，又以遇菌L世
，得简L俗'是以小重小也，以能得简L也。君子#得势以晦之，别氟由
得周内焉。. . .陋也者，天下之公患也'人之大殃大害也。故曰:
仁者好告示人。
白le great division between glory and disgrace , the constant32 frame work of
safety and peril , benefit and harm , is thus: those who put propriety before
profit will achieve glory , while those who put profit before propriety will be
disgraced. The glorious are usually successful , while the disgraced are
32 The translation of challg 常 here as .. constant" is actually t∞ strong ， but terms such as "nor-
mal" or "us国 1" seem insutlicient to express its force. Xun Zi does indeed admit of exceptions
to these "constant" rules; his question is simply this: do you want to entrust your Ii fe to the
regular course of events , or do you want to gamble on anomalies (guai 怪)1 See Xunzi jijie , p.
63. 1 will hedge my bets by translating the term as "usual" below.
usually unsuccessful. The successful usually control others , while the unsuc-
cessful are usually controlled by others. Th is is the great division between
gl。可 and disgrace.
. All men have their points of uniformity [with each 0由er]: when hungry ,
由.ey desire food; when cold , they desire warmth; when weary ，由ey desire
rest; they are fond of profit and despise harm. These are traits which men
have within them from birth , and they are so independently of any也ing
else. They were shared alike by both Yu and Jie户... That one h部由e pos-
sibility of becoming a Yao or Yu, or of becoming a Jie or [Robber] Zhi, or
of becoming a craftsman , ca甲enter ， farmer , or merchant -也is lies merely
in the type of actions and customs in which they become practiced ... Yet
men exert themselves to become these latter and seldom become the for-
mer34 - why is this? Because they are ignorant. Yao and Yu were not born
complete. They arose through changing incidents ,35 matured 由rough active
cultivation , and became complete only after getting through it all. Man , to
begin with , is a petty person from birth; without any teachers or guiding
standards , he will see no出ing but profi t. Man being petty from bi巾， when
he further encounters a chaotic age , and attains chaotic customs , this is a
matter of doubling 严uiness upon pettiness , and attaining chaos through
chaos. If the nobleman does not attain the position from which to oversee
him , then there will be no way to open up [his mind] and bring him into
[也e proper path] ... Ignorance (Iou 陋) is the collective wor可 of all under
Heaven , and the great misfortune and great harm of mankind. Thus we say
出at "the humane are fond of showing others the way. ,, 36
白lis passage would appear to be aimed simultaneously at both the Mohists and
Meng Zi , though we sha11 limit our discussion to the former. Xun Zi first of a11
criticizes the Mohists for their shortsightedness: the fact that they put "bene缸" or
"profit" (li 利) before "propriety" (yi 费 ).37 Th ough Xun Zi is expressly talking
33 The sage-founder and wicked last ruler , respectively , of the Xia dynasty. The entire sentence
from the beginning of the paragraph to this point is repeated verbatim in the "Fei xiang" 奔相
chapter (Harvard-Yenching # 13/5/24). The idea of man's natural desire for fo叫， c1 othing , and
rest is repeated again in similar terms in the "Xing'e" chapter (87/23/18).
34 Obviously , this means they seldom become sage-kings and more often become wicked men. As
for the professional occupations , since farmers were generally more respected than craftsmen , 1
take it that all of these professions are treated negatively in the text , and are meant to contrast
to the unstated shi 士， "scholar-ofticia l."
35 Yang Liang takes this to refer to the Mencian idea that Heaven always shoulders future sages
with great burdens to test their mettle and strengthen their endurance and capabilities (Mengzi
VI8/15).
36 "Rong ru" 集辱 ; Xunzi jijie , pp. 坷， 63-65.
37 Notwithstanding the fact that yi was a term that first gained great prominence with the Mohists
themselves. It was , however , li 手IJ that counted as the most characteristic concern of Mohism
in contrast to other schools of though t. Yi had long been in the Ruist vocabulary , though now
re-assimilated and taken on new signitïcance.
14 ScorrCOOK
about the individual here , his words seem to echo with ironic derision towards
the "petty" concerns of the entire Mohist school. Putting profit first leads ,
paradoxically , to disgrace , impoverishment , and subjugation; it is almost a Laoist
form of argument: true , constant benefit can be attained only by putting benefit
las t. As is the case with their view of music , the Mohists just cannot see the big
picture - they are , in effect , too narrow-minded , petty , and ignorant to do so.
And Xun Zi turns 由e Mohists' "three worries" against them. The desires for
food , clothing , rest , and , in sum , "benefit ," are , to be sure , an inherent part of
every man's nature. But that is precisely the point: if we are to seek to fulfill only
the basest desires of mankind , without recognizing any loftier goals , this can only
lead to impoverishment and economic deprivation. The real wor，ηof mankind

(gong huan 公患)， and its greatest harm , is ignorance - ignorance of this loftier
goal of Ruist propriety.
Let us recall now the opening to Xun Zi's "Essay on Ritual":
From whence does ritual arise? 1 say: When people are born , they have de-
sires. When there are desires yet no obtainment of [the 0时ects of those de-
sires ], then it is inevitable that there will be seeking. When there is seeking
with yet no standards , measures , divisions , or boundaries , then it is inevi-
table that there will be contention. With contention , there is chaos; with
chaos , there is impoverishment. Th e former kings despised this chaos , thus
th可 instituted ritual and proprie砂 to make divisions , to provide for the de-
sires of man , to supply the demands of man , to ensure that desires would
not be exhausted in things , and that things would not become depleted from
desires. These two become long-lasting through mutual support. It is 也is
from which ritual arises. 38
We should at the outset note that once again Xun Zi seems to be aiming his
cannons primarily at the Mohists , who are yet again implicitly accused of short-
sightedness and being blinded by immediate concerns of utility .39 As we discussed
earlier , the Mohists wished to do away with all those more extravagant aspects of
ritual hierarchy and privilege that were of no obvious utilitarian value. 40 Xun Zi ,
in effect , argues that the maintenance of ritual divisions promotes the structured
and restrained use of limited economic resources , without which economic
deprivation cannot but ensue. He addresses a Mohist concern , and criticizes the
Mohists for their failure to see it through. His main argument , here and
elsewhere , seems to be that the cost of the sometimes lavish ritual expenditures
38
Xunzijijie , p. 346. For the Chinese , refer back to the second page ofthis paper.
39
They are in fact mentioned directly by name later in the passage; see below.
40 Though Mohism , at least in its early forms , by no means espoused doing away with hierar-
chical privilege altogether , it is possible that by Xun Zi's time they had increasingly inclined
toward taking such a stance.
that Ruism entails more than pays for itself in the long term by virtue of its effect
upon the continuing stability of society and the plenitude of its resources. 41
The same argument will come up again below , both elsewhere in the "Lilun"
chapter and in the "Yuelun" chapter as well. Again , it is clear that Xun Zi
conceives ritual and music as two complementary tools that do , in fact , ultimately
bring great benefit to society in terms of establishing and maintaining social order
and harmony. In putting forth such a conception , Xun Zi is not merely reacting to
the negative views on such rulership practices proffered by the Mohists - though
his essays cannot properly be appreciated outside of this context. He is , more-
over , reasserting a long-standing Ruist belief on the value and efficacy of such
practices , while at the same time - spurred on , perhaps , by the Mohists - car-
rying the argument to much greater heights than his predecessors. Part of our
task , then , must be to understand exactly what it is about the nature of these two
institutions as conceived by Xun Zi that compelled him to treat them with such
reverence.
Before we begin our exploration of ritual and music in the Xunzi , it will
prove amenable to our explanatory pu甲ose to invoke the thought of French
philosopher Henri Bergson (1859-1941) , who made much of a proposed dis-
tinction between two sources of morality. One of these is characterized as im-
personal obligatory formulae and the other as the imitative appeal of a mode l. To
use Bergson's own words:
Whereas the former is all the more unalloyed and perfect precisely in pro-
portion as it is the more readily reduced to impersonal formulae , the sec-
ond , in order to be fully itself, must be incarnate in a privileged person who
becomes an example. The generality of the one consists in the universal ac-
ceptance of a law , that of the other in a common imitation of a model. 42
These two types of morality are striking in their imprecise resemblance to the
ancient Chinese notions of ritual and music as portrayed in the Xunzi and
elsewhere. Bergson's concepts prove useful for comparison because he was , as
were most ancient Chinese political thinkers , interested in the question of just
41 The same point is emphasized by Donald J. Munro , in his The Concept 0/ Man in Ear，纱 China
(Stanford: Stanford University Press , 1969; p. 77): "For Hsün Tzu [Xun Zi] , the starting point
for all ethical discussions should be the imbalance between goods available and human desires.
Achieving a balance between them through selective desiring by all people is the sine qua non
of a stable social organization. The balance is made possible by social rank distinctions (fen) ,
which formalize selective desiring , the rank distinctions in turn being maintained by the
practice of obligations derived from the moral sense (i [y i]) , which man alone has."
42 Henri Bergson ，刀'le Two Sources ~川.forality and Religion (1932; R. Ashley Audra , Cloudesley
Brereton , and W. Horsfall Carter (t r.), 1935; Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press ,
1977) , p. 34.
16 ScorrCOOK
what it is that compels anyone to obey an ethical system in the first place , albeit
for different reasons.
For Bergson, the prima可 source of moral motivation reveals itself at 由e
level of instinct rather than reason , and it operates in human society much the
same as it does in that of the anthill. Bergson likes to use the analogy of society
as a group of free wills somehow organized to assume 由e guise of an organism ,
in which each individual "cell" functions in a way that is for the good of the
whole. Now in defending the resemblance of laws of social order to the laws of
nature against the philosophical distinction between "obligation" and "necessity ,"
Bergson makes an interesting observation:
But if physical law tends to assume in our imagination the form of a com-
mand when it attains a certain degree of generality , in its tum an imperative
which applies to eve可body appears to us somewhat like a law of nature.
The two ide缸， coming against each other in our minds , effect and ex-
change. The law borrows from the command its prerogative of compulsion;
the command receives from the law its inevitability. A breach of the social
order assumes an anti-natural character; even when frequently repeated , it
strikes us as an exception , being to s∞iety what a freak creation is to na-
ture. 43
This speaks to us quite clearly of the value of ancient Chinese claims 由at 由e
stratified ritual hierarchy with which the state obliges iωpeople was modeled
a玩er and in effect the societal equivalent to the hierarchical relationships which
exist in na阳re. For ritual obligation now becomes ritual necessity , and the
ritual codes and institutions which could have at least admitted evasion come to
present themselves to 由e populace as virtually inescapable natural laws. Man is
driven by two contrary instincts , one the drive to fulfill his own individual desires
and the other an individualized accumulation of all social forces against which
this first drive comes up; for Xun Zi this second "instinct" is one instilled by
practice of the ritual institutions created by the former sage-kings , which ,
modeled a白er the inevitable laws of nature , take on for the populace the guise of
necessity - in effect a secondary instinct.
The central role of ritual institutions and practices may be said to be to
promote the internalization of the hierarchical structure of society and the
inherent duties and obligations for each of its stations. These differ from laws in
that they do not so much coerce each individual into obedience as do 由ey guide
or lead him into a gradual familiarity with and acceptance of his role in society.
The main idea involved here is that of habit-formation , which we might
characterize as the ritual internalization of supposedly natural principles in such a
way that social obligation comes to resemble the necessity of instinct.
43 The Two Sources 0/ Morality and Religion. pp. 12-13.

Let us return to the "Li1 un" chapter of the Xunzi. A白er having explained
from whence ritual arises - that is , as a corrective measure against the chaos
resulting from unchecked human desires , whereby human demand is curbed to
meet the economic supply of material goods - Xun Zi then goes on to explain
what ritual is or does. This he does by equating it with nurturing or supporting:
"Li zhe, yang ye" 檀者费也. And this he first defines , curiously enough , in
te口ns of treating one's sense organs to various luxury items , such as carvings ,
engravings , peppers ，仕agrances ， bells , and drums. 44 Well , clearly not eveηbody
can enjoy such things , and it is the nature of a ritual hierarchy that only certain
men will attain them; but it might seem that Xun Zi should be required to explain
why the nurturing of certain men differs from that of others. Instead , he simply
says:
君子既得其费，又好其别。岛渭别?曰:黄晓有等，是幼有差，黄富
程重皆有稿者也。
ηle superior man , having attained his nurturing , further delights in its dis-
tinctions (bie glJ). To what does "distinctions" refer? It me缸18 由at noble
and base have ranks; old and young have disparities; and poverty , wealth ,
triviality , and gravity all have their appropriate measures. 45
Well , of course the superior man delights in such distinctions - who would have
doubted that? But the chapter soon takes an interesting turn , whereby "nurturing"
comes to be defined not in terms of feeding one's desires with material goods ,
but rather in a more general sense of preserving or perhaps even improving one's
own well-being and position. In a mode of argumentation that Lao Zi would have
been proud of, Xun Zi tells us that we can get what we want only by giving it up:
孰知夫出死要筒之所以费生也!孰知夫出费用之所以费财也!孰知夫
恭敬静震之所以黄安也!孰知夫檀费丈理之所以费情也!故人苟生之
爵晃，若者必死;苟利之爵晃，若者必害;苟怠情偷懦之爵安，若者
必危;苟情就之爵粟，若者必诫。故人一之於檀藉，别雨得之矣;一
之於惰性，剧两费之矣。故儒者将使人雨得之者也，墨者将使人两费
之者也，是儒、墨之分也。
Who is aware of how risking one's life [in service of the ruler] and con-
straining oneself are 由at whereby li也 is nurtured?
Who is aware of how putting fo口h expenditures4b is that whereby wealth is
nurtured?
44 "Li lun"; Xunzijijie , pp. 346-347.

45 "Lilun"; Xunzijijie , p. 347.
46 A parallel passage in the "Lishu" chapter of the Shiji 史言己 reads qing 程， "to treat lightly" for
chu 出， "to put forth."
18 SCOTTCOOK
Who is aware of how deferential respect and polite yielding are that where-
by security is nurtured?
Who is aw红e of how ritual propriety and formal order 缸e 由at whereby
one's emotions are nurtured?
Thus among men ,
Those who take [only] life as what they see [before them] are bound to
die.
Those who take [only] advantage as what they see [before 也em] are
bound to meet with harm.
Those who take [only] negligence , laziness , and cowardice as their security
are bound to meet with danger.
Those who take [only] pleasant emotions as their happiness are bound to
be annihilated.
Thus ,
If a man concentrates upon ritual and propriety , he will attain both [ritual
propriety and proper expression of inborn sentiments];
If he concentrates upon emotions and inborn nature , he willlose them both.
Thus the Ruists would have man attain them both , while the Mohists would
cause man to lose them both. Th is is the distinction between the Ruists and
47
MohistS.
Once again , though he may also have other opponents in mind , Xun Zi is clearly
directing his attack against the Mohists , and this again for their stinginess and
lack of foresigh t. The Mohists , in Xun Zi's view , are a lot like the person who is
too cheap to bring a ceremonial greeting gi白 to an audience with an influential
man who could potentially yield him great financial rewards in the future. He
only sees immediate profit or loss , and cannot look into the long term. Ritual
institutions and displays do indeed require significant material expenditures , as
the Mohists never tire of pointing out , but the ultimate rewards in te口ns of
greater social stability and hierarchical resource management far outweigh the
initial outlay; and indeed , the true savings come about by avoiding the negative
opportunity cost that would be incurred were the outlay never made and socio-
economic chaos ensued. 48 If one concentrates only on immediately obvious
47 "Lilun"; Xunzijijie , pp. 348-349.

48 In financial terms , investment of capital resources in ritual tends , up to a certain extent , to
yield a net present value. This probably explains why Mohists are so seldom hired as financial
analysts. Moderation in ritual outlays had , however , never been a problem for the Ruists.
Nonetheless , it may have represented something of an unrecognized concession to the Mohists
that Xun Zi , elsewhere in his "Lilun" chapter , would stress the importance of mingqi 明器，
funerary items (such as c1 ay bells , etc.) that were inexpensive and unusuable imitations of the
real things (see Xunzi jijie , pp. 368町369). As we have discussed earlier , the Mohists strongly
denounced lavishness in burials. Xun Zi , however , takes great pains to stress that the reasons
for using mingqi lay in the fact that they are the best means to express the sorrowful feelings of
utility , he will lose not only the aesthetic pleasures of ritual and music , but will in
the long run lose that utility as well.
We have now encountered in the Xunzi two of the key ingredients of ritual as
an abstract notion: first , differentiation/divisions (bie 别，}切分)， and
now , regulation , or restraint (jie 卸).49 We are told we must restrain our
natural desires: the desire to live safely , to live well , to take things for ourselves ,
and to follow our emotions. But such restraints do not come naturally to us - as
we have said , it took the sage to finally come along and develop the idea; they
must be learned and practiced , and it is perhaps also in this sense that they take
on the form of a nurturing , a slow and steady process whereby customs and
habits are brought into a stable maturity. This is why , one might say , the sage
created ritual institutions and practices - to instill every individual with a sense of
proper bounds from which he is not permitted to depart , for both his own good
and for the good of society as a whole.
What induces us to keep to our proper place and restrain our natural desires?
The exhortation takes the form of a threat: "If you strive a白er life rather than
risk it in the course of your duty to the ruler , you will die"; "If you seek your
own advantage , you will meet with harm"; "If you live a life of pleasure , you will
be annihilated." Ritual is not coercive in the sense that punishment (xing 刑)， a
slightly less Confucian form of induced self-restraint , is , inasmuch as its violation
does not usually constitute a criminal offence punishable by law , but it does have
a specifically negative appeal. For lack of restraint among the various levels of
the populace leads not only to a downfall of society as a whole - which is
certainly not enough to motivate individuals on its own - but rather is the
individual transgressor himself bound to meet with his own personal misfortune.
The important thing to note is this: in the case of legal punishment , the ethical
motivation toward personal restraint is very weak , inasmuch as the only reason to
avoid committing the improper action is in order to escape an externally imposed
punishment of which the only direct cause is getting caught. With ritual norms ,
on the other hand , the negative consequence of the act is no longer an external
threat which sometimes permits escape , but rather a direct, internal, and inevita-
ble consequence of the action simply due to the way things happen to work.
Notice once again in the passage above the appearance of the character bi 必
("bound to") - violation of ritual bounds permits no escape , for it is a violation
the mourner ( r 是皆所以重哀也 J "These are all that whereby sorrow is emphasized" [p.
369]) , and he goes on to berate the Mohists later in the passage (p. 371).
49 On the importance of the termjie 筒 in the conception of both ritual and music , see "Unity and
Diversity ," pp. 82-86; Kenneth 1. DeWoskin , A Song for One or Two: Music and the Concept
of Art in Early China (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Center for Chinese Stud邸，
1982) , pp. 88-89.
20 ScorrCOOK
of the natural "laws" under which human society operates , and the transgressor
must ultimately succumb to the inevitability of those laws. Nature itself is seen as
orderly: heaven maintains its proper distance from earth , the heavenly bodies
follow each other in orderly rank and succession , and so on. The sage , one might
believe , took nature as a model for his creation of ritual institutions in order that
human society too might maintain such an inviolable order and thereby be
relieved of its misery. Seen thus , ritual practices were designed to protect us , to
keep us from overstepping our bounds for the good of both society as a whole
and each individual member who makes up a part of that society. Yet one cannot
overstep his bounds until he has first come to learn and internalize them , and this
is precisely what ritual practices are designed to do. From his official rank and
function all the way down to his manner of dress and the number of his
possessions , ritual customs pervade every aspect of a man's life , to the point
where he no longer just acts as an official of a certain rank and position , but
rather now is that official in a sense that is hardly separable from his ve叩 being.
He has been made to internalize his position and all that goes with it to the extent
that any violation of the bounds proper to it is immediately fel t. Downfall always
lurks around the corner , and thus order must be maintained at all cost to private
desires: for the nurturing of one's own-well being , as well as for that of society
as a whole , from which it is now inseparable. Xun Zi hardly needs to convince
us through argument of the need to maintain hierarchical distinctions - for at
every level of society , individual and social good have become , through the
incessant reminders of internalizing practice and reinforcement , one and the same
in the minds of those who serve to maintain such distinctions.
Through the effect of habit-formation , then , that which for Xun Zi was
anything but instinct as far as mankind was concerned , has in effect been made
through ritual practice to become something ve可 much like instinct: an internal-
ized drive toward self-restraint and the maintenance of individualized boundaries
in a way that functions for the good of society as a whole. 50
50 But while we have demonstrated to some degree how hierarchical distinctions are maintained ,
we have yet to see much in the way of philosophical justification for their existence. The
solution lies in a relatively simple notion , that of controllability. The notion of hierarchical
division and c1 assification as a means by which the many may be easily controlled and directed
toward an active goal by the few finds important expression in Xun Zi's concept of the
"method of control" (caoshu 操衔):
"The nobleman has a venerated position yet a humble will; his mind is small , yet his Dao is
grea t. What he listens to and looks at is nearby , yet what he hears and sees is far-reaching.
How is this so? - This is so because of his method of control ... He pushes forth the tradition
of ritual and propriety , demarcates the division between right and wrong , ties together the
essentials of all under Heaven , and brings to order the masses within the [four] seas - [all] as 旷
he were directing the actions 0/ a single man. Thus the more compact his controlling grip , the
greater are his affairs. 君子位靠而志恭，心小而道大，所黯槐者近而所固克者遣。是何
邪?刷操街然也...推槽美之航，分是奔之分，蹭天下之要，治海内之来，若使一人，故
How is it that these customs tend to take such a strong hold on each
individual? Are they not , after all , restraints on their very freedom as individu-
als, through which their basic human instincts and desires wish so desperately to
break? How did we come to accept such restraints - so much so that we come to
identi命 our very selves with them? At first such conformity and obedience must
have been a struggle; as "petty people" with our basically "detestable" natures,
we were forced to overcome ourselves - just as that supposed sage who first
created the system of ritual duties must have had to do. But once having done so ,
having become a regular part of the family and of society as a whole, wherein we
have grown accustomed to performing the expected routines , having now
acquired them by force of habit , it would take just as violent a reversal to stray
from our appointed station as it had been to over阳rn our basic natures and
conform to it in the first place.
Yet , however much we may wish to emphasize the social fulfillment of
individual roles and ritual duties as a means by which the individual may partake
in the harmonious existence of society , the fact remains that ritual , considered in
and of itself, is characterized by differentiation and restraint. Differentiation per
se , though we have come to understand its role in social harmony and solidarity ,
is viewed as an essentially negative force which, if not countered, would lead
instead to the estrangement of society's members. In na阳re ， Heaven is superior
to Earth, yet the two sides work together in the creation of the myriad things. In
society, how is it that the individually-differentiated members come to feel the
bonds of solidarity which the habit of custom , while perhaps indeed a strong
force , is by itself insufficient to bring about? For the answer to this , we must now
turn to that other great tool of statecraft: music.
The Nature of Music

In his "Yuelun" (Essay on Music) , Xun Zi leaves us little doubt as to whom the
essay is directed against; Mo Zi is expressly berated at every turn. And once
again , the crux of the entire matter is stated right at the outset:
"Music" is "happiness"; it is something toward which human sentiments
are unavoidably bound. Thus mankind c缸mot be without happiness , and
happiness will invariably be expressed through musical sounds. and take
form through movement and rest ... but if this external form does not take
the proper course. then chaos cannot but ensue. The former kings despised
操嘱构而事睛大 ("Bu gou" 不苟 • Xunzi jijie. pp. 48 -4 9). This is basically what ritual
amounts to: it is the accumulated tradition of institutions and practices transmitted from the
past. and a system of categories. ranks. and practices under which the actions and attitudes of a
myriad individuals are compacted and brought into a tight-knit control.
22 ScorrCOOK
such chaos , and thus constructed the sounds of the Ya and the Song in order
to guide [m缸lkind] ... .51
Thus music is "something toward which human sentiments are unavoidably
bound." Mo Zi's main fault was that he overlooked this simple fac t. As a result ,
he saw only the apparent waste of resources and energy spent upon the perform-
ance of state music , while failing to recognize the truly great "benefits" that
could be achieved if music , inextricably bound up as it was with human senti-
ments , could be harnessed and brought to use in the guidance of the populace at
large.
But what exactly are the uses to which music may be put that could justify the
enormous outlays required to support and maintain its performance? First of all ,
the argument is once again made that unguided human emotions , as with un-
nurtured desires , tend inevitably towards chaos , and if some means of properly
guiding human sentiments is not instituted , social and economic deprivation will
ensue. But how does music achieve this guidance? We will try to answer this
question more fully below , but for now let us simply think of the dance troupe ,
and how the movements of every single dancer are kept in absolutely uniform
tandem through their embodiment of the striking of bells and the beating of
drums. The music beats down to the very depths of their souls , carries them with
it , and brings themall into harmonious alignment under the direction of the
music master. It is for this reason that music is made use of at both ritual and
military occasions , because it has the power to bring people together in even
uniformity:
故黯其〈雅〉、〈颂〉之辈，而志意得靡焉;孰其干戚，营其俯仰屈
伸，而容貌得旺焉;行其辍兆，要其部奏，而行列得正焉，远退得膏
焉。故樊者，出所以征蒜也，入所以揭嚣也。 fiE蒜揭嚣，其费一也。
出所以征蒜，别莫不黯促;入所以揭嚣，别莫不促服。故樊者，天下
之大费也，中和之东己也，人情之所必不免也
Thus when one listens to the sounds of the Ya and the Song , the aspirations
and ideals of his mind may thereby be widened. When one grasps the
shields and axes [of dance] and practices the [movements of] bowing and
reclining , contracting and extending , his countenance and demeanor may
thereby achieve solemnity. When [the dancers] move along the marked po-
sitions and boundaries , and keep in tandem with the halts and advances [of
the music ], the rows may thereby attain their proper alignment , and the ad-
vances and retreats may thus attain to an even uniformity (qi 膏)产
51
‘ Yuelun" 1. 1- 1.3; Xunzi jijie , p. 379. The paragraph numbering here is that given in my full
translation of the chapter , "Unity and Diversity ," pp. 413-428. For the Chinese , refer to the
opening of this paper.
52
As the next paragraph would indicate , it should be kept in mind that there were two distinct
c1 asses of dance to be performed - the civil wen 丈 and the military wu Jit - and terms such as
Thus music is that by which to go out upon punitive expeditions , or to enter

in upon [the rituals of) hand-folding and bowing. Punitive expeditions and
hand-folding and bowing [rituals] - their significance is the same. If [music]
is that by which punitive expeditions are carried out , there will be none who
does not follow along obediently; if it is that by which hand-folding and
bowing [rituals] are entered into , there will be none who does not yield in
submission. Thus music is the great evening (qi 霄) of all under Heaven; it
is the ordering of centrality and harmony; and it is that toward which hu-
man sentiments are unavoidably bound. S3
Xun Zi envisions an aesthetic society , one in which cultural adornment lends

beauty to the orderly expression and fulfillment of basic human sentiments and
desires. But this is not merely beauty for beauty's sake; such "adornment" (shi
简) of joy and anger has its significant social effects - for these ritual and musical
displays serve the function of highlighting and multiplying the effects of the
ruler's own "sentiments." His joy and anger are made manifest for all to see , and
his musical performances inspire its listeners to , alternatively , social harmony or
awestruck fear , in a way that mere laws or even ritual displays alone could never
quite carry home:
且费者，先王之所以前喜也;罩旅铁锁者，先王之所以前怒也。先王
喜怒皆得其费焉。是故喜而天下和之，怒而暴筒L畏之。先王之道，檀
架正其盛者也。
Music is , moreover , that by which the former kings lent adornment to their
joy. Military troops and executioners' axes are that by which the former
kings lent adornment to their anger. The joy and anger of the former kings
were thereby both able to attain to [a state of) even uniformity (qi 膏). Thus
when joyous , all under Heaven would join them in harmony; when ang可，
[those prone toward] violence and chaos would be in fear of them. In the
ways of the former kings , precisely ritual and music were the most magnifi-
cent of things. S4
All of these uses toward which music is put carry the "same significance ," qi yi
yi ye 其费一也. They all harness human sentiments and carry great masses of
people forward in even uniformity to an obedient and willing submission to the
ruler's will. No wise ruler can forsake the power that music has to offer him , for ,
if properly constructed , it may achieve for him the ultimate effects of secure
"advance and retreat" might best be thought of in terms of both actual military (0 1' civil)
practice as well as the dances in which such movements were represented. Elsewhere in the
"Yueji ," the "Tai Wu" 大武 dance ， which portrays Zhou king Wu's military conquest of the
Shang , is described in some detail; for a summary see Cook , "Yue Ji - ‘ Record of Music' ,"
pp.64-66.
S3 "Yuelun" 3.1-3.3; Xunzijijie , p. 380.
S4 "Yuelun" 4.1; Xunzi jijie , p. 380.
24 ScorrCOOK
cities , a contented populace , and glorious fame - all the marks of "true king-
ship":
集中平别民和而不流，集庸旺别民费而不能。民和膏剧兵勤城固，敝
圄不敢婴也。如是，别百姓莫不安其踵，费其掷，以至足其上矣。然
後名聋於是白，光辉於是大，四海之民莫不原得以爵阁。是王者之始
也。
Wheo music is ceotral aod balanced , the people will be harmooious and oot
iodulgeot; wheo music is solemn and stately , the people will be eveoly-uoi-
form and oot chaotic. If the 严ople are harmooious aod eveoly-uoiform ,
theo the military will be stroog and the city-walls secure , and eoemy states
will oot dare to make eocroachmeots. If thiogs are thus , theo there will oot
be ooe amoogst the masses who is oot at ease io his dwelliog , happy io his
village , aod thus fully satisfied with his ruler. Ooly at this poiDt will [the
ruler] have a reoowo that is manifest and a radiance that is magoificeot , aod
there will be oooe amoogst all the people withio the four seas who would
oot wish to make him his teacher(/leader). This is the beginniog of [true]
kiogship.55
It is for these reasons manifest that "ritual and music were the most magnificent
of things in the ways of the former kings." There can be no doubt , in Xun Zi's
mind , that music more than pays back to society what it initially takes from it ,
and it is for these reasons that Mo Zi is berated as a philosophically color-blind
and tone-deaf scholar:
故曰:墨子之於道也， ~酋瞥之於白黑也， ~i酋堕之於清渴也， ~I菌欲之楚
而北求之也!
Thus [1] say: Mo Zi' s relationship to the Dao 道 was like that of a bliod
persoo toward black and white , like that of a deaf persoo toward high aod
low pitch , or like waotiog to go to Chu aod yet seekiog for it io the oorth!56
Such is the basic message of the chapter. But to better understand the role that
music plays in the education of society and the instillation in the populace of a
sense of orderliness and harmony , we must dig a little deeper. To do so , let us
return to the discussion with which we left off at the end of the previous section ,
and contrast the function of music to that of its counte叩art ， ritual. Recall that in
the "Lilun" chapter , ritual was equated with nurturing (yang 费). How , then , is
music defined? For Xun Zi , it begins as a play on words: "Music" (yue 集) is
"happiness" (le 集). At one level , happiness is one of our basic emotions , stand-
ing alongside joy , anger , sorrow , and the like. Yet throughout the Confucian
55 ‘ Yuelun" 5; Xunzi jijie , p. 380.

56 "Yuelun" 4.2; Xunzi jijie , p. 380. Chu was , of course , lhe slale which lay al lhe soulhern
extremity of the Chinese realm.
tradition , there is also talk of a greater type of happiness , such as Yan Hui's self-
contentment in spite of meager living conditions , or the three delights (san le 三
集) of the nobleman enunciated by Meng Zi. The distinction between the two is
57
much like Spinoza's distinction between passive desires and active ones: whereas
the happiness of the little man is only a short-lived , lucky result of the whims of
external causes , Kong Zi's happiness is more like Spinoza's self-contentment ,
whereby the man who has made the constant effort to live under the guidance of
reason (or ritual , as the case may be) exercises control over his own well-being
and achieves an "active transition to a state of greater perfection. 时S
Now both types of happiness are involved in Xun Zi's definition. In order to
understand this , let us recall that ritual was originally created as a corrective
measure for chaos - the chaos of contention resulting from the man's natural
desire to obtain that which he has no t. Music is similarly conceived as a cor-
rective measure for chaos - in this case the chaos resulting from man's un-
inhibited expression of his happiness and other basic emotions. The former kings
thus created elegant music "in order to guide mankind" through a more ac-
ceptable and productive channeling of its emotions. Now from the former kings ,
we have two great creations that were designed to run in perpendicular ,
mutually-supporting directions: ritual and music. Both were created as means by
which to bring about the order with which to replace a chaos they wished to be
rid of, but there is an important difference between them. Whereas ritual is
conceived primarily in the negative - as an essentially externally imposed means
by which may be internalized differentiation and restraint for the pu甲ose of
preventing transgressions and providing the framework that makes mutual sup-
port possible , music is conceived positively , as the guide to the greatest happiness
and contentment man can enjoy , and as something which , while it too teaches us
order and restraint , does so directly and internally in a way in which we are
hardly aware , and which emphasizes above all the positive goal of social
harmony.
All music , good or bad , has a certain appeal under which people are led
toward certain ends; for were it not so , the rulers would have had no reason to
try to control and manipulate its expression in order that different ends could be
served. Such an appeal is completely unlike the habit-forming necessity of ritual
obligatíon - it is immediate and direct; it does not oblige us from the outside by
means of a gradual accustomisation and internalization , but rather compels us in a
way that strikes at the very inside of us , magnetizing us in the direction of its
movement from the very force of its appea l. We recall from the "Lilun" chapter
57 Lunyu 6.11 (Zhu Xi 6.9); and Mengzi 13.20 (7A.20).

58 Baruch Spinoza (1632-1677) , The Ethics (1677) and Selected Letters. Trans l. by Samuel
Shirley , ed. by Seymour Feldman (Indianapolis: Hackett , 1982).
26 SCOITCOOK
that the former kings "instituted ritual propriety to provide demarcations"; in this
chapter we are told that music - the "sounds of the Ya and Song" - was instituted
"in order to provide guidance" (yi dao zhi 以道之). Such is the nature of
music: to provide guidance through the strength of direct appeal.
Music has the effect of seeming to lead us somewhere , toward the fulfillment
of some unspoken yet understood goal or target; its melody carries us along with
it. How are such goals conceived? Here , Bergson makes an interesting point:
If we think only of the interval and the various points , infinite in number ,
which we still have to pass one by one , we shall be discouraged from start-
ing , like Zeno's arrow , and besides there would be no object , no induce-
ment. But if we step across the intervening space , thinking only of the goal
or looking even beyond it , we shall easily accomplish a simple act , and at

the same time overcome the infinite multiplicity of which this simplicity is
the equivalent. 59
If we consider the case of ritual and music , we may see how the former , with all
of its emphasis on the individual points of decorum and separation of social roles ,
may cause us to lose sight of the very goal which it was designed to bring abou t.
This tendency is effectively countered by music , which draws us immediately
toward certain ends. As Xun Zi puts it:
故费者，蕃一以定和者也，比物以简简者也，合奏以成文者也，足以
率一道，足以治高蟹。
Music is that wherein unity is manifested so as to establish harmony , where-
in materials are aligned so as to give adornment to regularity , and which
advances in combination so as to bring about the completion of its patterns.
It is sufficient to lead down a single course , and sufficient to administer to a
myriad changes.ω
Music leads us "down a single path" (shuai yi dao 率一道)， yet in doing so brings
to order all that occurs along that path , the "myriad changes" (zhi wan bian 治高
蟹). It is the "simple act" which at the same time overcomes that "infinite
multiplicity of which this simplicity is the equivalent" (shen yi yi ding he zhe ye
蕃一以定和者也). It is marked by the differentiation and restraint of ritual , yet it
at the same time unifies all such differentiation in the single positive goal of
harmony.
We have remarked how , in Xun Zi's view , it has taken a great breakthrough
over and against our most basic human tendencies in order that we have come to
perceive social order and harmony as positive goals in the first place. At first ,
this could only have been achieved by a single remarkable individual - the sage-
59 1页e Two Sources of Morality and Religion , pp. 36-37.

ω"Yuelun" 2.2; Xunzijijie , pp. 379-380.
king - who then proceeded to devise ways by which to make his new goal into
the goal of all under Heaven. How did he do so? One way , as we have seen , was
through the institutionalization of ritual practices , which , while not strictly coer-
cive , constitute an externally-imposed framework through which society's indi-
viduals are made to conform to the sage's goals. Yet such a framework by itself
is insufficient , for its emphasis on differentiation and multiplicity tends to result
in estrangement and a general loss of sense of direction. Ritual alone is of much
greater value as a check than as a motivato r. How is it , then , that the sage-king is
truly able to motivate the populace into any kind of great action , to bring into
submission once and for all its most basic instincts and reverse the tide in the
direction of a single goal for the good of a ll? In Bergson's case he gives the
following answer:
Beyond instinct and habit there is no direct action on the will except feeling.
The impulse given by feeling can indeed closely resemble obligation. 61
More interesting is the fact that Bergson gives music as the clearest example of
such a feeling at work:
We feel , while we listen , as though we could not desire anything else but
what the music is suggesting to us , and that that is just as we should natu-
rally and necessarily act did we not refrain from action to listen ... When
music weeps , all humanity , all nature , weeps with it. In point of fact it does
not introduce these feelings into us; it introduces us to them , as passers-by
are forced into a street dance. Th us do pioneers in morality proceed. Li fe
holds for them unsuspected tones of feeling like those of some new sym-
phony , and th可 draw us after them into 仇is music that we m町 express it in
62
action.
Now we all know from experience that music possesses a unique ability to
compel us in a certain direction , and to do so with an impact which is both
immediate and deeply-rooted. Xun Zi himself tells us the same thing.
夫暨费之入人也深，其化人也速，故先王莲眉之文。
For music 63 enters into people deeply , and transforms people
q u i c k 1y. The former kings were thus cautious in making patterns for it. 64
Moreover , it is often a direction in which we , though perhaps in some ways pre-
disposed to it , would otherwise have never considered to go. The sage-ruler
creates music as a means of strengthening his personal appeal; and of motivating
61 Th e Two Sources Q川loraliη and Religion , p. 39.

62 lbid. , pp. 39-40.
63 On the term shengyue 聋袋， refer to "Unity and Diversity ," p. 419 , n. 7 1.
64 "Yuelun" 5; Xunzi jijie , p. 380.
28 SCOTTCOOK
people to act in the service of what has hitherto been a direction unique to him
alone. A key word in this passage is hua 11: ("to transform") , which implies not
only changing something , but doing so quickly or immediately {in contrast to
bian 费).65 It is the te口n hua that is used whenever the transforming power of
moral influence is spoken of. It is this term which represents the ove叩owering
effect of the personal appeal of the ruler - the natural and willing submission to
the moral authority of the leader , who is to be revered as the greatest of teachers
(as in modern Chinese terms like jiaohua 教化). It is a direct and unified force (in
Bergson's sense of the term) , which pays no attention to intermediary details , but
proceeds straight along toward a single goal; yet in so doing there is nothing left
untouched in its wake. As such , it is compared to the movement of the wind

(feng 凰) - a swift , solitary force which almost in spite of itself causes every-
thing in its path to sway in the direction of its movement. 66 The wind is some-
thing to which we quite readily and willingly yield , yet hardly aware that we are
being swept along; on 由e contrary we feel invigorated and motivated to forward
ourselves in the direction of its sway - the wind is at our backs , as it were. This
is a good metaphor for the way music works. We never feel coerced when we
listen to music , yet it has the power to lead us where it wants to go nonetheless. 67
Li ke the wind , it guides , teaches , and persuades us , almost silently.
The same is generally true of the personal appeal of the ruler. If the order he
seeks necessitates that all of his subjects place curbs on their basic human in-
6s Kong Yingda gives us the following definition: r 费需後来改前，以渐移改，辑之蟹。化藕

一有一无，忽然而改，辅之化。 J "Bian refers to [what comes] later coming to change
[what comes] before; when shifts or changes are made gradually , this is called bian. Hua refers
to [at] one [moment] existing and [at] one [moment] being absent; when change takes place
suddenly , this is called hua." Zh ouyi zhengyi 周易正袭 (Sibu beiyao ed. , p. 12 [juan 1, p. 4b ,
lines 5a-b]).
66 The "Da xu" 大序 (Great Preface) to the Shijing , for example , opens with the following
lines: r 凰，凰也，教也。凰以勤之，教以化之。 J "‘ Feng' means the wind; it means
teaching. With the wind , [things or people] are moved; with teaching , [things or people] are
transformed (hua)" (Maoshi zhengyi [Sibu beiyao ed.]. p. 12 [juan 1. 1, p. 3a]). (The second of
the first two feng's may also be read in modern third tone , in which it has the sense of subtle
informing or censure , as in the modern compoundfengci !i.刺， "to satirize." In either case , the
literal meaning of "wind" is still implied.) As Kong Yingda puts it , r 凰之所吹，锦物不
眉;化之所被，知往不嚣。 J "Wherever the wind blows , there is no thing which does not
wave. Wherever transformation blankets , there is no direction it does not permeate" (ibid. ,
lines llb四 12a).
67 To be sure , not everyone responds the same way to the same piece of music , and this type of
strict correlation between music and human sentiments is something that would later draw
criticism from , most notably , Wei-Jin philosopher Ji Kang 础康 (A.D. 223-262). Nonetheless ,
Xun Zi's point is well taken , for it is at least generally true that , say , the national anthem of a
country will tend to inspire feelings of patriotism in most of its audience , even though this may
not universally be the case.
stincts , it must first take a significant attractive force before they are compelled to
move in that direction. It is for this reason , Xun Zi would say , that the former
kings created music; and they did so each differently for his own age , as a way to
strengthen his own personal appeal and embody in musical form the force and
character of his achievements. 68 Yao's dance , the "Tai Xian" 大咸 was said to
have embodied the "Great Ubiquity" of his bestowal; Shun's "Tai Shao" 大韶 his
"Great Continuance" of Yao's practices; king Wu's "Tai Wu" 大武 the "Great
Marshal" virtue of his military conquests and acceptance of Heaven's mandate69 -
all of these magnificent musical dances do just this: they glori句 the achievements
and institutions of the rulers through their steady rhythm and the progression of
their melodic movement , as well as through the visual display of the dancers
reenacting their virtues , transforming the listeners into willing participants in the
greatness of the "sage." Those in audience are attracted not only to the ruler
himself, who becomes the most manifest target of their inspirations , but along
with him , all that he has done and all that for which he stands. His goals , his
aspirations , become those of all , due to the force of his personal appeal , and
strengthened by the music which is the very embodiment of all his ideals in a
single ges阳 re.
The Nature of Ritual and Music

Music and its ability to hua , to transform suddenly or "wind-like ," is then
viewed as an essentially positive force , in contrast to the restraining tendency of
ritual , which can be seen as correspondingly negative. In correlation schemes
that were soon to be worked out , music would thus come to correspond to the
yang 隔， or masculine force in nature , while ritual would correlate with the yin
障， or feminine force. Xun Zi's notions of the different , complementary functions
of ritual and music paved the way for this sort of thinking , though correlative
thinking itself was in fact somewhat at odds with Xun Zi's views on nature. This
is not the place to review Xun Zi's complex views on the subject , but let us take
note of a couple of points. It has often been stressed that Xun Zi , in contrast to
Kong Zi and Meng Zi , adopted a "natural" view of "Heaven" (the natural world)
- along the lines of that described by Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi; that is , a non-
normative , non-sentient Heaven , to which the fate of man is completely inde-
pendent , and whose ways it is not man's task to try and understand beyond what
68 See , for example , the "Yu哥 i" passage in Liji zhengyi (Sibu beiyao ed.) , p. 427 (j uan 37 , p.
9b) , which speaks of how "Kings make music after their deeds are accomplished" (wang zhe
gong cheng er zuo yue 王者功成而作繁)， and how the "Five Emperors , in different times , did
not follow one another in their music" (wu di shu shi bu xiang yan yue 五带殊峙不相治集).
69 See Zh ouli zhushu 周檀注疏 (Sibu beiyao ed.) , p. 217 (j uan 22 , pp. 5a-b).
30 ScorrCOOK
he may profitably harness and put to use. 70 But wh i1 e this is true , it is far from
being the only view of "Heaven" stressed in the work , for just as important is the
opposite: a highly normative understanding of Heaven's ways , which are them-
selves brought to completion only through man's works , these in 阳rn modeled
c1 0sely after the order and patterns of the natural wo r1d - this is Xun Zi's notion
of "forming a triad with Heaven and Earth" (ren can Tiandi 人参天地) and it
reminds us quite c1 0sely of Zi Taishu's earlier notion that man is "able to
combine his strength with the natures of Heaven and Earth" (neng xie Tiandi zhi
xing 能1茄天地之性).71 This latter conception is at work in Xun Zi' s ideas about
both ritual and music. 72 The musical orchestra is , in fact , a microcosm of the
entire natural world , and its orchestration the order inherent within that world.
Thus "the drums resemble Heaven , the bells resemble Earth ... and the swivel-
drums , woodblocks , shakers , and mallets resemble the myriad things. ,, 73 The
musical performance thereby inst i11 s its listeners with an immediate and profound
comprehension of this natural - and , by extension , social - order.
Later thinkers would soon carry Xun Zi's ideas on the normative basis of
ritual and music in the natural wo r1d much farther than he ever cared to go. To
70 As stated in the opening of the "Tianlun" 天揄 (Essay on Heaven) chapter , "Only the sage
does not seek to know Heaven" (wei shengren bu qiu zhi Tian 唯辈人不求知天). On the
"natural" Heaven in Xun Zi's thought , see Feng Youlan 濡友睛， Zh ongguo zhexueshi 中国哲
攀史 (1930 ， vo l. 1; 1933 , vo l. 2; Taibei: Shangwu , en l. ed. , 1944) , pp. 355-359. The main
point of this part of the essay , however , seems to be that man must be responsible for his own
fate - a point not unlike what the Mohists had been making in their "denunciation of fate" (fei
ming 奔命).
71 Zuozhuan , Zhao 25; see "Unity and Diversity ," pp. 31-36. Robert Eno , in his The Co~向cian
Creation of Heaven (Albany: State University of New York , 1990) , has done an admirable job
of bringing out and explaining the contradictory notions of Heaven at work in the Xunzi. In his
words: "The two theories - T' ien (tian) as non-normative Nature and as a normative natural
force - are fundamentally contradictory , but they are consistent in that both are designed to
counter the deva1uation of non-natura1 li (ritua1) by contemporary naturalism. The first denies
the possibi1ity of finding value in the natural sphere , the second posits an essential continuity
between normative nature and normative ritual behavior" (p. 165). The "triad" or "trinity"
takes different forms; it often appears in the torm of man's ritual (li 槽) forming a paralle1
counterpart of the order (li 理) running through the natural world; other times , Xun Zi main-
tains a c1 ear separation between the two realms , where , in what Eno calls the "paradox of the
‘ trinity' ," "it is just where man most radically departs from Nature that he gains the power to
be Nature's equal" (p. 164).
72 In "Lilun ," we are told that ritual has "three roots" (san ben 三本): Heaven and Earth are the
root of life (sheng 生)， ancestra1 forefathers are the root of the species (lei 颊)， and rulers and
teachers/leaders are the root of order (zhi 泊) (Xunzi jijie , p. 349). La ter in the chapter we are
told that , by means of ritual , Heaven and Earth are in accord , the sun and moon are bright , the
four seasons are ordered , the stars and p1anets move cyclically , the rivers tlow , and the myriad
things prosper - no small accomp1ishment , indeed. See Xunzi jijie , p. 355.
73 "Yuelun" 12.1; Xunzijijie , pp. 383-384.
XUN ZI ON RlTUAL AND MUSIC 31
see the scope of influence that Xun Zi would have on late-Warring States and
early Han philosophers , it may be worthwhile to take a closer look at the
extension of such ideas in a text that owed much to Xun Zi's thought - the
"Yuej i. ,, 74
The following passage sets Up the essential dichotomy of music and ritua l,
and their counterparts in Heaven and Earth:
费者，天地之和也; î望者，天地之序也。和，故百物皆化;序，故群
物皆别。樊由天作，惶tl.、地市IJ; 边制剧钮， ì曲作目 IJ 暴。明於天地，然
後能f!lIt惶樊也。
Music is the harmony of Heaven and Earth. Ritual is the order of Heaven
and Earth. Harmony , thus the hundred things all transform (hua); order ,
thus the myriad things are all differentiated (bie). Music is created
from Heaven , ritual is instituted through Earth. If there is ex-
cess in the institution [of ritual ], there will be chaos. If there is excess in the
creation [of 11lusic] , there will be violence. Only after having a clear under-
standing of Heaven and Earth can [the ruler] give rise to ritual and music. 75
Viewed from a certain angle , music is like Heaven because it actively transforms
things , whereas ritual , like Earth , statically differentiates them. Yet while at
times music and ritual are thought of as corresponding to Heaven and Earth , at
others they are thought of as social embodiments of particular types of relations
or interactions betlV eell Heaven and Earth. "Ritual," we are told again elsewhere ,
"is the differentiation (bie 7J Ú) of Heaven and Earth ," whereas music is the
harmony (he 和) between the tWO. To quote only the passage pertaining to the
latter:
地氯上膏，天氧下降，险|境相摩，天地相荡，鼓之以富霆，宫之U、民
I:m ，勤之以四峙，愤之以日月，而百化舆焉。如此剧费者，天地之和
也。
Earth's energy rises Up , and Heaven's energy descends. Yin and yang rub
against each other ‘ and Heaven and Earth shake each othcr. IThe myriad
thingsl are drummed Up with thunder and lightning , arouscd fonh with wind
and rain , set in motion by the four seasons , warmed by the sun and the
74 As mentioned earlie r. the ‘ 'Yueji" was most likely compiled in the Western Han. though it
incorporates a good deal of Warring States materia l. On the dating and composition of the tex t.
see Cook. "YlI e Ji - 'Record of Music.... pp. 3-10. As remarked ‘ Ibove. the "Yuejï' borrows
heavily from the text of the XlIl1 zi: it also horrows quite freely t川11 the "Xici zhuan'" 挥部傅
another work inspired hy Xun Zi. The citations given helow will reveal traces of hoth of these
sources of intluence
75 LUi Zlle I11{\'i. p. 427 (j ll{/// 37. pp. 9a-h). Translation adapted from Cook. .. YlI e Ji - . Record of
Music.... p. 46.
32 SCOTICOOK
moon , and the hundred transformations (hua) arise therein. In this way ,
then , is music the harmony of Heaven and Earth. 76
The static force through which ritual derives its power of differentiation is
defined by the term xu 序， an ordering achieved purely by virtue of the static and
unchanging relationships that exist in the natural world , the foremost of which is
the unalterable sta阳s of Heaven above Earth. In its turn , the active force through
which the harmonizing power of music operates is marked consistently by the
term hua 化. The passage just prior to the one above reads as follows:
天高地下，高物散殊，而檀制行矣。流而不息，合同而化，
而嚷舆焉。春作夏晨，仁也;秋做冬藏，莞也。仁近於粟，
若近於惶。
With Heaven high and Earth low , and the myriad things laid apart and diι
ferentiated , the institution of ritual is carried ou t. Flowing without rest , and
uniting together in transformation (hua) , music arises therein. In spring
things are bom , and in summer they grow - this is humanity. In autumn
things are harvested , and in winter they are stored - this is propriety. Hu-
manity is close to music; propriety is close to ritual. 77
Thus music is seen as a positive , creative , and active force which , like Heaven , is
responsible for the "birth and growth" of the ideas it imparts to the wills of the
populace. Ritual , on the other hand , is a force which contributes just as much to
the achievement of positive goals , but does so in a way that is seen as negative ,
static , and passive , and which by means of differentiation and constraint , is in
great part responsible for the stability and "maturation" of society , and the
successful "harvesting" of its positive achievements. As we have suggested
above , the constraining power of ritual is something that operates "externally , "
while the transforming power of music hits us directly and "internally ," com-
pelling us from within , as it were. This too is a typical yin/yang dichotomy , and
is a point which is made elsewhere in the "Yueji":
故费也者，勤於内者也;檀也者，勤於外者也。樊握和，
檀植帽. . .故德'犀勤於内，而民莫不承黯;理费器外，
而民莫不承11匾。
Thus music is that which moves from within , and ritual is
that which moves from withou t. Music extends harmony to its
Iimits , and ritual extends obedience to its limits ... Thus virtue (de ~害)
fires itself into motion from within , and among the people there
76 Liji zhengyi , p. 428 Uuan 37 , p. 12a). Cook , "Yue Ji- ‘ Record ofMusic' ," p. 53.
77 Liji zhengyi , p. 428 Uuan 37 , p. lla). Cook , .. Yue Ji - ‘ Record of Music' ," p. 51. This pas-
sage and lhe one above (which aClually follows il) both find a somewhal parallel passage in the
opening ofthe "Xici zhuan , shang" (Zh ouyi zhengyi , p. 99 Uuan 7, pp. lb-2b]).
is none who does not lend a receptive ear. Order (li 理) comes forth
from without , and among the people there is none who does not receive
and obey.78
Yet perhaps the most interesting correlation along these lines is that seen in the
passage quoted just above between music and humanity (ren 1二)， and between
ritual and propriety (yi 费 ).79 The two virtues of ren and yi correspond , in such
schemes , to creative birth and growth , on the one hand , and stable maturation
and achievement , on the other. Humanity , like music , is the driving force behind
all positive social action , which , like the wind , has the power to transform all in
its wake. Propriety , like ritual , is a constraining virtue , which in essence places
limits on and defines the boundaries within which the force of humanity is
allowed to operate. It is the general name for the sum-total of appropriate
judgments which guide or channel the unrestrained power of humanity down the
proper paths. Similarly , ritual serves to confine music within proper bounds , and
direct a potentially explosive force toward ends which are ostensibly for the good
of society as a whole. And music in its turn serves to keep the divergent patterns
of ritual focused on a single , pa口icular end. 80
But let us return to Xun Z i. To recall where all this was going , let us recount
the process through which the sage comes to utilize music in motivating the
populace to accept his goal of social harmony as their own. The sage , himself as
human as any other , having first come to detest the social chaos to which
unrestrained human desires invariably lead , has been uniquely able to place limits
on his own basic desires and replace them with a higher desire toward social
order and stability. To quote from Xunzi's "Yuelun" again:
78 Liji zhengyi , p. 447 (juan 39 , p. lOa).

79 Thus our list has grown to the following two sets of correlations: music-positive-yang-active-
inner-transformation-harmony-humanity and ritual-negative-yin-passive-outer-gradual change-
differentiated ordering-propriety.
80 The comparison is made at more than one place in the "Yueji ," as in the following passage:
「策者爵同，檀者昂翼。同剧相鞭，臭剧相敬。集腾剧流，惶膀剧雕檀羡立则黄
晓等矣;集文同刷上下和矣…仁以爱之，装以正之，如此剧民治行矣。 J "Music
serves to unite; ritual serves to differentiate. With uniti吨， there comes mutual c1 oseness; with
differentiation , there comes mutual respec t. If music gains ascendancy , there will be reckless
abandon; if ritual gains ascendancy , there will be estrangement ... If ritual and propriety are
established , then the noble and the plebeian will be separated into c1 asses. When the patterns of
music unite , then those in high position and those in low get along in harmony ... Humanity is
used in loving them [the people] and propriety is used in rect(乃ling them - if it is like this , then
the governance of the people will have been implemented" (Liji zhengyi , pp. 425-426 [juan 37 ,
pp. 6b-7a]; Cook , "Yue Ji - ‘ Record of Music' ,.. p. 42). Notice the similarity between the
opening sentence and the line from Xun Zi's "Yuelun": "Music brings harmony and unites;
ritual separates and differentiates" (yue he tong , li bie yi 樊和同，槽别具) - which is indeed
quoted verbatim elsewhere in the "Yueji."
34 ScorrCOOK
费者，重人之所费也，而可以善民心，其感人深，其移凰易俗。
"Music" yue 集 is that in which the sages found happiness le 集. And it can
be used to make good the people's minds. It affects people deeply and alters
mores and customs easily.81
The sage then proceeds to transform the rest of the populace in such a way that
their own wills come to correspond to his , and to do so he must guide them down
the same route he himself has travelled. In this way , with a single stroke , the
base desires and shallow happiness of the petty man are replaced in him by the
Way of the great sage. As Xun Zi puts it:
故曰:费者，集也。君子集得其道，小人集得其欲。以道制欲，别费
而不简L ;以欲忘道，别惑而不费。故费者，所以道集也。
Thus it is said that "music" is "happiness." The nobleman finds happiness
in the attainment of his Dao , and the petty man finds happiness in the at-
tainment of his desires. If one uses the guiding course to control desires ,
then there will be happiness and no chaos; [but] if one forgets the guiding
course due to desires , then there will be delusion and unhappiness. Thus
music is that by which happiness is guided. 82
The music of the sage , itself the embodiment in sound of a harmonious order
resulting from differentiation and restraint , carries its listeners inexorably along
like the wind , guiding them through its progressions of movement and rest ,
imparting silently to them through ordered sounds the notion of a positive goal of
social harmony toward which they feel as if absolutely compelled and driven.
Of course, while Xun Zi keeps talking about "sages" and "former kings," let
us not forget who his real audience is - those wayward "kings" of his own time
who may or may not have had pretensions of becoming such a "sage." But this is
no matter , for what those former sages had supposedly utilized ritual and music
so well in bringing about was precisely what interested the rulers of his own
time: orderly rule , a contented and motivated populace , and the resulting econo-
mic and military strength that goes with it all. And moreover , the notion of sage-
hood was not an unhelpful one for the ruler of a state to cultivate , be it done
sincerely or otherwise. In any event, ancient history had demonstrated, for Xun
Zi, the supreme effectiveness of ritual and music as the two greatest tools of
statecraft.
Finally , let us turn to a passage from the Xunzi in which all of the ideas we
have been discussing are tied together in a single place:
81 "Yuelun" 7.2; Xunzi jijie , p. 38 1. Following Wang Xianqian , 1 switch the places of the
characters yi 易 and su 俗.
82 "Yuelun" 7.2; Xunzijijie , p. 382.
君子费心莫善於前，致就别知官事矣:唯仁之属守，唯费之属行。就
心守仁别形，形剧神，神别能化矣。就心行署别理，理剧明，明别能
费矣。费化代舆，渭之天德。
In the superior man's nurturing of his mind , there is nothing better than sin-
cerity (cheng 就). If sincerity is extended ωthe utmost , then there is noth-
ing else but this: humaneness (ren 1.二) alone is taken as that which to guard;
propriety (yi 篝) alone is taken as that which to car叩 out.
If one guards humaneness with a sincere mind , then it will take ex-
ternal form. It having taken external form , one will become spiritual. Hav-
ing become spiritual , he will be able to transform (hua 11::)
[。由ers].
If one carries out propriety with a sincere mind , then he will be-
come orderly. Once orderly , [his conduct] will become manifes t. With [his
conduct] manifest , he will be able to [bring about] change (bian
费).
Change and transformation arise in alternation (bian hua dai
xing 费化代舆) - this is called "Heavenly Virtue. ,, 83
We have here the idea - expressed most clearly in the "Da xue" 大肇 (Great
Learning) , but really characteristic of the entire Confucian tradition - that ruler-
ship begins with one's self, that it is through sincere self-cultivation that one can
make his mind and conduct one , and that what the ruler directs his efforts toward
when he is alone with himself will invariably take external form. 84 What is of
most interest to us is toward what ends such sincerity is directed. For these are
precisely the mutually-complementary , dualistic notions of which we have been
talking. The efforts of sincerity begin with ren , which we have described as a
positive , driving force; and yi , which we have explained as the delimiting virtue
of proper judgement. The latter sets situationally-determined bounds while the
former seeks to expand them. Humaneness externalizes itself in the appearance of
the rul町， but it does so in a way that strikes u s internally. The ruler is then
described as "spiritual ," because that is a term used to describe things whose
influence is felt but not known; such a ruler is "unpredictable ," and , like his
music , he possesses the ability to transform (hua) his people suddenly and
曰 "Bu gou" 不苟 ; Xunzijijie , p. 46.

84 This passage also is quite similar to one from the "Zhong yong" 中庸 (Doctrine of the Mean) ,
which employs many of the same terms , but lacks the symmetry of this passage. Mou Zongsan
牟宗三 remarks that this is one of Xun Zi's strangest passages , and that it has much in
common with the thought of the "Zhong yong" and Meng Zi. This may be true , but in my view
the passage is not at all out of character with Xun Zi's thought , as my analysis of it should
make c1 ear. Mou Zongsan devotes several pages to an elaboration on the ideas suggested in this
passage , though his views are somewhat different from my own; see his Xunxue dalüe 苟擎大
略 in Mingjia yu Xunzi 名家舆苟子 (Taibei: Xuesheng , 1979) , pp. 197-204. For yet another
interpretation , see Feng Youlan , Zh ongguo zhexueshi , pp. 363-364.
36 SCOTICOOK
directly. On the other side , propriety , if carried out sincerely , accords with
ordered principles; and these are such that - as with natural principles - they are
visible externally to anybody with the acumen to perceive them. It is for this
reason that they are "manifest"; the sum total of the ruler's decisive actions has
left a visible record of principles or guidelines for us to follow. Such principles
do not strike us internally and have not the "spirituality" of the ruler's personal
appeal , but rather serve as externally visible guideposts around which we may
gradually change (bian) our own actions to conform. The ruler's influence ,
then , makes itself felt in two ways: one which , like music , affects us suddenly ,
internally , and directly; and another which , like ritual , shapes us gradually ,
externally , and indirectly. Yet both proceed from the same sincerity of pu叩ose ，
and both , through different paths , lead us toward the same goals. Gradual and
sudden change alternate in succession , and as such they represent the virtue of
unspoken Heaven: animal and plant forms bursting suddenly into life in the
Spring in a spiritual union of yin and yang , and , after a period of growth and
maturity , finally settling down into a gradual stability within their respective
environments , ready for either harvest or slumber , until the new year comes
around and the whole process begins anew.
In their ultimate state , the essential natures of ritual and music become
identica l. As Kong Zi's disciple You Zi once stated , "In the function of ritual , it
is harmony that is to be prized" (li zhi yong he wei gui 檀之用和昂贵)， and vice
versa. 85 This is because the music of the sage is a form of music marked by
order , and the ritual of the sage , in its ideal form , is a canon of behavioral
practices through which harmony may be achieved. In music , as well as in
society , a harmonious existence is a hierarchically-differentiated one. There is
ultimately no difference between the two. We have , on the one hand , obligatory
internalization , and on the other , internalized obligation. The sage-king under-
stands this , and frames his specific forms of the two accordingly:
檀者，殊事合敬者也;费者，翼文合爱者也。檀架之情同，故明王以
相治也。
Ritual is that which unites respect through different affairs. Music is that
which unites love through divergent patterns. T h e na t u r e s 0 f r i t u a1
85 有子曰 r 槽之用，和昂贵;先王之道，斯昂美。小大由之，有所不行。知和而和，不
以檀筒之，亦不可行也。 J You Zi said: "In the function of ritual , it is harmony that is to be
valued. This constituted the beauty of the Dao of the former kings. [If only] the petty and the
great come from this , [then] there will be that which is not carried forth. [If one] knows [only]
to make things harmonious , [but] does not regulate this with ritual , then this , too , cannot be
carried forth" (Lunyu 1.12; Lunyu zhengyi , pp. 29-30).
a n d m u s i c a r e i d e n t i c a 1, thus enlightened kings follow each of them

through the other. 86
With a limited amount of material goods to go around , social harmony cannot

exist without a ritually-创ratified dete口nination of who gets what. In theory , then ,
the way it was supposed to have worked is as follows:
夫黄属天子，富有天下，是人情之所同欲也。然别促人之欲剧剪不能
容，物不能瞻也。故先王案昂之制檀费以分之，使有黄晓之等，虽幼
之差，知愚、能不能之分，皆使人载其事而各得其直，然後使慧币最多
少厚薄之桶，是夫群居和一之道也。故仁人在上，别晨以力童田，贾
以察盏财，百工以巧盏械器，士大夫以上至於公侯，莫不以仁厚知能
噩宫瞧，夫是之器至平。故或栋天下而不自以属多，或量问、御旅、
抱阔、擎拆而不自以爵寡。故曰: r 靳而霄，枉而l脯，不同而一。」
夫是之需人偷。
For to have the noble position of the Son of Heaven , and to have the riches
of the entire land - this is what all mankind by nature is alike in desiring.
Yet if people's desires are followed out , the situation is such that it will not
allow it , and material things will be unable to meet the demand.
Thus the former kings on the basis of this created ritual propriety , in order
to provide demarcations , so that there would be classes of noble and base ,
discrepancies between the old and the young , and divisions between the
wise and the ignorant , the able and the unable. All men were made to car可
the burden of their own affairs , so that each would obtain what was appro-
priate to him. Dnly then was there made a measured distribution between
salaries and emoluments - much or little , generous or meager.
For this is the Way by which [people] can live in groups
of harmonious unity.
For if a humane man is at the top , then farmers will exhaust [the possi-
bilities of] the fields with their strength , merchants will exhaust [the possi-
bilities of] financial resources with their examinations , the hundred artisans
will exhaust [the possibilities o f] machines and vessels with their artfulness ,
and from the gentry and ministers all the way on up to dukes and mar-
quises , there will be none who does not exhaust [the possibilities o f] his po-
sition with benevolence , generosity , intelligence , and ability.
For this is what is meant by the "ultimate balance" (zhiping
至平).
Thus one may have the emoluments of all under Heaven yet not think of
himself as possessing much. Another might watch the gate at an inn , or pro-
tect a pass by sounding a rattle , and yet not think of himself as having little.
Thus it is said , "To be uneven yet equal , crooked yet smooth , not identical
yet unified." - This is what is meant by "human relations. ".,
86 Liji zhengyi , p. 426 (j uan 37 , p. 8a); Cook , "Yue Ji - ‘ Record of Music'." p. 44.
87 "Rong ru" 荣辱 ; Xunzi jijie. p. 70-7 1.
38 ScorrCOOK
The "ultimate balance" of things and men is precisely that balance which is
marked by inequality. Xun Zi , whether he realized this or not , has arrived back
at a rather strange , Ruist kind of "evening of things" (qi wu 霄物).

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Monumenta Serica

Journal of Oriental Studies

ISSN: 0254-9948 (Print) 2057-1690 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ymon20

Xun Zi on Ritual and Music

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XUN ZI ON RITUAL AND MUSIC

The Nature of Music ...........…………………………………………. 21

6 Th is portion of the passage presents a number of difficulties in interpretation , particularly those

Mohist Views 00 Ritual and Music

11 "Unity and Diversity ," pp. 28-29.

called into question. If we look at the "Shang xian" 尚黄 (Upholding Worthies)

"币lis being 由e case , what so口 of technique is to be employed in obtain-

16 "Shang xian , shang"; Sun Yirang , Mozijiangu , p. 25.

19 'Shang tong ," pt. 1. Mozijiallgll , pp. 26-27.

ing their duties toward society. 29 - So the argument runs.

27 "Fei Yue" 8; Mozijiangu , pp. 156-157.

The Nature of Ritual

lead to impoverishment and economic deprivation. The real wor，ηof mankind

43 The Two Sources 0/ Morality and Religion. pp. 12-13.

44 "Li lun"; Xunzijijie , pp. 346-347.

47 "Lilun"; Xunzijijie , pp. 348-349.

The Nature of Music

Thus music is that by which to go out upon punitive expeditions , or to enter

Xun Zi envisions an aesthetic society , one in which cultural adornment lends

55 ‘ Yuelun" 5; Xunzi jijie , p. 380.

57 Lunyu 6.11 (Zhu Xi 6.9); and Mengzi 13.20 (7A.20).

or looking even beyond it , we shall easily accomplish a simple act , and at

59 1页e Two Sources of Morality and Religion , pp. 36-37.

61 Th e Two Sources Q川loraliη and Religion , p. 39.

untouched in its wake. As such , it is compared to the movement of the wind

6s Kong Yingda gives us the following definition: r 费需後来改前，以渐移改，辑之蟹。化藕

The Nature of Ritual and Music

78 Liji zhengyi , p. 447 (juan 39 , p. lOa).

曰 "Bu gou" 不苟 ; Xunzijijie , p. 46.

a n d m u s i c a r e i d e n t i c a 1, thus enlightened kings follow each of them

With a limited amount of material goods to go around , social harmony cannot

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