Harmful Traditional Practices in Three Countries of South Asia:

culture, human rights, and violence against women

Bangladesh

Nepal

Sri Lanka

GROUP 3

MEMBERS:

Apolonio, Ariadna

Catacutan, Marcus

Faustino, Angelica

Forcadilla, Ivan Harley

Taguines, Cherry Fhen

Mr. April Christian De Leon

Teacher

December 2021
 INTRODUCTION
I am Ariadna Apolonio, from group 3 and I’m here to present the summary of our
findings about Most-Bizzare sex/gender-related discrimination in South Asia.
This video presentation analyses the manner in which harmful traditional and cultural
practices contribute to violence against women in the three South Asian countries of Nepal,
Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka. Harmful traditional practices that contribute to violence against
women are thus closely linked with the concept of gender-based discrimination.

HARMFUL TRADITIONAL PRACTICES:

IMPACT ON WOMEN AND GIRLS IN BANGLADESH
Son preference
Son preference is explicitly expressed by parents and families in many countries, but perhaps
its most visible manifestation is seen in the majority of countries in South Asia. Son preference
encourages the girl child to be treated as unwanted, often resulting in disadvantage and neglect.
There is clear evidence that preferential treatment accorded to boys inevitably disadvantages
girls. In some families, women are reported to stop breastfeeding girls and wean them early so as
to be able to try for a male child, thereby depriving girls of essential nutrients; girls are
compelled to eat whatever food is left over, with this gender difference in access to food
reflected in the higher levels of under nutrition and malnutrition among girls; and girls are
reported to have less access to health services, including immunization.
Marriage-related practices
Early or child marriage
The reason for acceptance of the norm of early marriage was two-fold. There was cultural
and perceived religious justification by families on the basis of the value placed on virginity at
the time of marriage. Families felt that early marriage foreclosed the possibilities of sexual
contact that would tarnish the family honour. A husband and his family would find it easier to
control a child or adolescent and thereby sustain the pattern of unequal power relations within
the family. Additionally, there was poverty, as giving daughters in marriage as early as possible
left fewer mouths in the family to feed, and husbands were likely to pay a higher bride price or
demand a smaller dowry for a young girl.
The consequences of early marriage were clearly detrimental to girls. Primarily, it robbed them
of their childhood and turned them into “adults” prematurely. They faced the trauma of
relationships with older men at a very young age, unable to negotiate safe sex and being
vulnerable to domestic violence. The most deleterious effect was on their health, as frequent
short-spaced pregnancies exacerbated by nutritional taboos at childbirth during their growing
years had an adverse impact culminating even in death.
Forced marriage
Forced marriages were often corollaries of early marriages, although young women were
also vulnerable to such pressures as emotional blackmail and threats of assault. Some families
forced girls to marry, to protect cultural expectations that eschew “unsuitable relationships” and
to safeguard the family honour. Families forced victims of rape to marry the perpetrators to
protect the honour of the girls as they were perceived to be subsequently unmarriageable. There
have also been instances of girls sold by economically deprived parents to suitors. At the same
time, girls whose families have rejected marriage proposals were kidnapped or raped by suitors
and their families, and such forced marriages could end in murder.
Child marriage in Bangladesh
On July 13, 2007, 50 young girls took to the streets of Sathkira to protest the marriage of their
13 year-old classmate, Habiba Sultana. These savvy girls not only marched for Sultana, but they also
filed a formal police complaint which resulted in Sultana’s father, who had betrothed his young daughter
to a 23-year-old neighbour, signing a document preventing him from allowing Habiba to marry until she
turns 18.
Source: Daily Star, quoted in The Ranting Taint, September 2007.

Dowry
It has been said that from the time a daughter is born, parents are concerned with the
problem of providing a dowry and that the dowry has become the most important problem facing
families. Families that cannot afford to provide substantial dowries are said to be forcing
daughters to marry elderly men, married men, or illiterate young men to reduce dowry payments
(Hayward, 2000).
Re-marriage of widows
The lives of widows are not endangered by the practice of sati, but re-marriage is forbidden
in families of the Hindu minority by tradition.
Caste
The hierarchic caste system prevails among the Hindu minority in Bangladesh with its
attendant discrimination and social exclusion of “lower castes” and “untouchables”. Research
evidence is not available, but its concentration in the lowest levels of the occupational structure,
limited mobility and social interaction, exclusion from schools, and the vulnerability of women
to violence such as rape are examples of the denial of human rights.
Dress codes
Bangladesh has not imposed dress codes on women, but with increasing Islamic
consciousness in recent decades, two forms of dress are considered necessary by some women
for appearing in public, the chador or scarf, which covers the hair, forehead, and neck, and the
burqua, which covers women from head to toe, leaving a small space over the eyes or using a
mesh cloth to cover the eyes. There is no denial of rights if women exercise their choice to use
these forms of dress and are not forced under threats of punishments to do so. The rationale for
these dress codes is claimed to be to protect women from violence by men and to facilitate the
practice of chastity, while women have claimed, too, that they have a liberating effect.
Purdah
The practice of purdah, or seclusion in the household and exclusion from public places, is
said to be a religious tradition from puberty in Muslim families and a cultural practice in some
Hindu villages after marriage. The basis of purdah is the belief that the vulnerability of women to
“strange” men can jeopardize men’s honour so that women must be subordinated to this and
confined to the house, thereby restricting their right to spatial mobility.
Bonded labour
Historically, slavery, or bonded labour, has been a regular feature across generations in
many countries and in different ages. Families or individuals have been bonded to work for
employers as a social obligation under informal agreements. “Debt bondage” is an extension of
this system whereby advances given by employer’s force men, women, or children in families to
work towards the endless task of repayment. Women and girls in bonded labour are known to be
more vulnerable to physical and sexual assault in a patriarchal and feudal society.

Gender-based violence as traditional and cultural practices

Honour killing
Women are killed brutally by brothers, fathers, uncles, husbands, or other male and even
female relatives on the grounds that their actual or perceived behaviour has undermined the
authority of men and tarnished the family honour. Such behaviour could be illicit relationships,
extra marital affairs, speaking to unrelated men, desiring to choose one’s spouse or marrying a
man of one’s choice, refusal to accept a forced marriage, divorcing an abusive husband, loss of
virginity or bringing shame on the family by being raped, all actions which threaten men’s
control of women’s behaviour and sexuality. Despite the availability of legal measures to punish
these acts of violence, killers are rarely punished and may, in fact, be treated by the community
as heroes who have defended the honour of their families, while women are denied their right to
life.
Acid attacks
Bangladesh has its own form of femicide or disfigurement and bodily injury by “acid
throwing”, which is reported to be a practice of relatively recent origin and is found
predominantly in Bangladesh and Pakistan. In preference to the use of weapons of murder,
burning and scarring with acid is used to punish women for a range of actions from their
rejection of marriage proposals and the dishonor of rape to delayed preparation of a meal and a
land dispute.
An example of the reaction of a disappointed suitor or lover is given below.
Acid throwing
At 16, Nurunnahar was a beautiful young woman with a bright future. But “in 1995, a
young boy of my village told me he was in love with me. He got angry when I refused him. One
night, the boy, along with ten of his friends, stormed into our house and threw acid at my face. It
was so painful. I felt as if my face was on fire. I underwent treatment for seven months. It
shattered my dreams. Six of the accused 11 men were acquitted by the court. Two were sentenced
to death, but they are planning to appeal to the High Court. I don’t know what will ultimately
happen, but the acquitted persons are now threatening to kill me.”
Source: Forms of Gender-based Violence and their Consequences, Women’s Feature Service.
From UNFPA, Populi, March 1999.
Fatwa
A fatwa is a punishment meted out to women by the shalish, or local body of male
leaders, which makes rules for behavior in the community which it seeks to justify by Islamic
religious traditions and by Imams based on their personal interpretation of Islam. In this case, the
lawyer was able to secure a penalty for the killers. Punishments are for behaviour such as
extramarital love affairs or defiance, and take the form of stoning, caning, burning by throwing
kerosene over the body or burning at the stake.
A Fatwa
Married Nurjahan of Faridpur village developed love relationships with one Farid of
neighboring village and they both left their home and were untraceable. Nurjahan’s husband
filed a case following which Nurjahan was found and brought back to the village. The influential
parents and uncles kept Nurjahan confined for 12 days. The verdict of the shalish was to spill
“kerosin” oil upon Nurjahan’s body and burn her alive. The verdict was carried out at dead of
night.
Source: Quoted from lawyer Sigma Huda’s case in Hayward Ruth Finney (2000), Breaking the
Earthenware Jar, UNICEF Regional Office, Kathmandu, p. 277.
Female genital mutilation
Female genital mutilation is the surgical removal of parts or entire sensitive female
genital organs. It is claimed to be necessary to promote cleanliness and to reduce sexual desires
and thereby ensure virginity until marriage and is sometimes viewed as a rite of passage
ceremony. It is, in fact, a technique to control female sexuality.
The consequences of female genital mutilation on girls and women have been widely discussed.
Those most visible are the impacts on health, including excessive hemorrhaging and infections
caused by the use of unsafe instruments, resulting even in death, the longer-term life-threatening
effects of obstetric complications and deinfubulation and reinfibulation at childbirth, as well as
infertility. There are also reports of psychological problems such as nightmare
Incest
Incest is considered a harmful practice as it tends to be culturally tolerated within some
families in all countries, including Bangladesh (Coomaraswamy, 2002), and to violate the rights
of girl children to a life free from abuse. Perpetrators are fathers, brothers, uncles and
grandfathers or other male relatives closely connected with the families of the girl victims of
such sexual abuse. Incest extends from sexual fondling to rape, and its effects are psychological,
physical, including the impact of childbirth at an early age, as well as in the form of lost
childhood with its entitlements such as access to education. It appears that the practice is
shrouded in family privacy for fear of adverse economic and social consequences.

Causes and consequences of harmful traditional and cultural practices

Among the harmful traditional practices that have an adverse impact on women, son
preference is a pervasive bias against the girl child and has its roots in unequal gender relations.
Gender inequalities are also reflected in marriage practices, including the shift from bride price
to dowry as a transaction of women as if they were commodities, acceptance of a guardian’s
agreement to the marriage of a girl “in absentia”, and unilateral divorce.
A strong focus on virginity is the basis for families’ propensity to arrange early or child
marriages for their daughters, prevent premarital sexual activity, adopt protective dress codes and
practice different degrees of female genital mutilation. Juxtaposed with the perceived need to
control female sexuality in order to preserve family honour and men’s honour, these cultural
imperatives promote the practice of purdah and honour killings. Acid killings and fatwas by
community or religious leaders are the most visible manifestations of gender inequality and
control of female behaviour in Bangladesh.
As a consequence of families and individuals conforming to such practices, girls and women
are disadvantaged from conception through the life cycle and denied their human rights and
equality of treatment. Son preference could result in sex-selective abortion of girls and female
infanticide. It was seen that there were instances of women denied the right to life through
murder by burning or acid or being driven to suicide, or who were vulnerable to sexual abuse,
health hazards in childhood and at childbirth, and indignity as a result of cultural practices that
legitimized violence and harassment in pursuit of controlling their behaviour in order to
safeguard perceptions of family or male honor.

HARMFUL TRADITIONAL PRACTICES:

IMPACT ON WOMEN AND GIRLS IN NEPAL
Son preference
As in most societies, particularly in Asia, son preference is an entrenched value in Nepal.
They conclude that stopping behavior in childbirth through use of contraceptives or other
methods is dependent on the birth of at least one son, thereby reflecting a strong son preference.
The consequences of a strong son preference could extend to the denial of girls’ right to
life or their vulnerability to discriminatory practices in the environment in which they live.
Traditional birth attendants are said to perform abortions using unhygienic methods, including
the use of unsterilized knives, blades stone and soap, thus endangering the lives of girls and
women. The increasing acceptance of a small family norm creates pressure in a culture of son
preference to opt for the survival of male children while it is claimed that suicide is preferred to
female foeticide or infanticide.
Marriage-related practices
Early or child marriage
Child marriage is perceived to be an established practice of generations in Nepal. Both
religious and cultural traditions have favoured the marriage of daughters from even less than ten
years of age or very early after menarche (first menstrual bleeding), while husbands could be
much older. The legal minimum age of marriage in Nepal is 18 years for females and 21 years
for males. It has been argued that it is difficult to counter old traditions in a country with a
relatively high level of illiteracy and low education status. Apart from tradition, there is
economic pressure on large families to reduce their burden of dependents and the incentive of
lesser dowries demanded for younger girls.
Child marriage
Besides, because of its tremendous religious and cultural values it wins the concern and
goodwill of not only relatives but also the community and society as a whole. People in the
society would rather protect a case than report it to the police. A police officer at the
Kalikasthan Police Station in Rasua District, famous for the high rate of child marriage, says
“We cannot take action unless a formal complaint is lodged at the police station. And we never
get a single complaint”.
Source: Dhital Rupa, “Child Marriage in Nepal”,
www.cwin.org.np/resources/issues/child_marriage.htm (2007).
Among the consequences of early marriage are health risks caused by the stress of too
many – and too closely spaced – pregnancies virtually in childhood, such as obstructed deliveries
and other birth complications, delivery related death, under developed babies, and denial of the
right to education and normal child development patterns. It is argued, too, that the practice of
early or child marriage facilitates the trafficking of young girls for forced marriages.
Forced marriage
Forced marriages have been noted to be a traditional response to various imperatives,
such as the need to promote cultural and religious values, prevent what are perceived to be
unsuitable relationships, control female behaviour and sexuality and protect family honour. Girls
and women are apt to be kidnapped and forced into marriage if proposals were rejected, and
victims of rape forced to marry perpetrators to save their honour. Sales of girls and women into
marriage, too, are not uncommon.
Dowry
It has been argued that the dowry system developed initially among high caste, affluent
families and that a substantial dowry is perceived as a symbol of high socio-economic status.
Even tribes which did not subscribe to this tradition are reported to have adopted the practice, but
the most extreme form of the dowry system is reported to be in the Terai in the south, bordering
India.
Dowry system in the Terai
There (in the Terai) the bridegroom demands the dowry price, locally called ‘tilak’. The
tilak money demanded by the groom’s family can be a hefty sum and might not correspond to the
economic position of the bride’s family, thereby making the marriage of daughters a heavy
burden on the girl’s parents. The tilak is adjusted according to the education, qualifications and
social standing of the boy. The higher the qualifications, the higher the price he demands in
marriage. This compels the parents to marry off their daughters as soon as possible with
anybody, without considering if he is eligible or not. Keeping an unmarried daughter at home
can be a continuous source of worry for the parent because her marriage becomes more
complicated and expensive as she grows older. A younger girl, on the other hand, can get a
groom who will be comparatively younger and less qualified, thus demanding less tilak money.
The Maithili speaking people in the Terai have the highest rate of child marriage, with
95.6% girls getting married before the age of 16. The main reason behind this is the widely
prevalent dowry system.
Because of the dowry price the parents have to pay in their daughter’s marriage, other
expenses for daughters like sending them to school might not even be considered as it will be a
case of double expense.
Source: Dhital, Rupa, “The Dowry System”, www.cwin.org.np/resources/issues/child.
The disadvantaged situation of girls victimized by the dowry system and their loss of personal
identity and human rights and access to opportunities for advancement are clearly spelled out in
the implications outlined below. It is further contended that dowry demands and inability to meet
these demands have resulted in abandonment, divorce, suicide of girls and women, domestic
violence and death (Hayward, 2000; Pradhan – Malla, 2006).
Widow re-marriage
The prohibition of re-marriage for widows is said to have been strictly enforced by
Brahmin tradition by 1000 AD, chiefly because brides had to be virgins at the time of their
marriage. Associated with this tradition was the practice of sati, or compulsory suicide of
widows by burning on their spouse’s funeral pyre. In Nepal, however, at the end of the
nineteenth century, the reigning King had forbidden widows with children to follow the
traditional practice and commit sati. Since then, the practice has varied.
For instance, widows were not forced to commit suicide, but they could not marry and
could only be concubines. Or they could get married but could not have a ceremony, as such
ceremonies are restricted to first wives, or they could marry but their children must remain with
the deceased husband’s family.
Badis
It has been said that the activities of sex workers in Nepal were extended when the Rana
rulers were overthrown in 1951 and fled to India, taking their concubines with them. As they
aged, they were sold to brothels in India, beginning a lucrative sex trade which has flourished
since the 1960s based on the recruitment or abduction of these Nepali sex workers to meet the
demand in brothels in different regions in India (SAP, 2001).
Caste has therefore determined the contours of the lives of Badis, depriving them of
opportunities for upward socio-economic mobility and channeling them to commercial sex work
with its attendant hardships and perpetuation of discrimination.
Badis
It is believed that the origin of this caste starts back in the fourteenth century. At that
time, the Thakuri Kings of western Nepal used to keep them as the Rajnartaki (Royal Dancers)
for entertainment. Gradually the forthcoming generation of these dancers were made concubines
and later formed a community. Operating as a nomad community they used to move from place
to place to entertain people with dancing and singing and were paid for their
performances….Apart from a few illegal relationships with feudal and powerful people they did
not practice prostitution….
In the early days there was no access to the means of entertainment like radio… for the
middle class people in the districts. Therefore Badi people used to earn their livelihood by
dancing and singing on social occasions such as ceremonies and fairs… As the modern
electronic goods of entertainment reached the towns and districts…the Badis were displaced
from their traditional occupations and they did not have alternative means of income to support
their families.
The negative consequence of this socio-economic change has been the adoption of
prostitution as the occupation of the Badi people. Moreover due to isolation and nomadic
practice they were deprived of education and skills development opportunities… and were forced
to go into prostitution...The women of the Badi community are permitted by their husband and
family members to continue with the profession of prostitution…The majority of Badi prostitutes
are not able to get married.
Source: South Asia Partnership, 2001, Commercial Sex Exploitation of Children.
Pledging/dedicating to gods or temples

(a) Deuki/Devaki
Traditional religious and cultural practices of all castes are observed to use girls and young
women as agents in a process that distorts their development and stultifies their lives. As in
 the case of the Devadasis in India, families of the “high” Chethri caste in Nepal pledge
daughters or other young girls to deities in temples seeking a favourable response to their
prayers at the expense of condemning these Deukis or Devakis, as they are known, to
servitude.
(b) Jhuma
A similar cultural practice is observed among the Sherpas, a Tibeto-Burman ethnic group
living in the north of the country. A baby girl is offered as a gift to god and is called a Jhuma.
Her role is to perform religious functions and engage in daily work for the monastery throughout
her life. She, too, is not allowed to marry but it appears that men seek sexual relations with
Jhumas (SAP, 2001). Once again, physical and cultural bondage are the lot of girls and women
in caste and ethnic groups with entrenched traditional values.
Bonded labour
Among “lower” castes and minorities in Nepal there is also the customary practice of
families bonded, sometimes for generations, by employers or feudal masters for the use of their
labour under an informal contract or promise. contract or promise. A variation is “debt bondage”,
where compulsory labour is required by individuals or members of families, including women
and children, to repay loans obtained at exorbitant rates of interest. Labour bondage is virtually a
form of slavery where families and individuals are denied freedom of movement to other
occupations even if wages are unacceptably low. Their low status not only denies them their
rights but also reinforces their social exclusion.

Living Goddess/Kanya Kumari

A girl who has not yet reached menarche (puberty) is selected from the Shakya community of the
Newar caste to be the Kumari. Her life as a Kumari has little semblance to a normal childhood.
She is considered to be invested with power to bring good fortune to those who visit her and see
her.
The end of her “divinity” is necessarily unplanned and therefore abrupt, and return to normal
life after she has been divested of her status would require major adjustments. She receives a
State pension each month so that her material needs are met. The popular belief was that a man
who marries a Kumari is destined to die early and there was speculation that girls who have been
Kumaris are deprived of marriage and motherhood.
Witches
Witch hunting and witch burning based on superstition and belief in evil spirits have been
known in most societies worldwide for centuries, and women branded as witches have been
subjected to torture and death. In Nepal, too, women, generally elderly women or widows of
lower social status have been branded as witches and been victims of violence, as reflected in the
banning of harassment and ordeals of witches in the Law Code of 1854. Women, particularly
“low caste” women, were considered to be morally weak and needed to be controlled by men, so
that combating witches was a concern for healers. Often, actions against witches were based on
suspicion and prejudice rather than factual incidents.
Witches
Her mother got ill, dying slowly over a year. The mother ascribed her illness to the
witches enlisted by her daughter-in-law, because the doctor’s treatment was doing no good and
because a healer or medium she consulted said ‘Someone who comes to your house and sits near
you may have harmed you.’ This confirmed her suspicion that a neighbour who came regularly
to watch their television set was a witch. Finally she was taken to Vellore in South India where
the doctors found that she had cancer, not the TB for which her doctor had been treating her, but
it was too late.
Source: David N. Gellner (1994), Priests, Healers, Mediums and Witches: The Context of
Possession in the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. Man, New Series Vol. 29 No.1 Mar. 1994, p. 36.
 On the other hand, it has been argued also that witchcraft was a rebellion by women
against their subordinate status and the many restrictions imposed on them to compensate for
their lack of power and status.
Gender-based violence as traditional and cultural practices
There is no evidence in Nepal of such forms of gender-based violence as honour killings
or acid killings. However, incest is a form of gender-based violence. In Nepal, incest is
prohibited by law as a crime for which imprisonment is theoretically imposed with sentences
varying according to the degree of the relationship of the perpetrator with the victim (SAP,
2001).
Nevertheless, the law’s impact is limited, as it appears to be allowed if permitted by
customary practice and is culturally tolerated as a family issue. Perpetrators are always male
members of the family, most commonly the father. The immediate trauma for girls, their abrupt
transition to unexpected motherhood with the resultant health risks, disruption of their education,
and the scars that have a long-term impact are all clearly violations of the rights of the child.
Causes and consequences of harmful traditional and cultural practices
Son preference and early marriage are features of Nepali society, but female foeticide and
infanticide are much less visible. The dowry system as practiced in Hindu society has replaced
the more flexible marriage practices that had prevailed and is pervasive in contemporary Nepal,
but dowry deaths appear to be less horrendous, sati was banned over a hundred years ago and
there appears to be some flexibility regarding widow re-marriage. The caste system became a
permanent feature, incorporating indigenous ethnic groups and tribes and reproducing some of
the most harmful practices such as violating the rights of girls and women and consigning them
to perpetual subordination and social exclusion as seen in the lives of the Badis, Deukis and
Jhumas in the different caste groups.
Early marriage was favoured for girls to ensure culturally valued virginity before
marriage through control of female behaviour and sexuality, thereby safeguarding family honour.
Socio-cultural transactions evolved into different forms, such as the transformation of the
traditional dowry system into a process of commercial bargaining, the purchasing and offering of
girls to temples for personal favours and their subsequent descent into prostitution, and the
customary practice of bonded labour and virtual slavery.
The consequences of adhering to these practices have been the reinforcement of gender
inequalities and the violation of the rights of girls and women that are underscored in
international instruments, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, and in the Constitution.
These cultures and their traditions have not been static and have incorporated positive and
negative changes; they can therefore be transformed and based on a universalistic framework of
human rights which transcends cultural perspectives that negate these rights.
 HARMFUL TRADITIONAL PRACTICES:
IMPACT ON WOMEN AND GIRLS IN SRI LANKA
Virginity Test
The mother-in-law provides a white sheet on which the newlywed couple must consummate their
marriage in Sri Lanka's Sinhala community, and this sheet is to be presented to the in-laws for
examination. If the bride does not pass, she is publicly humiliated at the celebration held when she
returns home to her in-laws' home. The "test" has been described as a "bridal nightmare" and an
unreliable and unscientific test of virginity. This is known as Isadiya Mangalya (meaning Head-
Water Ceremony) or Isa Diya Balanta Yaema (meaning Head-Water Ceremony) (going to see the
head water). The virginity test can be traced back to the patriarchal and Christian values instilled
in successive colonial administrators.
Female Circumcision
Female genital mutilation (FGM/C), also known as female genital cutting, has been
practiced in Sri Lanka for decades and is a harmful traditional practice that can cause health
problems. FGM/C is a form of violence against women and girls that occurs in many communities
around the world, including Sri Lanka. In Sri Lanka, there are no laws prohibiting FGM/C. The
ritual as it is practiced within the Muslim community today amounts to the infringement of the
rights of both women and children.
Son Preference
In Sri Lanka, field studies on parental sex preferences revealed that society prefers son.
Parents believed it was important to have sons in order to be provided for in old age by a wage
earner. The caring role of the girl child was recognized, but she was known to leave home when
she married. Boys were valued more than girls, and the male child is given preference in family
ceremonies such as the first rice meal and head shaving. A boy's first rice meal occurs at six months
of age, while a girl's first rice meal occurs at seven months of age. The reasoning behind this is
that a boy will grow into a man and should be fed at a young age. A girl is thought to grow up to
serve the man and cannot progress beyond womanhood.
Early Marriage
Child marriage rates in Sri Lanka are 2% by 15 and 12% by 18. The legal marriage age is
18, but under a decades-old community law, much younger Muslim girls can be forced into
marriage as young as 12. The current Muslim law only requires the Quazi, or judge of a Muslim
personal law court, to consent to the marriage of a girl under the age of twelve. An attempt to
change the law for Muslims in 1995, when a minimum age of 18 was set for all communities,
failed. Sexual intercourse with a child bride under the age of 16 is punishable as rape under the
law, but it has never been used to prosecute a male Muslim.
Dowry
Dowry is traditionally defined as the property transferred by parents to their daughter,
bride, and groom during marriage. Traditionally, the bride receives assets such as houses, land,
and jewelry, while the prospective husband may receive money. Dowry systems can also lead to
post-marital violence as a result of husbands' and/or his family members' reactions to insufficient
dowries. There is also evidence of dowry-related harassment and violence against women, leading
to the breakdown of spousal relationships and conflict with extended family. The loss of assets, as
well as the impact on the dowry system, has altered women's roles as caregivers, mothers, wives,
and daughters.
Incest
The amendment was enacted in response to evidence of a high incidence of incest in the
country, which involved fathers and grandfathers sexually abusing their daughters. Incestuous
sexual abuse has been linked to family breakdown and mother migration to the Middle East.
Acceptance of incest in some communities, as well as a reluctance to respond to it by reporting it
as a form of abuse, may indicate a shift in values or a permissive attitude toward incest that has its
roots in an earlier local tradition that was in conflict with general laws and customs in the country
prohibiting incest. Since the incest prohibition law is now in effect, it is necessary to ensure that
the legal and human rights standards are followed.
Abortion
Laws pertaining to abortion in Sri Lanka remain restrictive. Abortion is illegal unless the
life of the mother is at risk. Causing an abortion is a criminal act under the Sri Lankan Penal Code6
and is punishable with imprisonment ranging from three to ten years. Yet everyday hundreds of
women are thought to obtain illegal abortions, risking their lives and long-term health. Hospitals
maintain records of women admitted to hospital as a result of complications arising from illegal
abortion. The most frequent complications of an incomplete abortion are pelvic infection,
hemorrhage, and shock.
Caste Discrimination
Caste discrimination in Sri Lanka is mild in comparison to other South Asian countries,
but it is still prevalent in society. Some underprivileged castes are denied access to religious sites,
and certain unsanitary jobs, such as toilet cleaning and garbage collection, are passed down
through generations. In Sri Lanka, caste discrimination is estimated to affect four to five million
people, or 20-30% of the total population. In contrast to the Dalits of India and Nepal, there is no
common identity as 'Dalits' among the 'lower' castes in Sri Lanka, and it has been difficult for them
to organize themselves.

CONCLUSION
The three country studies from South Asia document a range of traditional and cultural
practices that can be considered harmful and also violence against women according to
international human rights standards.
Harmful traditional and cultural practices according to this definition are prevalent in all three
countries. Some of these practices such as dowry and child marriage are common phenomena.
Others such as dedication to temples, witchcraft or virginity testing are country-specific. Son
preference is common to all of the countries and manifests in the denial of inheritance rights and/or
health and education opportunities to girls and women, reinforcing negative stereotypical values
that also contribute to intrafamily and domestic violence. The situation in Sri Lanka is significantly
different, as there are fewer harmful traditional and cultural practices that constitute violence
against women. A long history of social policies on health and education has created an
environment in which son preference does not extend to the denial of life chances for girls. Values
regarding son preference are also rarely manifested in the phenomena of female infanticide or
foeticide in any of these countries. This may reflect the impact of values derived from Buddhism
and Islam which recognize male preference and patriarchy, but also emphasize the human dignity
and value of women in the community. Hindu religious influences are dominant in Nepal, but the
country also has a Buddhist religious tradition.
To summarize, gender related discrimination has been a prominent issue throughout history
and that it still happens today. Gender related discrimination mostly stem from patriarchal beliefs
throughout the years, mixed with homophobia that is rooted from tradition, beliefs, etc. It can also
be observed that gender discrimination can happen anywhere, and any time.

Though there are laws that attempt to lessen or stop gender discrimination, there are still
many countries that refuse to be progressive and liberal.
References:
UN.ESCAP. (2012). Harmful Traditional Practices in Three Countries of South Asia: culture,
human rights, and violence against women (Gender and Development Discussion Paper Series
No. 21). https://repository.unescap.org/handle/20.500.12870/3876

Dawson, A., Wijewardene, K. Insights into preventing female genital mutilation/cutting in Sri
Lanka: a qualitative interpretative study. Reprod Health 18, 51 (2021).
https://doi.org/10.1186/s12978-021-01114-x

Jayatilaka, D., Amirthalingam, K. The Impact of Displacement on Dowries in Sri Lanka (2015).
https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-impact-of-displacement-on-dowries-in-sri-lanka/