Professionals’ perceptions of

MARACs and barriers to attendance:

Headline findings from the ‘Are
MARACs still fit for purpose?’ survey

Dr Olumide Adisa
July 2020

Briefing paper
DISCLAIMER

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Published by:

Centre for Abuse Research

Suffolk Institute for Social and Economic Research1
University of Suffolk
Waterfront Building
Ipswich
Suffolk
IP4 1QJ

1 https://www.uos.ac.uk/content/suffolk-institute-for-social-economic-research

2
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements 4
Background to the research 5
1.1 About the MARAC survey 6
Brief evidence review summary on MARACs 7
2.1 Overview of MARACs 9
Survey Findings - snapshot 15
Recommended solutions offered by professionals in the survey 20
References 22

Table of Figures
Figure 1: Breakdown of area that professionals are based ...................................... 15
Figure 2: Percentage distribution of organisations represented in the survey .......... 16
Figure 3: Have you ever referred to a MARAC before?............................................ 16
Figure 4: Percentage frequency of attending MARAC.............................................. 17
Figure 5: Type of victims being supported by number of professionals who refer into
MARACs .................................................................................................................. 17
Figure 6: Barriers to attending MARAC .................................................................... 18
Figure 7: Professionals’ perceptions of the role and value of MARACs ................... 19

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Acknowledgements
Thanks to all the professionals who shared and completed the survey as well as
those that shared their experiences at various points of the research.
Thanks, as well to my colleague, Dr Katherine Allen, who provided research
assistance by coding some of the qualitative feedback from the survey and literature
review. Prof. Emma Bond provided useful feedback on the survey design and the
report. Thanks too to Copywrighting & Creative Communications Ltd who copy-
edited the report.

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Background to the research

The seed for this independent research originated from the Multi Agency Risk
Assessment Conference (MARAC) CPD accreditation event organised by Norfolk
and Suffolk Constabulary’s DCI Ben Clarke in Nov 2018. The researcher was invited
to present on the available evidence (albeit lacking) on MARACs and its social
value2. It was clear based on this quick literature review and the discussions at this
event that there were ongoing challenges with the sustainability of MARACs,
particularly given the development of multi-agency safeguarding hubs which focus
on similar objectives.
At the time, the key suspicion was that MARACs may not be fit for purpose in
meeting the aims for which they were set up by CAADA (now known as SafeLives)3
because they were plagued by challenges and inefficiencies.
Verbal assertions received from Suffolk and Norfolk professionals regarding the
challenges that they were experiencing in engaging with their MARACs were initially
captured by the researcher and used to inform the questions of a brief survey,
following the Nov 2018 MARAC CPD conference. The researcher was keen to
understand whether these were local issues or pertained to MARACs in general.
More importantly, from the perspective of professionals attending MARACs, what
improvements were needed?
Interestingly, these conversations coincided with the publication of a similar
independent survey undertaken to assess the views of 132 professionals based in
London about MARACs (see Acheampong, 20184). Acheampong’s ambitious study
attempted to evidence the effectiveness of London-based MARACs by assessing to
what extent that they were fulfilling SafeLives’ well-laid out principles.
MARACs are important because in some localities they remain the primary route for
responding to high-risk cases of domestic abuse cases (typically, involving victims
who face the threat of very serious harm). These voluntary, confidential meetings are
attended largely by local authorities, police and health services. This report
contributes to understanding the views of multi-agency professionals based outside
London on the barriers to participation and perceptions of MARACs. The aim of the
research was not to ask whether MARACs were effective or not, as this would
require a more prolonged study (for example, see Whinney, 20145).
The anonymous survey aimed to engage with a wider pool of professionals to get a
better sense of the underlying issues being faced by MARACs both in the East of

2 Adisa O. (2018). MARACs What Works? What does success look like?. Conference presentation,
MARAC CPD. Suffolk.
3 MARAC principles and procedures were developed by Coordinated Action Against Domestic Abuse

(CAADA). CAADA is now known as SafeLives.

4 Acheampong N. (2018), An examination of MARACs and their effectiveness. Track my MARAC.

London.
5 Whinney A. (2014). A descriptive analysis of Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Conferences

(MARACs) for reducing the future harm of domestic abuse in Suffolk. Unpublished Masters thesis.

5
England (EoE) and beyond and to widen the net of professionals as much as
possible to allow for more engagement6.

1.1 About the MARAC survey

The questions in the anonymous survey focused on identifying three areas as

perceived by professionals: ‘purpose/function’, challenges/issues, and
recommendations.
The survey included questions about the need for MARACs and the barriers to
participating in a MARAC.
The research adopted a brief survey of professionals based in various locations
across the UK7 to address the aims of the research, assessing MARACs role
in supporting victims. The survey was open for online self-completion using
SurveyMonkey from July to August 2019. The survey was promoted mostly through
emails and social media. A total of 118 people engaged with the survey,
with everyone submitting valid responses, comprising of 99 women (84%) and 18
men (15%)8. Age group (in years) information on participants were as follows: 4%
(18-24), 22% (25-34), 23% (35-44), 36% (45-54), 15% (55-64).
Nonetheless to identify those professionals working in EoE more conveniently,
the survey asked professionals to select one of the region’s four counties [Suffolk,
Norfolk, Essex, and Cambridge], or otherwise to say if they were completing from
outside the EoE. 57% of participants that completed the survey were based outside
the region.
Given the importance of professionals’ buy-in to the process of effective MARACs, it
made sense to focus the research on capturing professionals’ perceptions as to
whether MARACs are still fit for purpose, as well as the challenges faced
in engaging with MARACs.

6 A roundtable discussion on MARAC was planned as part of the University of Suffolk’s domestic
abuse conference, which was postponed due to the Covid-19 pandemic.
7 Acheampong N. (2018), An examination of MARACs and their effectiveness. Track my MARAC.

London.
8 Whinney A. (2014). A descriptive analysis of Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Conferences

(MARACs) for reducing the future harm of domestic abuse in Suffolk. Unpublished Masters thesis.

6
Brief evidence review summary on MARACs

Key Evidence Review Findings

• MARACs emerged in South Wales in 2003 in response to a lack of
opportunities for structured information sharing and risk assessment among
agencies working with high risk domestic abuse victims (Robinson &
Tredidga, 2005). MARACs began to be rolled out nationally in 2007, as part of
the Government’s recommended Coordinated Community Response to
domestic abuse (House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 2008)
• Early outcome evaluations suggested MARACs facilitate information sharing
and safety planning, resulting in reduced re-victimisations at 12 months follow
up (Robinson & Tredidga, 2005). Recent research by Whinney (2015)
problematises the causal attributions made by earlier MARAC evaluators (e.g.
Robinson & Tredidga, 2005) and suggests future directions for research to
establish impacts
• A 2010 cost benefit analysis (CAADA/SafeLives) found that every £1 invested
in MARACs yields a return of £6. This study was undertaken a decade ago
and would benefit from updating in line with current knowledge on MARACs.
There are still uncertainties in defining and measuring ‘success’. MARACs are
mostly police-led, so many victims remain hidden (Steel et al, 2011).
• Improving information sharing between agencies is a central function of
MARACs and is crucial for effective multi-agency planning and activity. As
different agencies have different pieces of the puzzle, only by putting all the
pieces together can services get a full picture of a victim’s situation (Robinson
& Tredidga, 2005; Howarth et al, 2009; Steel et al, 2011)
• Recent research suggests that the system is overloaded with inadequate case
reviews and monitoring. MARACs have been associated with a heavy – and
often unacknowledged – workload for practitioners, with a high volume of
cases per meeting, as well as high demands on time, resources and emotions
(McLaughlin et al, 2014; Acheampong, 2018). Additionally, there are
challenges for compliance at a local level as MARACs lack a statutory footing,
similar to the multi-agency public protection arrangements (MAPPA) for
perpetrators (Sisters for Change, 2018).

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Recommendations from existing evidence:
• Given that it may not be feasible to place MARACs on a statutory footing (Steel et
al, 2011; Acheampong, 2018), the strengths of MARACs with respect to
information sharing should be harnessed into more locally driven solutions. A
coordinated community response to tackling domestic abuse is likely to be more
effective. For example, in one locality, MARACs are now being reshaped to link
better with behaviour change programmes for men.
• To encourage buy-in from agencies, local commissioning arrangements should
make allocations to specialist services to accommodate the staffing implications
and to provide consistent funding to resource MARACs (Howarth et al, 2009;
CAADA/SafeLives, 2010) as part of the violence against women and girls, men
and boys strategies
• Recognition/accommodation of the workload involved in MARAC participation
(McLaughlin et al, 2014)
• Build knowledge and capacity – training for Chairs and agency representatives,
clarify key objectives of MARACs (Steel et al, 2011; McLaughlin et al, 2014)
• Encourage referrals and participation by a range of agencies (Howarth et al,
2009)
• Enhanced monitoring regarding outcomes, create channels for agency and
survivor feedback (McLaughlin et al, 2014; Acheampong, 2018).

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2.1 Overview of MARACs
MARACs arose in South Wales in the early 2000s in response to a “lack of
systematic risk assessment amongst agencies responding to domestic abuse and
[the need for] a formal process by which local agencies could share information
about victims experiencing extremely serious levels of abuse” (Howarth et al, 2009).
Attended by a range of statutory and voluntary agencies, best practice guidance
indicates that, at a minimum, MARACs should be attended by six core agencies:
police, probation, independent domestic violence advocates (IDVAs), health
representatives, housing and children’s services (Steel et al, 2011). They provide a
forum for coordinating safety planning and assigning actions within a clearly defined
timeframe, to reduce the risks of future harm to high-risk victims and their children.
MARACs are designed to facilitate a more joined-up approach, enabling practitioners
to collaboratively achieve a number of core aims:
• to reduce domestic abuse (an outcome which is generally
operationalised/measured via recorded crime incidents)
• to reduce repeat re-victimisation
• to establish a risk management plan
• to share information
• to promote agency accountability.
However, as key findings from this review demonstrate, there are still uncertainties
regarding MARACs’ effectiveness in achieving their aims, as well as underlying
issues with defining and measuring ‘success’ in this context.
From 2006, MARACs were adopted into the Home Office’s policy agenda, forming
part of a Government-recommended approach to tackling domestic abuse known as
the Coordinated Community Response. MARACs were rolled out nationally in 2007
with an investment estimated at £1.85 million, facilitating more uniform and informed
service responses to domestic abuse (House of Commons Home Affairs Committee,
2008: 114). Prior research suggests that MARACs are generally police-led (Steel et
al, 2011), with meeting duration and numbers of cases heard varying according to
locality (McLaughlin, 2014). Research suggests that typically, around 10 minutes is
allocated to discuss each case (McLaughlin et al, 2014; Acheampong, 2018).
Following the MARAC process’ introduction (Cardiff, April 2003), several research
teams have conducted evaluations in order to understand their outcomes, underlying
mechanisms of change and contextual barriers to their function and effectiveness.
Robinson (2004) and Robinson & Tredigda (2005) conducted a two-phase process
and outcome evaluation of MARACs in South Wales between October 2003-April
2005. Researchers interviewed agency participants and observed six, monthly
MARACs in order to create an explanatory model for how MARACs utilise agency
knowledge and capacities to develop harm reduction strategies for victims. To

9
assess outcomes and demonstrate what the MARACs are able to accomplish,
researchers collated several forms of data, including police call-out and incident
records and telephone interviews with a sub-sample of victims. Key findings from
police data and victim interviews showed significant early impacts, demonstrating
that “the majority of victims (about 6 in 10) had not been re-victimised since the
MARAC. Second, respondents made it clear that MARACs facilitated the
accomplishment of many key objectives, including information-sharing between
agencies, contributing to victims’ safety, identifying key contacts within agencies, and
raising awareness about the impact of domestic violence on children” (Robinson &
Tredigda 2005: 4).
As the initial phase of the evaluation was undertaken shortly after MARACs were first
introduced, the researchers flagged changes to the process that had occurred during
this period in response to emerging challenges; for example, a shift to fortnightly
meetings to accommodate the heavy workload and to keep individual meetings to a
manageable timeframe (Robinson & Tredigda, 2005: 4-5).
The second phase of the evaluation was designed to provide a ‘longitudinal account’
of MARAC outcomes, by following up with victims from the initial phase of the
evaluation and collecting and analysing police data regarding any further incidents of
abuse perpetrated against them (Robinson & Tredigda, 2005: 4). Robinson and
Tredigda found that 12 months down the line, a substantial proportion of victims –
“more than 4 in 10” – reported no further incidents of violence, which was a
significant finding given their prior assessment as ‘high-risk’ victims with extensive
histories of abuse (Robinson & Tredigda, 2005: 3).
Strikingly, qualitative evidence from victims interviewed during this period reflects the
researcher’s 2019 survey findings regarding barriers in relation to accountability and
attendance: “Holding participating agencies accountable for their attendance and
performance in the MARACs is an on-going issue noted by some victims” (Robinson
& Tredigda, 2005: 3). Negative comments also highlighted poor evidence collection
by police and not being kept informed about decisions in their case, e.g. regarding
custody, bail or adjournments (Robinson & Tredigda, 2005: ibid).
Howarth et al (2009) conducted a study to measure the impacts of seven IDVA
services operating across urban, suburban and rural locations in England and
Wales. The authors note that the UK evidence base on ‘what works’ in addressing
DVA was at that time ‘generally underdeveloped’, with a particular dearth of multi-
site evaluations that could capture national trends (Howarth et al, 2009: 6).
This was the first large scale, multi-site evaluation of IDVA services. It included an
analysis of IDVAs’ role within the MARAC process, as well as victim feedback on
their experiences of MARACs. Notably, IDVAs reported that MARACs were
mobilised as part of the suite of interventions in only 34% (n=426) of their cases,
even though it was likely that a high proportion of cases would have met the
threshold for inclusion (all victims included in the sample had been deemed high-
risk). It was inferred that this option may have been ‘limited by capacity’ (Howarth et
al, 2009: 10) This result is concerning as it “suggests that there are not the resources
available to deliver this enhanced level of multi-agency intervention to all that need it,

10
and this finding may focus attention on the need to capacity build in this area in order
to ensure that this type of response is available to all victims assessed as being at
risk of significant harm or homicide” (Howarth et al, 2009: 57). This chimes with Steel
et al’s (2011) findings regarding a lack of referrals from non-police agencies.
Qualitative evidence from victims whose cases were included at MARACs revealed
positive experiences, with one woman describing it as a “lifeline”: “She was surprised
at how all the agencies suddenly ‘came out of the woodwork’ for her and did their bit
to keep her safe” (Howarth et al, 2009, 34). Drawing on Robinson's earlier research,
researchers note that, as a multi-agency forum, MARACs provide a crucial
opportunity for hidden discrepancies and gaps in knowledge between agencies to be
identified and closed (Howarth et al, 2009: 35). Howarth et al posit that MARACs
also “provide a mechanism by which to hold agencies to account in instances where
they fail to respond effectively to keep victims safe” (Howarth et al, 2009: 35).
In 2010, Coordinated Action Against Domestic Abuse (now SafeLives) conducted a
cost benefit analysis which found that “For every £1 spent on MARACs, at least £6 of
public money can be saved annually on direct costs to agencies, such as the police
and health services” (CAADA, 2010: 8). With such a favourable cost-benefit ratio,
MARACs would only need to prove ‘successful’ in 16% of cases to recoup public
investment. However, in order to maximise effectiveness and increase agency
representation, they argue that IDVAs and specialist services should receive the
consistent, sustainable funding they need, and that MARACs should be embedded
through legislation.
Following the publication of the Coalition Government’s strategic narrative on
Violence Against Women and Girls in November 2010, Steel et al (2011) were
commissioned to conduct a review of the “effectiveness and cost effectiveness of
MARACs; how the MARAC model currently operates within the wider response to
domestic violence [and] variation in current practice amongst MARACs”, as well as
exploring areas for future development (Steel et al, 2011: i). In addition to reviewing
available research evidence, the researchers collected survey data from over 600
MARAC Chairs, coordinators and IDVAs nationally, analysed existing performance
and quality assessment data shared by Coordinated Action Against Domestic Abuse
(as was), and conducted structured interviews with 13 members of the National
MARAC Steering Group and a purposeful sample of 47 agency representatives.
Steel et al found that existing evidence in relation to MARAC outcomes was
relatively weak, with more improved monitoring procedures and rigorous evaluations
needed to strengthen the evidence base. Agency perspectives on effectiveness were
generally positive, with 97% of survey respondents identifying the MARAC they
attended as either “very effective” or “fairly effective” for improving outcomes for
victims in the area. As found in Robinson & Tredidga’s original evaluation (2005),
one major mechanism of MARACs’ effectiveness seems to lie in their ability to
prevent informational silos: “Agencies often have access to different information
related to a case and sharing this information in a coordinated way can create a
fuller account of the facts and circumstances of each client’s situation. This enables
more comprehensive risk identification and better-informed decision-making which in

11
turn can lead to more effective safety planning and intervention” (Steel et al, 2011:
6). However, for this causal sequence to unfold, adequate representation by a range
of statutory and voluntary services is essential. Perhaps for this reason, an
overwhelming majority of agency participants were in favour of placing MARACs on
a statutory footing, as well as making greater representation of specialist services
and IDVAs a future priority. Another major area for change was the recommendation
to increase the proportion of non-police referrals: MARAC data showed that
“approximately two-thirds of referrals” were made by the police, despite the fact that
many victims will not report their abuse to law enforcement. Recommendations
included risk management, building knowledge and capacity to increase referrals
from other agencies is crucial (Steel et al, 2011: 18).
McLaughlin et al (2014) conducted a National Institute for Health Research-funded
case study in Manchester. The study was designed to assess the effectiveness of
social care’s contribution to the development of MARACs and the safeguarding of
adults experiencing DA. McLaughlin et al employed a multi-methods approach,
“attending MARACs; interviewing agency representatives who attend MARACs (plus
some who did not) and adult social workers; focus groups with survivors of domestic
violence, and practitioners who specialise in domestic violence support” (McLaughlin
et al, 2014: 4). Participants comprised 24 agency representatives and 13 survivors
whose cases had been heard at MARACs. Six months after the first phase of data
collection, when the 13 service users were initially recruited and interviewed, the
researchers re-interviewed four of these participants.
Findings from survivor interviews highlighted the theme of control: “many service users
[felt] were done ‘to’ rather than ‘with’ and that MARAC was not an inclusive process as
service users’ wishes and voice got lost” (McLaughlin et al, 2014: 3). While recognising
that there was a lot of support and activity by services during the initial ‘crisis’, survivors
re-interviewed at six months felt that this “tailed off” subsequently (McLaughlin et al,
2014: 3). Agency perspectives showed that while many participants felt that the
MARAC process was important, and all were committed to working with survivors,
there were a range of views on the primary purpose of attendance (e.g. to facilitate
more in-depth case discussion versus a more targeted focus on “information sharing,
resource allocation and reducing risk” (McLaughlin et al, 2014: 4).

Participants reported emotional, resource and time barriers to involvement. MARACs

were felt to be an emotionally demanding ‘add on’ to routine work responsibilities, with
a lack of acknowledgement for the ‘emotional impact’ of the work (ibid). Some agency
representatives reported that the volume of cases heard per MARAC posed a barrier
to full engagement: “Attendees remarked that they heard so many cases at the one
meeting they were not always able to differentiate between cases or remember which
case was being discussed” (ibid).

Reflecting other study findings regarding a lack of built-in, routinised opportunities for
monitoring and reflexivity (e.g. Acheampong, 2018) researchers observed that “once
agreed actions had been implemented there was no system to assess the intended
and unintended consequences” (ibid). Similarly, adult social care interviewees
expressed a “wide variation in understanding” of DA and MARACs (ibid), suggesting a
need for standardised training.

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Whinney (2015) conducted a quantitative matched cohort study of Suffolk-based DA
victims “where a sample of victims referred to MARACs in Suffolk over a two year
period were matched with domestic abuse victims not referred to MARACs over the
same period across a range of factors” (Whinney, 2015: 2). This research design
enabled Whinney to disentangle the impacts attributable to a case being heard at
MARAC – and any subsequent actions taken – from other causal mechanisms
operating during the same period. For example, Robinson and Tredigda’s evaluation
found a significant reduction in reported DA incidents 12 months after MARAC
(Robinson & Tredigda, 2005).

Whinney’s findings suggest that a similar or greater reduction in ‘crime harm’ may occur
during the same timeframe for similarly-situated9 individuals whose cases are not
referred to MARAC: “Changes in both groups were compared using difference-of-
differences analysis [and Whinney found that] whilst significant reductions in crime
harm are associated with MARAC referral, reductions are also seen in the cases where
victims were not referred to MARAC”, suggesting that a ‘regression to the mean’ effect
may be contributing to apparent impacts given the higher 'baseline’ of those referred
to MARAC (Whinney, 2015: 2). Further analyses were carried out to address this effect,
using a subset of the sample in which pairs were selected for comparison due to
minimal differences in total prior harms at baseline. Concerningly, among this subset
of individuals, MARAC referrals preceded an increase in crime harm during the study
period. Due to the observational research design, one cannot draw robust causal
inferences based on these findings so Whinney recommends further research to
investigate the MARACs’ effectiveness in achieving their stated aims.

Acheampong (2018) conducted a mixed methods study examining the views of

London-based practitioners and survivors who had engaged with the MARAC process.
Between September to November 2018, 132 participants completed an online survey,
and the researcher conducted anonymous follow-up telephone interviews with 20
survey respondents. Acheampong’s survey findings suggested a lack of clarity in
relation to MARAC’s key objectives: over 32% of participants failed to accurately
identify the wider range of functions MARACs are designed to accomplish,
(Acheampong, 2018: 17).

Further, while the majority of survey respondents felt that MARACs consistently
achieved effective identification of risk (nearly 59%) and information sharing (nearly
60%), less than 15% of respondents agreed that MARACs consistently enabled good
representation and support of the victim (11%) or heard the recommended number of
cases (11%) (Acheampong, 2018: 25). Qualitative findings from practitioners and
survivors revealed similarly mixed views on MARAC’s efficacy across all objectives.
While it was generally agreed that MARACs succeed in facilitating information sharing
and risk mitigation, some participants described variability between MARACs. One
described MARACs as “having great potential, but only when consistent. One
participant described MARACs as having the potential of being effective, but only in

9 Efforts were taken to achieve as close a match as feasible between MARAC and non-MARAC
referred individuals across a range of dimensions including gender, district, age, date of precipitating
incident etc. The between-group match for some factors, such as gender and district, were identical,
while there were statistically but not practically distinct differences between factors such as age and
date of precipitating incident (Whinney, 2015: 49-50).

13
the presence of a successful chair” (Acheampong, 2018: 26). These concerns about
consistency may have been linked to the chronic under-attendance reported by an
“overwhelming majority” of participants, which they felt negatively impacted on action
planning and contributed to a sense that agencies “are not taking it seriously”
(Acheampong, 2018: 31).

Participants from agencies that were often under-represented at MARACs (including

specialist DA and mental health services) attributed this shortfall in attendance to
austerity cuts and competing demands on time and resources: “A lot of health
professionals make referrals, but we don’t have time to go to MARAC meetings
because of the austerity cuts. We are already stretched thin as it is” (Acheampong,
2018: 32). A further barrier to encouraging adequate agency representation and
involvement flagged by participants – and reflected in this researcher’s survey findings
– was the lack of accountability, particularly in the absence of a decisive and proactive
Chair. As in Howarth et al’s findings, some participants reported issues around
outcomes not being communicated to survivors, and a lack of any grievance
procedures to make these issues known.

In light of these findings, Acheampong made a number of recommendations, including

clarifying MARAC key objectives; making MARAC attendance for all agencies a
statutory obligation; ensuring that all MARAC service providers receive training in
culturally sensitive issues to facilitate more tailored support for survivors; universal
training for all Chairs to promote effective facilitation; ensuring that specialist support
services are afforded the opportunity to attend regularly; enhanced monitoring
procedures, including retaining minutes for review, and introducing feedback
processes for practitioners and survivors.

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Survey Findings - snapshot
• 118 professionals responded to the MARAC Survey, including 99 women and 18
men. One person preferred not to provide this information on their sex. Age group
(in years) information on participants were as follows: 4% (18-24), 22% (25-34),
23% (35-44), 36% (45-54), 15% (55-64); 43% of our respondents were based in
the East of England region, and 57% attended MARACs in other parts of the
country.

Figure 1: Breakdown of area that professionals are based

15
Figure 2: Percentage distribution of organisations represented in the survey

Figure 3: Have you ever referred to a MARAC before?

• 113 people responded to this question. 80% (90 respondents) stated that they
had referred into MARAC. This question was to identify those that were
experienced at referring, based on an understanding of the MARAC process.

16
Figure 4: Percentage frequency of attending MARAC

Figure 5: Type of victims being supported by number of professionals who refer into
MARACs

• 75 professionals responded to this question and 33 percent of respondents

(n=25) in the survey who attend MARACs identified facing a number of barriers
• The barriers that emerged as the two most significant barriers 10 are agencies
being reluctant to attend or accept responsibility for actions (88%) and a lack of

10 Responses that achieved over 50% have been taken as significant

17
 accountability and leadership (92%). 64% of professionals thought that
MARACs were redundant and 52% thought that they cases were allotted limited
time and in many cases that they felt rushed.

Figure 6: Barriers to attending MARAC

Lack of accountability and

92%
leadership

Agencies reluctant to attend 88%

Maracs are redundant 64%

Limited time alloted and cases

52%
rushed

Unsuitable cases presented 28%

18
Figure 7: Professionals’ perceptions of the role and value of MARACs

Other challenges identified from the qualitative feedback:

Barriers:
• Lack of accountability/no statutory obligation to attend
• Lack of clarity regarding objectives and obligations
• Lack of monitoring and reflection – few opportunities to discuss the intended
and unintended consequences of completed actions.
Facilitators:
• Strong leadership by Chairs
• Attendance by a wide variety of services
• IDVA involvement to advocate for victim.

‘‘MARACs are really disjointed, and voluntary sector not included enough. Not
being aware of what services are out there. They will say that ‘some victims with
complex needs won’t engage’ but actually if they spoke to us, they would realise
they do engage.’’
“Sometimes responses aren’t timely enough, multi-agency response isn’t as
good as it needs to be.”

19
“MARACs have issues around filtering cases that are referred; at present there
is no secondary filtering going.”
The survey findings in this report aligns with the evidence summary findings in that the
barriers that were identified from the literature on MARACs were also similar to those
shared by survey respondents. However, this survey also provides new insights from
professionals on the potential solutions to these problems. These proffered solutions
have been expressed as recommendations below.

Recommended solutions offered by

professionals in the survey

In June and July 2020, the research team shared the emerging findings from this
report with six professionals who are involved in MARACs for their views on solutions
to some of these challenges identified in this report. These comments, survey findings,
and the evidence summary in this summary report have helped to shape the following
recommendations:
• Improving public authority responses to high risk victims of domestic abuse by
aligning MARACs closer to perpetrator programmes. In one locality, they are
looking at options to make their MARAC more perpetrator-focused
• Some areas do not have MARACs and instead have a multi-agency
safeguarding hub (MASH), while some areas have both. Assessing MARACs in
depth at the local level is recommended as what works for one setting may not
necessarily work for another. At the time of writing, some areas were reviewing
their MARACs and this evidence base needs to be better coordinated to further
understand how the impact of MARACs can be improved
• Provide staff referring into MARACs with domestic abuse training to reduce the
number of inappropriate referrals. One locality uses a ‘professional challenge’
approach which is helping to mitigate the issue of unsuitable referrals (for
instance, standard and medium risk cases which can be dealt with through
other channels)
• Explore funding to cover the staff time that voluntary and community
organisations spend to participate in a MARAC. It would be useful for SafeLives
to capture this staffing element as part of its ongoing monitoring of MARACs.
• Improve the evaluation of MARACs to continuously improve issues such as
accountability and leadership issues identified in this report
• Professionals felt that MARACs should focus on the victim's safety and the
safety of the children, rather than raising victims’ past prosecutions or
discussing their ability to parent their children

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• The issue of ‘dumping risk’ (where the person that made the referral is not often
the person that dials in to the meeting) was mentioned as a key challenge to
effectiveness. One recommendation is to improve buy-in of the agencies
referring into MARACs by making it clear at the time of the referral the
expectations of referring organisations
• Provide funding to support the plans to improve MARACs being undertaken at
the local level in some areas. At present, funding for MARACs is coming from
policing budgets and no other agency is contributing funds.

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