Henry Clay

Henry Clay Sr. (April 12, 1777  – June 29, 1852) was an
Henry Clay
American attorney and statesman who represented Kentucky
in both the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives. He was
the seventh House speaker as well as the ninth secretary of
state, also receiving electoral votes for president in the 1824,
1832, and 1844 presidential elections. He helped found both
the National Republican Party and the Whig Party. For his
role in defusing sectional crises, he earned the appellation of
the "Great Compromiser" and was part of the "Great
Triumvirate" of Congressmen, alongside fellow Whig Daniel
Webster and John C. Calhoun.

Clay was born in Hanover County, Virginia, in 1777,

beginning his legal career in Lexington, Kentucky, in 1797.
As a member of the Democratic-Republican Party, Clay won
election to the Kentucky state legislature in 1803 and to the
U.S. House of Representatives in 1810. He was chosen as Clay photographed in 1848
Speaker of the House in early 1811 and, along with President
9th United States Secretary of State
James Madison, led the United States into the War of 1812
against Great Britain. In 1814, he helped negotiate the Treaty In office

of Ghent, which brought an end to the War of 1812, and then March 4, 1825 – March 4, 1829
after the war, Clay returned to his position as Speaker of the President John Quincy Adams
House and developed the American System, which called for
Preceded by John Quincy Adams
federal infrastructure investments, support for the national
bank, and high protective tariff rates. In 1820, he helped bring Succeeded by Martin Van Buren
an end to a sectional crisis over slavery by leading the passage United States Senator
of the Missouri Compromise. from Kentucky
In office

Clay finished with the fourth-most electoral votes in the multi- December 29, 1806 – March 3, 1807
candidate 1824 presidential election, and he helped John
Preceded by John Adair
Quincy Adams win the contingent election held to select the
president. President Adams appointed Clay to the prestigious Succeeded by John Pope
position of secretary of state; as a result, critics alleged that the In office

two had agreed to a "corrupt bargain". Despite receiving January 4, 1810 – March 3, 1811
support from Clay and other National Republicans, Adams
was defeated by Democrat Andrew Jackson in the 1828 Appointed by Charles Scott
presidential election. Clay won election to the Senate in 1831 Preceded by Buckner Thruston
and ran as the National Republican nominee in the 1832
Succeeded by George M. Bibb
presidential election, but he was defeated decisively by
President Jackson. After the 1832 election, Clay helped bring In office

an end to the Nullification Crisis by leading passage of the November 10, 1831 – March 31, 1842
Tariff of 1833. During Jackson's second term, opponents of Preceded by John Rowan
the president, including Daniel Webster, William Henry
Succeeded by John J. Crittenden
Harrison, and himself, created the Whig Party, and through the
years, Clay became a leading congressional Whig. In office

Clay sought the presidency in the 1840 election but was March 4, 1849 – June 29, 1852
passed over at the Whig National Convention by William Preceded by Thomas Metcalfe
Henry Harrison. When Harrison died and his vice president
ascended to office, Clay clashed with Harrison's successor, Succeeded by David Meriwether
John Tyler, who broke with Clay and other congressional 7th Speaker of the United States
Whigs after taking office upon Harrison's death in 1841. Clay House of Representatives
resigned from the Senate in 1842 and won the 1844 Whig In office

presidential nomination, but was narrowly defeated in the March 4, 1811 – January 19, 1814
general election by Democrat James K. Polk, who made the Preceded by Joseph Varnum
annexation of the Republic of Texas his issue. Clay strongly
criticized the subsequent Mexican–American War and sought Succeeded by Langdon Cheves
the Whig presidential nomination in 1848, but was defeated by In office

General Zachary Taylor who went on to win the election. March 4, 1815 – October 28, 1820
After returning to the Senate in 1849, Clay played a key role
Preceded by Langdon Cheves
in passing the Compromise of 1850, which postponed a crisis
over the status of slavery in the territories. Clay is generally Succeeded by John Taylor
regarded as one of the most important and influential political In office

figures of his era.[1] March 4, 1823 – March 3, 1825

Preceded by Philip P. Barbour
Succeeded by John Taylor
Contents Member of the

Early life U.S. House of Representatives

from Kentucky
Marriage and family In office

Early law and political career March 4, 1811 – January 19, 1814
Legal career Preceded by William T. Barry
Early political career
Succeeded by Joseph H. Hawkins
Speaker of the House Constituency 2nd district (1813–
Election and leadership
1814)
Madison administration, 1811–1817
5th district (1811–
Monroe administration, 1817–1825
1813)
1824 presidential election
In office

Secretary of State March 4, 1815 – March 3, 1821

Later career Preceded by Joseph H. Hawkins
Jackson administration, 1829–1837
Succeeded by Samuel Woodson
Return to the Senate
Bank War and the 1832 presidential election Constituency 2nd district

Nullification Crisis In office

Formation of the Whig Party March 4, 1823 – March 6, 1825

Van Buren administration, 1837–1841 Preceded by John Johnson
Harrison and Tyler administrations, 1841–1845 Succeeded by James Clark
1844 presidential election Constituency 3rd district
Polk administration, 1845–1849
Personal details
Taylor and Fillmore administrations, 1849–1852
Born April 12, 1777
Death Hanover County,
Ideology and slavery Virginia, U.S.
 American System Died June 29, 1852
Slavery and the Dupuy case (aged 75)
Washington, D.C., U.S.
Legacy
Historical reputation Political party Democratic-Republican
Monuments and memorials (1797–1825)
National Republican
See also
(1825–1833)
Notes Whig (1833–1852)
References Spouse(s) Lucretia Hart (m. 1799)
Works cited
Children 11, including Thomas,
Further reading Henry, James, John
Secondary sources
Education College of William &
Primary sources
Mary
External links Signature

Early life
Henry Clay was born on April 12, 1777, at the Clay
homestead in Hanover County, Virginia.[2] He was the seventh of nine children born to the Reverend John
Clay and Elizabeth (née Hudson) Clay.[3] Almost all of Henry's older siblings died before adulthood.[4] His
father, a Baptist minister nicknamed "Sir John", died in 1781, leaving Henry and his brothers two slaves
each; he also left his wife 18 slaves and 464 acres (188  ha) of land. [5] Clay was of entirely English
descent[6] and his ancestor, John Clay, settled in Virginia in 1613.[7] Clay was a distant cousin of Cassius
Clay, a prominent anti-slavery activist active in the mid-19th century.[8]

The British raided Clay's home shortly after the death of his father, leaving the family in a precarious
economic position.[9] However, the widow Elizabeth Clay married Captain Henry Watkins, who was an
affectionate stepfather and a successful planter.[10] Elizabeth would have seven more children with
Watkins, bearing a total of sixteen children.[11] After his mother's remarriage, the young Clay remained in
Hanover County, where he learned how to read and write.[10] In 1791, Henry Watkins moved the family to
Kentucky, joining his brother in the pursuit of fertile new lands in the West. However, Clay did not follow,
as Watkins secured his temporary employment in a Richmond emporium, with the promise that Clay would
receive the next available clerkship at the Virginia Court of Chancery.[12]

After Clay had worked at the Richmond emporium for a year, he obtained a clerkship that had become
available at the Virginia Court of Chancery. Clay adapted well to his new role, and his handwriting earned
him the attention of William & Mary professor George Wythe, a signer of the Declaration of Independence,
mentor of Thomas Jefferson, and judge on Virginia's High Court of Chancery.[13] Hampered by a crippled
hand, Wythe chose Clay as his secretary and amanuensis, a role in which Clay would remain for four
years.[14] While Clay studied under Wythe, Wythe had a powerful effect on Clay's worldview, with Clay
embracing Wythe's belief that the example of the United States could help spread human freedom around
the world.[15] Wythe subsequently arranged a position for Clay with the Virginia attorney general, Robert
Brooke, with the understanding that Brooke would finish Clay's legal studies.[16] After completing his
studies under Brooke, Clay was admitted to the Virginia Bar in 1797.[17]

Marriage and family

On April 11, 1799, Clay married Lucretia Hart (1781-1864) at the Hart home in Lexington, Kentucky. Her
father, Colonel Thomas Hart, was an early settler of Kentucky and a prominent businessman.[18] Hart
proved to be an important business connection for Clay, as he helped Clay gain new clients and grow in
professional stature.[19] Hart was the namesake and grand-uncle of Missouri Senator Thomas Hart Benton
and was also related to James Brown, a prominent Louisiana politician, and Isaac Shelby, the first governor
of Kentucky.[20] Henry and Lucretia would remain married until his death in 1852; she lived until 1864,
dying at the age of 83. Both are buried at Lexington Cemetery.[21]

Clay and Lucretia had eleven children (six daughters and five
sons):[22] Henrietta (born in 1800), Theodore (1802), Thomas
(1803), Susan (1805), Anne (1807), Lucretia (1809), Henry Jr.
(1811), Eliza (1813), Laura (1815), James (1817), and John (1821).
By 1835, all six daughters had died of varying causes, two when
very young, two as children, and the last two as young mothers.
Henry Jr. was killed while commanding a regiment at the Battle of
Buena Vista during the Mexican–American War. Clay's oldest son,
Theodore Wythe Clay, spent the second half of his life confined to
a psychiatric hospital. When a young child, Theodore was injured
by a blow to his head that fractured his skull. As he grew older his
Henry Clay and Lucretia (née Hart) condition devolved into insanity and from 1831 until his death in
1870 he was confined to an asylum in Lexington.[22][23] Thomas
(who had served some jail time in Philadelphia in 1829–1830)[22]
became a successful farmer, James established a legal practice (and later served in Congress), and John
(who in his mid-20s was also confined to the Asylum for a short time) became a successful horse
breeder.[24] Clay was also greatly interested in gambling, although he favored numerous restrictions and
legal limitations on it. Famously, he once won $40,000 (approximately $970,000 as of 2020).[25] Clay
asked for $500 (approximately $12,000 today), and waived the remainder of the debt. Shortly afterword,
Clay fell into a debt of $60,000 (approximately $1.5 million today[26]) whilst gambing with the same man,
who then asked for the $500 back and waived the rest of the debt.[27] After the deaths of Anne and Susan,
Clay and Lucretia raised several grandchildren at Ashland.[28]

They initially lived in downtown Lexington, but in 1804 they began building a plantation outside of
Lexington known as Ashland. The Ashland estate eventually encompassed over 500 acres (200 ha), with
numerous outbuildings such as a smokehouse, a greenhouse, and several barns. Clay owned a maximum of
about 50 slaves, and he planted crops like corn, wheat, and rye, as well as hemp, the chief crop of the
Bluegrass region.[29] Clay also took a strong interest in thoroughbred racing and imported livestock such as
Arabian horses, Maltese donkeys, and Hereford cattle.[30] Though Clay suffered some financial issues
during economic downturns, he never fell deeply into debt and ultimately left his children a large
inheritance.[31]

Early law and political career

Legal career

In November 1797, Clay relocated to Lexington, Kentucky, near where his parents and siblings resided.
The Bluegrass Region, with Lexington at its center, had quickly grown in the preceding decades but had
only recently stopped being under the threat of Native American raids. Lexington was an established town
that hosted Transylvania University, the first university west of the Appalachian Mountains.[32] Having
already passed the Virginia Bar, Clay quickly received a Kentucky license to practice law. After
apprenticing himself to Kentucky attorneys such as George Nicholas, John Breckinridge, and James
Brown, Clay established his own law practice, frequently working on
debt collections and land disputes.[33] Clay soon established a
reputation for strong legal ability and courtroom oratory. In 1805, he
was appointed to the faculty of Transylvania University, where he
taught, among others, future Kentucky Governor Robert P. Letcher
and Robert Todd, the future father-in-law of Abraham Lincoln.[34]

Clay's most notable client was Aaron Burr, who was indicted for
allegedly planning an expedition into Spanish territory west of the
View of Henry Clay's law office
Mississippi River. Clay and his law partner John Allen successfully
(1803–1810), Lexington,
defended Burr,[35] although Thomas Jefferson later convinced Clay
Kentucky
that Burr had been guilty of the charges.[36] Clay's legal career would
continue long after his election to Congress, and in the 1823 Supreme
Court case, Green v. Biddle, Clay submitted the Supreme Court's first amicus curiae.[37]

Early political career

Clay entered politics shortly after arriving in Kentucky. In his first political speech, he attacked the Alien
and Sedition Acts, laws passed by Federalists to suppress dissent during the Quasi-War with France.[38]
Like most Kentuckians, Clay was a member of the Democratic-Republican Party, but he clashed with state
party leaders over a state constitutional convention. Using the pseudonym "Scaevola" (in reference to
Gaius Mucius Scaevola), Clay advocated for direct elections for Kentucky elected officials and the gradual
emancipation of slavery in Kentucky. The 1799 Kentucky Constitution included the direct election of
public officials, but the state did not adopt Clay's plan for gradual emancipation.[39]

In 1803, Clay won election to the Kentucky House of Representatives.[40] His first legislative initiative was
the partisan gerrymander of Kentucky's Electoral College districts, which ensured that all of Kentucky's
presidential electors voted for President Thomas Jefferson in the 1804 presidential election.[41] Clay
clashed with legislators who sought to reduce the power of Clay's Bluegrass Region, and he unsuccessfully
advocated moving the state capitol from Frankfort to Lexington. Clay frequently opposed populist firebrand
Felix Grundy, and he helped defeat Grundy's effort to revoke the banking privileges of the state-owned
Kentucky Insurance Company. He advocated for the construction of internal improvements, which would
become a consistent theme throughout his public career.[41] Clay's influence in Kentucky state politics was
such that in 1806 the Kentucky legislature elected him to the United States Senate.[42][a] During his two-
month tenure in the Senate, Clay advocated for the construction of various bridges and canals, including a
canal connecting the Chesapeake Bay and the Delaware River.[45]

After Clay returned to Kentucky in 1807, he was elected as the speaker of the state house of
representatives.[46] That same year, in response to attacks on American shipping by Britain and France
during the Napoleonic Wars, President Jefferson arranged passage of the Embargo Act of 1807. In support
of Jefferson's policy, which limited trade with foreign powers, Clay introduced a resolution to require
legislators to wear homespun suits rather than those made of imported British broadcloth.[47] The vast
majority of members of the state house voted for the measure, but Humphrey Marshall, an "aristocratic
lawyer who possessed a sarcastic tongue," voted against it.[48] In early 1809, Clay challenged Marshall to a
duel, which took place on January 19.[49] While many contemporary duels were called off or fought
without the intention of killing one another, both Clay and Marshall fought the duel with the intent of
killing their opponent.[50] They each had three turns to shoot; both were hit by bullets, but both
survived.[48] Clay quickly recovered from his injury and received only a minor censure from the Kentucky
legislature.[51]
In 1810, U.S. Senator Buckner Thruston resigned to accept appointment to a position as a federal judge,
and Clay was selected by the legislature to fill Thruston's seat. Clay quickly emerged as a fierce critic of
British attacks on American shipping, becoming part of an informal group of "war hawks" who favored
expansionist policies.[52] He also advocated the annexation of West Florida, which was controlled by
Spain.[53] On the insistence of the Kentucky legislature, Clay helped prevent the re-charter of the First
Bank of the United States, arguing that it interfered with state banks and infringed on states' rights.[54] After
serving in the Senate for one year, Clay decided that he disliked the rules of the Senate and instead sought
election to the United States House of Representatives.[55] He won election unopposed in late 1810.[56]

Speaker of the House

Election and leadership

The 1810-11 elections produced many young, anti-British members of Congress who, like Clay, supported
going to war with Great Britain. Buoyed by the support of fellow war hawks, Clay was elected Speaker of
the House for the 12th Congress.[57] At 34, he was the youngest person to become speaker, a distinction he
held until the election of 30-year-old Robert M. T. Hunter in 1839.[58] He was also the first of only two
new members elected speaker to date,[b] the other being William Pennington in 1860.[59]

Between 1810 and 1824, Clay was elected to seven terms in the House.[60] His tenure was interrupted
from 1814 to 1815 when he was a commissioner to peace talks with the British in Ghent, United
Netherlands to end the War of 1812, and from 1821 to 1823, when he left Congress to rebuild his family's
fortune in the aftermath of the Panic of 1819.[61] Elected speaker six times, Clay's cumulative tenure in
office of 10 years, 196 days, is the second-longest after Sam Rayburn.[62]

As speaker, Clay wielded considerable power in making committee appointments, and, like many of his
predecessors, he assigned his allies to important committees. Clay was exceptional in his ability to control
the legislative agenda through well-placed allies and the establishment of new committees and departed
from precedent by frequently taking part in floor debates.[63] Yet he also gained a reputation for personal
courteousness and fairness in his rulings and committee appointments.[64] Clay's drive to increase the
power of the office of speaker was aided by President James Madison, who deferred to Congress in most
matters.[65] John Randolph, a member of the Democratic-Republican Party but also a member of the
"tertium quids" group that opposed many federal initiatives, emerged as a prominent opponent of Speaker
Clay.[66] While Randolph frequently attempted to obstruct Clay's initiatives, Clay became a master of
parliamentary maneuvers that enabled him to advance his agenda even over the attempted obstruction of
Randolph and others.[67][c]

Madison administration, 1811–1817

Clay and other House war hawks demanded that the British revoke the Orders in Council, a series of
decrees that had resulted in a de facto commercial war with the United States.[69] Though Clay recognized
the dangers inherent in fighting Britain, one of the most powerful countries in the world, he saw it as the
only realistic alternative to a humiliating submission to British attacks on American shipping.[70] Clay led a
successful effort in the House to declare war against Britain, complying with a request from President
Madison.[71] Madison signed the declaration of war on June 18, 1812, beginning the War of 1812. During
the war, Clay frequently communicated with Secretary of State James Monroe and Secretary of War
William Eustis, though he advocated for the replacement of the latter.[72] The war started poorly for the
Americans, and Clay lost friends and relatives in the fighting.[71] In October 1813, the British asked
Madison to begin negotiations in Europe, and Madison asked Clay to join his diplomatic team, as the
president hoped that the presence of the leading War Hawk would ensure support for an Anglo-American
peace treaty. Clay was reluctant to leave Congress but felt duty-bound to accept the offer, and so he
resigned from Congress on January 19, 1814.[73]

Clay left the country on February 25, but negotiations with the British did not begin until August 1814.
Clay was part of a team of five commissioners that also included Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin,
Senator James Bayard, ambassador Jonathan Russell, and ambassador John Quincy Adams, the nominal
head of the American team.[74] Clay and Adams maintained an uneasy relationship marked by frequent
clashes, and Gallatin emerged as the unofficial leader of the American commission.[75] When the British
finally presented their initial peace offer, Clay was outraged by its terms, especially the British proposal for
an Indian barrier state on the Great Lakes.[76] After a series of American military successes in 1814, the
British delegation made several concessions and offered a better peace deal.[77] While Adams and Gallatin
were eager to make peace as quickly as possible even if that required sub-optimal terms in the peace treaty,
Clay believed that the British, worn down by years of fighting against France, greatly desired peace with
the United States. Partly due to Clay's hard-line stance, the Treaty of Ghent included relatively favorable
terms for the United States, essentially re-establishing the status quo ante bellum between Britain and the
U.S. The treaty was signed on December 24, 1814, bringing a close to the War of 1812.[78] After the
signing of the treaty, Clay briefly traveled to London, where he helped Gallatin negotiate a commercial
agreement with Britain.[79]

Clay returned to the United States in September 1815; despite his absence, he had been elected to another
term in the House of Representatives. Upon his return to Congress, Clay won election as Speaker of the
House.[80] The War of 1812 strengthened Clay's support for interventionist economic policies such as
federally funded internal improvements, which he believed were necessary to improve the country's
infrastructure system.[81] He eagerly embraced President Madison's ambitious domestic package, which
included infrastructure investment, tariffs to protect domestic manufacturing, and spending increases for the
army and navy. With the help of John C. Calhoun and William Lowndes, Clay passed the Tariff of 1816,
which served the dual purpose of raising revenue and protecting American manufacturing.[82] To stabilize
the currency, Clay and Treasury Secretary Alexander Dallas arranged passage of a bill establishing the
Second Bank of the United States (also known as the national bank).[83] Clay also supported the Bonus
Bill of 1817, which would have provided a fund for internal improvements, but Madison vetoed the bill on
constitutional concerns.[84] Beginning in 1818, Clay advocated for an economic plan known as the
"American System," which encompassed many of the economic measures, including protective tariffs and
infrastructure investments, that he helped pass in the aftermath of the War of 1812.[85]

Monroe administration, 1817–1825

Like Jefferson and George Washington, President Madison decided to retire after two terms, leaving open
the Democratic-Republican nomination for the 1816 presidential election. At the time, the Democratic-
Republicans used a congressional nominating caucus to choose their presidential nominees, giving
congressmen a powerful role in the presidential selection process. Monroe and Secretary of War William
Crawford emerged as the two main candidates for the Democratic-Republican nomination. Clay had a
favorable opinion of both individuals, but he supported Monroe, who won the nomination and went on to
defeat Federalist candidate Rufus King in the general election.[86] Monroe offered Clay the position of
secretary of war, but Clay strongly desired the office of secretary of state, and was angered when Monroe
instead chose John Quincy Adams for that position.[87] Clay became so bitter that he refused to allow
Monroe's inauguration to take place in the House Chamber, and subsequently did not attend Monroe's
outdoor inauguration.[88]
In early 1819, a dispute erupted over the proposed statehood of
Missouri after New York Congressman James Tallmadge introduced a
legislative amendment that would provide for the gradual
emancipation of Missouri's slaves.[89] Though Clay had previously
called for gradual emancipation in Kentucky, he sided with the
Southerners in voting down Tallmadge's amendment.[90] Clay instead
supported Illinois Senator Jesse B. Thomas's compromise proposal in
which Missouri would be admitted as a slave state, Maine would be
admitted as a free state,[d] and slavery would be forbidden in the
territories north of 36° 30' parallel. Clay helped assemble a coalition
that passed the Missouri Compromise, as Thomas's proposal became
known.[91] Further controversy ensued when Missouri's constitution
banned free blacks from entering the state, but Clay was able to
engineer another compromise that allowed Missouri to join as a state in Portrait by Matthew Harris Jouett,
August 1821.[92] 1818

In foreign policy, Clay was a leading American supporter of the

independence movements and revolutions that broke out in Latin America beginning in 1810.[93] Clay
frequently called on the Monroe administration to recognize the fledgling Latin American republics, but
Monroe feared that doing so would derail his plans to acquire Spanish Florida.[94] In 1818, General
Andrew Jackson crossed into Spanish Florida to suppress raids by Seminole Indians.[95] Though Jackson
was following Monroe's implied wishes in entering Florida, he created additional controversy in seizing the
Spanish town of Pensacola. Despite protests from Secretary of War Calhoun, Monroe and Adams decided
to support Jackson's actions in the hope that they would convince Spain to sell Florida.[95] Clay, however,
was outraged, and he publicly condemned Jackson's decision to hang two foreign nationals without a trial.
Before the House chamber, he compared Jackson to military dictators of the past, telling his colleagues
"that Greece had her Alexander, Rome her Caesar, England her Cromwell, France her Bonaparte, and, that
if we would escape the rock on which they split, we must avoid their errors."[96] Jackson saw Clay's
protestations as an attack on his character, and thus began a long rivalry between Clay and Jackson.[96] The
rivalry and the controversy over Jackson's expedition temporarily subsided after the signing of the Adams–
Onís Treaty, in which the U.S. purchased Florida and delineated its western boundary with New Spain.[97]

1824 presidential election

By 1822, several members of the Democratic-

Republican Party had begun exploring
presidential bids to succeed Monroe, who planned
to retire after two terms like his predecessors.[98]
As the Federalist Party was near complete
collapse, the 1824 presidential election would be
contested only by members of the Democratic-
Republican Party, including Clay. Having led the
passage of the Tariff of 1824 and the General
Survey Act, Clay campaigned on his American
System of high tariffs and federal spending on Clay helped Adams win the 1825 contingent House
infrastructure.[99] Three members of Monroe's election after Clay failed to finish among the three
electoral vote-winners. States in orange voted for
Cabinet, Secretary of the Treasury William
Crawford, states in green for Adams, and states in blue
Crawford, Secretary of State John Quincy
for Jackson.
Adams, and Secretary of War John C. Calhoun,
appeared to be Clay's strongest competitors for
the presidency.[98] Though many, including Clay,
did not take his candidacy seriously at first, General Andrew Jackson emerged as a presidential contender,
eroding Clay's base of support in the western states.[100] In February 1824, the sparsely attended
Democratic-Republican congressional caucus endorsed Crawford's candidacy, but Crawford's rivals
ignored the caucus results, and various state legislatures nominated candidates for president.[101] During the
campaign, Crawford suffered a major stroke, while Calhoun withdrew from the race after Jackson won the
endorsement of the Pennsylvania legislature.[102]

By 1824, with Crawford still in the race, Clay concluded that no candidate would win a majority of
electoral votes; in that scenario, the House of Representatives would hold a contingent election to decide
the election. Under the terms of the Twelfth Amendment, the top three electoral vote-getters would be
eligible to be elected by the House. Clay was confident that he would prevail in a contingent held in the
chamber he presided over, so long as he was eligible for election.[103] Clay won Kentucky, Ohio, and
Missouri, but the failure of Clay's supporters in New York and Louisiana relegated him to a fourth-place
finish behind Adams, Jackson, and Crawford.[104] Clay was humiliated that he finished behind the invalid
Crawford and Jackson, but supporters of the three remaining presidential candidates immediately began
courting his support for the contingent election.[105]

For various reasons, supporters of all three candidates believed they had the best chance of winning Clay's
backing, but Clay quickly settled on supporting Adams.[106] Of the three candidates, Adams was the most
sympathetic to Clay's American System, and Clay viewed both Jackson and the sickly Crawford as
unsuitable for the presidency.[107] On January 9, 1825, Clay privately met with Adams for three hours,
after which Clay promised Adams his support; both would later claim that they did not discuss Clay's
position in an Adams administration.[108] With the help of Clay, Adams won the House vote on the first
ballot.[109] After his election, Adams offered Clay the position of Secretary of State, which Clay accepted,
despite fears that he would be accused of trading his support for the Cabinet post. Jackson was outraged by
the election, and he and his supporters accused Clay and Adams of having reached a "Corrupt
Bargain."[110] Pro-Jackson forces immediately began preparing for the 1828 presidential election, with the
Corrupt Bargain accusation becoming their central issue.[111]

Secretary of State
As secretary of state, Clay was the top foreign policy official in the
Adams administration, but he also held several domestic duties,
such as oversight of the patent office.[112] Clay came to like
Adams, a former rival, and to despise Jackson. They developed a
strong working relationship.[113] Adams and Clay were both wary
of forming entangling alliances with the emerging states, and they
continued to uphold the Monroe Doctrine, which called for
European non-intervention in former colonies.[114] Clay was
rebuffed in his efforts to reach a commercial treaty and a settlement
of the Canada–United States border with Britain, and was also
unsuccessful in his attempts to make the French pay for damages
arising from attacks on American shipping during the Napoleonic
Wars.[114] He had more success in negotiating commercial treaties
with Latin American republics, reaching "most favoured nation"
trade agreements in an attempt to ensure that no European country
had a trading advantage over the United States.[115] Seeking
deeper relations with Latin American countries, Clay strongly
favored sending American delegates to the Congress of Panama, Portrait of Henry Clay
but his efforts were defeated by opponents in Senate.[116]
Adams proposed an ambitious domestic program
based in large part on Clay's American System,
but Clay warned the president that many of his
proposals held little chance of passage in the 19th
Congress.[117] Adams's opponents defeated many
of his proposals, including the establishment of a
naval academy and a national observatory, but
Adams did preside over the construction or
initiation of major infrastructure projects like the
National Road and the Chesapeake and Ohio
Canal.[118] Followers of Adams began to call
Clay supported construction of the National Road, which
themselves National Republicans, and Jackson's
extended west from Cumberland, Maryland.
followers became known as Democrats.[119] Both
campaigns spread untrue stories about the
opposing candidates.[120] Adams followers
denounced Jackson as a demagogue, and some Adams-aligned papers accused Jackson's wife, Rachel
Jackson, of bigamy. Though Clay was not directly involved in these attacks, his failure to denounce them
earned him the lifelong enmity of Andrew Jackson.[121]

Clay was one of Adams's most important political advisers, but, due to his myriad responsibilities as
secretary of state, he was often unable to take part in campaigning.[122] As Adams was averse to the use of
patronage for political purposes, Jackson's campaign enjoyed a marked advantage in organization, and
Adams allies such as Clay and Daniel Webster were unable to create an equally powerful organization
headed by the president.[123] In the 1828 election, Jackson took 56 percent of the popular vote and won
almost every state outside of New England; Clay was especially distressed by Jackson's victory in
Kentucky. The election result represented not only the victory of a man Clay viewed as unqualified and
unprincipled but also a rejection of Clay's domestic policies.[124]

Later career

Jackson administration, 1829–1837

Return to the Senate

Even with Clay out of office, President Jackson continued to see

Clay as one of his major rivals, and Jackson at one point suspected
Clay of being behind the Petticoat affair, a controversy involving
the wives of his Cabinet members.[125] Clay strongly opposed the
1830 Indian Removal Act, which authorized the administration to
relocate Native Americans to land west of the Mississippi
River.[126] Another key point of contention between Clay and
Jackson was the proposed Maysville Road, which would connect
Maysville, Kentucky, to the National Road in Zanesville, Ohio;
transportation advocates hoped that later extensions would
eventually connect the National Road to New Orleans.[127] In
1830, Jackson vetoed the project both because he felt that the road Henry Clay, circa 1832
did not constitute interstate commerce, and also because he
generally opposed using the federal government to promote
economic modernization.[128] While Jackson's veto garnered support from opponents of infrastructure
spending, it damaged his base of support in Clay's home state of Kentucky.[129] Clay returned to federal
office in 1831 by winning election to the Senate over Richard Mentor Johnson in a 73 to 64 vote of the
Kentucky legislature.[130] His return to the Senate after 20 years, 8 months, 7 days out of office, marks the
fourth-longest gap in service to the chamber in history.[131]

Bank War and the 1832 presidential election

With the defeat of Adams, Clay became the de facto leader of the
National Republicans, and he began making preparations for a
presidential campaign in the 1832 election.[132] In 1831, Jackson
made it clear that he was going to run for re-election, ensuring that
support or opposition to his presidency would be a central feature
of the upcoming race.[133] Jackson's Democrats rallied around his
policies towards the national bank, internal improvements, Indian
removal, and nullification, but these policies also earned Jackson
various enemies, including Vice President John C. Calhoun.[134]
However, Clay rejected overtures from the fledgling Anti-Masonic
Party,[e] and his attempt to convince Calhoun to serve as his
running mate failed, leaving the opposition to Jackson split among Andrew Jackson defeated Clay in the
different factions.[136] Inspired by the Anti-Masonic Party's 1832 election
national convention, Clay's National Republican followers
arranged for a national convention that nominated Clay for
president.[137]

As the 1832 election approached, the debate over the re-authorization of the national bank emerged as the
most important issue in the campaign.[134] By the early 1830s, the national bank had become the largest
corporation in the United States, and banknotes issued by the national bank served as the de facto legal
tender of the United States.[138] Jackson disliked the national bank because of a hatred of both banks and
paper currency.[139] The bank's charter did not expire until 1836, but bank president Nicholas Biddle asked
for renewal in 1831, hoping that election year pressure and support from Secretary of the Treasury Louis
McLane would convince Jackson to allow the re-charter.[140] Biddle's application set off the "Bank War";
Congress passed a bill to renew the national bank's charter, but Jackson vetoed it, holding the bank to be
unconstitutional.[141] Clay had initially hoped that the national bank re-charter would work to his
advantage, but Jackson's allies seized on the issue, redefining the 1832 election as a choice between the
president and a "monied oligarchy."[142] Ultimately, Clay was unable to defeat a popular sitting president.
Jackson won 219 of the 286 electoral votes and 54.2% of the popular vote, carrying almost every state
outside of New England.[143]

Nullification Crisis

The high rates of the Tariff of 1828 and the Tariff of 1832 angered many Southerners because they resulted
in higher prices for imported goods.[144] After the 1832 election, South Carolina held a state convention
that declared the tariff rates of 1828 and 1832 to be nullified within the state, and further declared that
federal collection of import duties would be illegal after January 1833.[145] In response to this Nullification
Crisis, Jackson issued his Proclamation to the People of South Carolina, which strongly denied the right of
states to nullify federal laws or secede.[146] He asked Congress to pass what became known as the Force
Bill, which would authorize the president to send federal soldiers against South Carolina if it sought to
nullify federal law.[147]
Though Clay favored high tariff rates, he found Jackson's strong rhetoric against South Carolina distressing
and sought to avoid a crisis that could end in civil war.[144] He proposed a compromise tariff bill that would
lower tariff rates, but do so gradually, thereby giving manufacturing interests time to adapt to less protective
rates. Clay's compromise tariff won the backing of both manufacturers, who believed they would not
receive a better deal, and Calhoun, who sought a way out of the crisis but refused to work with President
Jackson's supporters on an alternative tariff bill.[148] Though most members of Clay's own National
Republican Party opposed it, the Tariff of 1833 passed both houses of Congress. Jackson simultaneously
signed the tariff bill and the Force bill, and South Carolina leaders accepted the new tariff, effectively
bringing the crisis to an end. Clay's role in resolving the crisis brought him renewed national stature in the
wake of a crushing presidential election defeat, and some began referring to him as the "Great
Compromiser."[149]

Formation of the Whig Party

Following the end of the Nullification Crisis in March 1833, Jackson renewed his offensive against the
national bank, despite some opposition from within his own Cabinet.[150] Jackson and Secretary of the
Treasury Roger Taney pursued a policy of removing all federal deposits from the national bank and placing
them in state-chartered banks known as "pet banks."[151] Because federal law required the president to
deposit federal revenue in the national bank so long as it was financially stable, many regarded Jackson's
actions as illegal, and Clay led the passage of a Senate motion censuring Jackson.[152] Nonetheless, the
national bank's federal charter expired in 1836, and though the institution continued to function under a
Pennsylvania charter, it never regained the influence it had had at the beginning of Jackson's
administration.[153]

The removal of deposits helped unite Jackson's opponents into one party for the first time, as National
Republicans, Calhounites, former Democrats, and members of the Anti-Masonic Party coalesced into the
Whig Party.[154] The term "Whig" originated from a speech Clay delivered in 1834, in which he compared
opponents of Jackson to the Whigs, a British political party opposed to absolute monarchy.[155] Neither the
Whigs nor the Democrats were unified geographically or ideologically. However, Whigs tended to favor a
stronger legislature, a stronger federal government, a higher tariff, greater spending on infrastructure, re-
authorization of the Second Bank of the United States, and publicly funded education. Conversely,
Democrats tended to favor a stronger president, stronger state governments, lower tariffs, hard money, and
expansionism. Neither party took a strong national stand on slavery.[156] The Whig base of support lay in
wealthy businessmen, professionals, the professional class, and large planters, while the Democratic base of
support lay in immigrant Catholics and yeomen farmers, but each party appealed across class lines.[157]

Partly due to grief over the death of his daughter, Anne, Clay chose not to run in the 1836 presidential
election, and the Whigs were too disorganized to nominate a single candidate.[158] Three Whig candidates
ran against Van Buren: General William Henry Harrison, Senator Hugh Lawson White, and Senator Daniel
Webster. By running multiple candidates, the Whigs hoped to force a contingent election in the House of
Representatives. Clay personally preferred Webster, but he threw his backing behind Harrison who had the
broadest appeal among voters. Clay's decision not to endorse Webster opened a rift between the two Whig
party leaders, and Webster would work against Clay in future presidential elections.[159] Despite the
presence of multiple Whig candidates, Van Buren won the 1836 election with 50.8 percent of the popular
vote and 170 of the 294 electoral votes.[160]

Van Buren administration, 1837–1841

Van Buren's presidency was affected badly by the
Panic of 1837, a major recession that badly damaged
the Democratic Party.[161] Clay and other Whigs
argued that Jackson's policies, including the use of
pet banks, had encouraged speculation and caused
the panic.[162] He promoted the American System as
a means for economic recovery, but President Van
Buren's response focused on the practice of "strict
economy and frugality."[163] As the 1840
presidential election approached, many expected that
the Whigs would win control of the presidency due
to the ongoing economic crisis.[164] Clay initially Clay (brown) won the backing of several state
viewed Webster as his strongest rival,[165] but Clay, delegations on the first ballot of the 1839 Whig
Harrison, and General Winfield Scott emerged as the National Convention, but William Henry Harrison
principal candidates at the 1839 Whig National ultimately won the party's presidential nomination.
Convention.[166]

Though he was widely regarded as the most qualified Whig leader to serve as president, many Whigs
questioned Clay's electability after two presidential election defeats. He also faced opposition in the North
due to his ownership of slaves and lingering association with the Freemasons, and in the South from Whigs
who distrusted his moderate stance on slavery.[167] Clay won a plurality on the first ballot of the Whig
National Convention, but, with the help of Thurlow Weed and other backers, Harrison consolidated
support on subsequent ballots and won the Whig presidential nomination on the fifth ballot of the
convention.[168][f] Seeking to placate Clay's supporters and to balance the ticket geographically, the
convention chose former Virginia Governor and Senator John Tyler, a personal friend of Clay, whose
previous career in the Democratic Party had practically come to an end, as the vice-presidential
nominee.[170] Clay was disappointed by the outcome but helped Harrison's ultimately successful campaign
by delivering numerous speeches.[171] With Whigs also winning control of Congress in the 1840 elections,
Clay saw the upcoming 27th Congress as an opportunity for the Whig Party to establish itself as the
dominant political party by leading the country out of recession.[172]

Harrison and Tyler administrations, 1841–1845

President-elect Harrison asked Clay to serve another term as Secretary of State, but Clay chose to remain in
Congress. Webster was instead chosen as Secretary of State, while John J. Crittenden, a close ally of Clay,
was chosen as Attorney General.[173] As Harrison prepared to take office, Clay and Harrison clashed over
the leadership of the Whig Party, with Harrison sensitive to accusations that he would answer to Clay.[174]
Just a month into his presidency, Harrison died of an illness and was succeeded by Vice President John
Tyler.[175] Tyler retained Harrison's Cabinet, but the former Democrat and avid follower of both Jefferson's
and Jackson's philosophy quickly made it known that he had reservations about re-establishing a national
bank, a key priority of Clay's.[176] Clay nonetheless initially expected that Tyler would approve the
measures passed by the Whig-controlled Congress; his priorities included the re-establishment of the
national bank, higher tariff rates, a national bankruptcy law, and an act to distribute the proceeds of land
sales to the states for investments in infrastructure and education. Clay and his congressional allies
attempted to craft a national bank bill acceptable to Tyler, but Tyler vetoed two separate bills to re-establish
the national bank, showing that he in fact had no will to reach a solution for the party's issues. Clay and
other Whig leaders were now outraged not only by Tyler's rejection of the Whig party platform but also
because they felt that Tyler had purposely misled them into thinking that he would sign the bills.[177]
After the second veto, congressional Whigs voted to expel Tyler from the party, and on Clay's request,
every Cabinet member except for Webster, who wanted to continue negotiating the Webster-Ashburton
Treaty with Great Britain about the border to Canada, resigned from office.[178] This made Tyler
increasingly move closer to his former Democratic Party and, with Webster still serving in the Tyler
administration, Clay emerged as the clear leader of the Whig Party.[179] In early 1842, Clay resigned from
the Senate after arranging for Crittenden to succeed him.[180] Though he vetoed other Whig bills, Tyler did
sign some Whig priorities into law, including the Preemption Act of 1841, which distributed the proceeds
of land sales to the states, and the Bankruptcy Act of 1841, which was the first law in U.S. history that
allowed for voluntary bankruptcy.[181] Facing a large budget deficit, Tyler also signed the Tariff of 1842,
which restored the protective rates of the Tariff of 1832 but ended the distribution policy that had been
established with the Preemption Act of 1841.[182]

1844 presidential election

President Tyler's break with the Whig Party, combined with

Webster's continuing affiliation with Tyler, positioned Clay as the
leading contender for the Whig nomination in the 1844 presidential
election.[183] By 1842, most observers believed that Clay would
face Van Buren in the 1844 presidential election, as he had still
remained as the clear leader of the Democrats and, following the
tradition of the founders, wanted a second term.[184] Hoping to win
another term, President Tyler forged an alliance with John C.
Calhoun and pursued the annexation of the Republic of Texas,
which would add another slave state to the union.[185] After
President Tyler concluded an annexation treaty with Texas, Clay
announced his opposition to annexation.[186] He argued that the James K. Polk defeated Clay in the
country needed "union, peace, and patience," and annexation 1844 election.
would bring tensions over slavery and war with Mexico. The same
day that Clay published a letter opposing the annexation of Texas,
Van Buren also came out against annexation, citing similar reasons as Clay, so that slavery and especially
expansionism seemed to play no role in the next election.[187][g] Clay unanimously won the presidential
nomination at the 1844 Whig National Convention, but a minority of expansionist Southern Democrats,
encouraged by Tyler's alternative outline, blocked Van Buren's nomination at the 1844 Democratic
National Convention for countless ballots, until Van Buren withdrew, making place for an unexpected
compromise candidate: The party nominated former Speaker of the House James K. Polk of Tennessee,
who favored annexation but in order to calm down anti-expansionists promised to just run for a single
term.[189] Following the nomination of a pro-annexation Democrat, Tyler soon ended his incipient
independent run for president and endorsed Polk.[190]

Clay was surprised by Van Buren's defeat but remained confident of his chances in the 1844 election.[191]
Polk was the first "dark horse" presidential nominee in U.S. history, and Whigs mocked him as a "fourth
rate politician." Despite his relative lack of national stature, Polk proved to be a strong candidate capable of
uniting the factions of the Democratic Party and winning the support of Southerners who had been
reluctant to support Van Buren.[192] Clay's stance on slavery alienated some voters in both the North and
the South. Pro-slavery Southerners flocked to Polk, while many Northern abolitionists, who tended to align
with the Whig Party, favored James G. Birney of the Liberty Party.[193] Clay's opposition to annexation
damaged his campaign in the South, as Democrats argued that he worked in unison with Northerners to
stop the extension of slavery.[194] In July, Clay wrote two letters in which he attempted to clarify his
position on the annexation of Texas, and Democrats attacked his supposedly inconsistent position.[195]
Polk won the election, taking 49.5% of the popular vote and 170 of the 275 electoral votes.[196][h] Birney
won several thousand anti-annexation votes in New York, and his presence in the race may have cost Clay
the election.[197] Most of Clay's contemporaries believed that annexation had been the decisive issue in the
race, but Polk's savvy campaigning on the tariff may have also been decisive, as he narrowly won pro-tariff
Pennsylvania after downplaying his anti-tariff views.[198] After Polk's victory and the final indirect success
of Tyler's strategy, Congress approved the annexation of Texas, which was signed by Tyler on his last day
in office, and Texas gained statehood in late 1845.[199]

Polk administration, 1845–1849

After the 1844 election, Clay

returned to his career as an
attorney.[200] Though he was no
longer a member of Congress, he
remained closely interested in
national politics. In 1846, the
Mexican–American War broke
out after American and Mexican Clay (brown) won the backing of
forces clashed at the disputed numerous delegates on the first
border region between Mexico ballot of the 1848 Whig National
and Texas. Initially, Clay did not Convention, but Zachary Taylor
publicly oppose the war, but ultimately won the party's
Henry Clay Jr., who died
privately he saw it as an immoral presidential nomination.
serving in the Mexican–
war that risked producing "some
American War
military chieftain who will
conquer us all."[201] He suffered a personal blow in 1847 when his son,
Henry Clay Jr., died at the Battle of Buena Vista.[202] In November 1847, Clay re-emerged on the political
scene with a speech that was harshly critical of the Mexican–American War and President Polk.[203] He
attacked Polk for fomenting the conflict with Mexico and urged the rejection of any treaty that added new
slave territory to the United States. Months after the speech, the Senate ratified the Treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo, in which Mexico ceded hundreds of thousands of square miles of territory known as the Mexican
Cession.[204]

By 1847, General Zachary Taylor, who commanded the American forces at Buena Vista, had emerged as a
contender for the Whig nomination in the 1848 presidential election.[205] Despite Taylor's largely unknown
political views, many Whigs believed he was the party's strongest possible candidate due to his martial
accomplishments in the Mexican–American War.[206] One of Clay's most trusted allies and advisers, John
J. Crittenden, was Taylor's de facto campaign manager.[207] Clay had initially told his allies that he would
not run in the 1848 presidential election, but he was unwilling to support Taylor, a "mere military man." On
April 10, 1848, he announced his candidacy for the Whig nomination.[208] Although Webster and Winfield
Scott each commanded a limited base of support in the party, Taylor and Clay each saw the other as their
lone serious rival for the Whig nomination.[209] As Taylor commanded the support of most Southern
Whigs, Clay focused his efforts on courting Northern Whigs, emphasizing his opposition to the Mexican–
American War and his life-long support for the gradual emancipation of slaves in Kentucky.[210] Clay
presented a strong challenge to Taylor at the 1848 Whig National Convention, but Taylor won the
presidential nomination on the fourth ballot. Partially in an attempt to please the Clay wing of the party, the
convention nominated Millard Fillmore as Taylor's running mate.[211] Clay was embittered by his failure at
the convention, and he did not campaign on behalf of Taylor. Nonetheless, Taylor won the election, taking
47.3 percent of the popular vote and 163 of 290 electoral votes.[212]
Taylor and Fillmore administrations, 1849–1852

Increasingly worried about the sectional

tensions arising over the issue of slavery in
newly acquired territories, Clay accepted
election to the Senate in 1849.[213] Having
refused to campaign for Taylor, Clay played
little role in the formation of Taylor's Cabinet
or in determining the new administration's
policies.[214] In January 1850, with Congress
still deadlocked regarding the status of the
Mexican Cession, Clay proposed a
compromise designed to organize territory
acquired in the Mexican–American War and
address other issues contributing to sectional The United States after the ratification of the Treaty of
tensions.[215] His legislative package included Guadalupe Hidalgo, with the Mexican Cession still
the admission of California as a free state, the unorganized
cession by Texas of some of its northern and
western territorial claims in return for debt
relief, the establishment of New Mexico and
Utah territories, a ban on the importation of
slaves into the District of Columbia for sale,
and a more stringent fugitive slave law.[216]
Though it faced opposition from Southern
extremists like Calhoun and Northern
abolitionists like William Seward, Clay's
proposal won the backing of many Southern
and Northern leaders.[217]

President Taylor, who favored the immediate

admission of California and New Mexico as The United States after the Compromise of 1850
free states without any attached conditions,
opposed the plan, and Clay openly broke with
the president in May 1850.[218] Debate over Clay's proposal continued into July when Taylor unexpectedly
died of an illness.[219] After Taylor's death, President Fillmore, who supported Clay's compromise bill,
consulted with Clay in appointing a new Cabinet.[220] Exhausted by the debate in the Senate, Clay took a
leave of absence shortly after Taylor's death, but Fillmore, Webster, and Democratic Senator Stephen A.
Douglas took charge of pro-compromise forces. By the end of September 1850, Clay's proposal, which
became known as the Compromise of 1850, had been enacted. Though contemporaries credited Fillmore,
Douglas, and Webster for their role in passing the Compromise of 1850, Clay was widely regarded as the
key figure in ending a major sectional crisis.[221]

Death
In December 1851, with his health declining, Clay announced that he would resign from the Senate the
following September.[222] He never recovered from his illnesses, and on June 29, 1852, Clay died of
tuberculosis in Washington, D.C., at the age of 75 in his room at the National Hotel.[223] He was the first
person to lie in state in the United States Capitol rotunda.[224][225]

Clay's headstone reads: "I know no North—no South—no East—no West". Hymn writer Fanny Crosby
penned this line of lament on Clay's death:
 Sleep on, oh, statesman, sleep
Within thy hallowed tomb,
Where pearly streamlets glide,
And summer roses bloom.[226]

Ideology and slavery

American System

Throughout most of his political life, Clay promoted his American

System as both an economic program and a means for unifying the
country. Clay's American System rejected strict constructionism in
favor of an activist government that would help ensure a fairer and
more efficient distribution of economic gains. The American
System had four key tenets: high tariffs, a stable financial system,
federal investment in internal improvements, and a public land sale
policy designed to raise revenue and provide for carefully managed
expansion into the American frontier.[227] Through high tariffs,
Clay hoped to free the United States from dependence on foreign
imports, especially from Britain.[228] Clay sought to ensure a stable Henry Clay monument and
financial system through support for the national bank, which mausoleum, Lexington Cemetery
regulated the country's banking system and helped ensure a
consistent supply of credit.[229] Clay's support for federally
financed internal improvements stemmed from his belief that only the federal government could construct
the transportation system necessary for uniting the country commercially and culturally.[230] His land policy
focused on using revenue from land sales to fund money to the states, which could then invest that money
in education, infrastructure projects, and other priorities.[231]

Slavery and the Dupuy case

Clay inherited slaves as a young child,[5] and he continued to own slaves throughout his life. However, in
the 1790s, he adopted antislavery views under the influence of his mentor George Wythe.[232] Like most of
his contemporaries, Clay was not a racial egalitarian and never called for the immediate abolition of slavery,
but he viewed slavery as a "grievous wrong to the slave" and spoke in favor of equal treatment for free
blacks.[233] Early in his career, Clay favored gradual emancipation in both Kentucky and Missouri, but
each state rejected plans that would have provided for gradual emancipation.[234] Clay continued to support
gradual emancipation throughout his career and published an open letter in 1849 calling for gradual
emancipation in Kentucky.[235] Unlike many other Southern leaders, he consistently favored recognition of
Haiti, which had been established through a slave revolt.[236]

In 1816, Clay helped establish the American Colonization Society, a group that wanted to establish a
colony for free American blacks in Africa. The group was made up of abolitionists who wanted to end
slavery and slaveholders who wanted to deport free blacks.[237] Clay's support for colonization reflected
his belief that a multiracial society was ultimately unworkable, both for whites and free blacks.[238] Later in
his career, Clay became increasingly concerned about abolitionism, remarking that "the ultraism of the
South on the one hand [...] and the ultraism of abolition on the other" represented the greatest threat to the
Union. Nonetheless, he consistently defended the right of abolitionists to send materials through the mail
and opposed the gag rule, which limited congressional debate on slavery.[239]
Many contemporaries, including anti-slavery activist James G. Birney, believed that Clay's home state of
Kentucky had the most permissive slave laws of any slave state. Clay considered himself to be a "good"
master, and biographer James C. Klotter concludes that Clay took actions, such as keeping families
together, to mitigate the harshness of slavery. Klotter also concludes that there is no evidence that Clay ever
had an affair with any of his slaves. Yet, as Clay himself wrote, "here in Kentucky slavery is in its most
mitigated form, still it is slavery."[240] In 1829, Clay's slave, Charlotte Dupuy, sued for her freedom while
visiting relatives in Maryland. Dupuy's attorney gained an order from the court for her to remain in
Washington until the case was settled, and she worked for wages for 18 months for Martin Van Buren,
Clay's successor as secretary of state.[241] The case embarrassed Clay politically and personally, but he
ultimately prevailed in court. After winning the case, Clay sent Dupuy to New Orleans, causing her to be
away from her own family, but he later freed Dupuy and two of her children.[242] Clay's will freed all the
slaves he held at the time of his death.[222]

Legacy

Historical reputation

Clay's Whig Party collapsed four years after his death, but Clay cast a long shadow over the generation of
political leaders that presided over the Civil War. Mississippi Senator Henry S. Foote stated his opinion that
"had there been one such man in the Congress of the United States as Henry Clay in 1860-'61 there would,
I feel sure, have been no civil war".[243][244] Clay's protege and fellow Kentuckian, John J. Crittenden,
attempted to keep the Union together with the formation of the Constitutional Union Party and the
proposed Crittenden Compromise. Though Crittenden's efforts were unsuccessful, Kentucky remained in
the Union during the Civil War, reflecting in part Clay's continuing influence.[245] Abraham Lincoln was a
great admirer of Clay, saying he was "my ideal of a great man." Lincoln wholeheartedly supported Clay's
economic programs and, prior to the Civil War, held similar stances about slavery and the Union.[246] Some
historians have argued that a Clay victory in the 1844 election would have prevented both the Mexican-
American War and the American Civil War.[247]

Clay is generally regarded as one of the important political figures of his era.[248] Most historians and
political scientists consider Clay to be one of the most influential speakers of the house in U.S. history.[249]
In 1957, a Senate Committee selected Clay as one of the five greatest U.S. senators, along with Daniel
Webster, John C. Calhoun, Robert La Follette, and Robert A. Taft.[250] A 1986 survey of historians ranked
Clay as the greatest senator in U.S. history, while a 2006 survey of historians ranked Clay as the 31st-most
influential American of all time.[251] A 1998 poll of historians ranked Clay as the most qualified
unsuccessful major party presidential nominee in U.S. history.[252] In 2015, political scientist Michael G.
Miller and historian Ken Owen ranked Clay as one of the four most influential American politicians who
never served as president, alongside Alexander Hamilton, William Jennings Bryan, and John C.
Calhoun.[253] Noting Clay's influence over the United States in the last three decades of his life, biographer
James Klotter writes that "perhaps posterity should no longer call it the Jacksonian Era ... and instead term
it the Clay Era."[254]

Monuments and memorials

Many monuments, memorials, and even high schools have been erected and named in honor of Clay.
Sixteen counties, one each in Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota,
Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, and West Virginia, are
named for Clay. Communities named for Clay include Clay, Kentucky, Claysville, Alabama and
Claysville, Pennsylvania. The United States Navy named a submarine, the USS Henry Clay, in his honor.
Several statues honor Clay, including one of Kentucky's two
statues in the National Statuary Hall Collection. Clay's estate
of Ashland is a National Historic Landmark. The Decatur
House, Clay's home in Washington, D.C., during his tenure
as secretary of state, is also a National Historic Landmark.
Due to his involvement in the American Colonization
Society, a town in the newly formed Liberia in West Africa
was named Clay-Ashland after Henry Clay and where the
freed slaves from Kentucky emigrated to.

See also Clay's estate, Ashland, in Lexington,

Kentucky
An Act for the Admission of the State of California
List of slave owners
List of United States Congress members who died in office (1790–1899)

Notes
a. When elected by the legislature, Clay was below the constitutionally required age of
thirty.[43] It is unclear whether the state legislature or Clay himself knew that he did not meet
the Senate's age requirement at the time, though he did know of the issue later in his
career.[44] Such an age qualification issue has occurred with only three other U.S. Senators:
Armistead Thomson Mason, John Jordan Crittenden, and John Eaton.
b. The speaker during the 1st Congress, Frederick Muhlenberg, was technically also a new
member.
c. The Clay–Randolph rivalry eventually escalated into a duel in 1826, the second of two duels
fought by Clay, and ended with both parties unhurt.[68]
d. Maine was part of Massachusetts prior to gaining statehood.
e. Though it adopted other policy issues, the Anti-Masonic Party strongly opposed the
influence of Freemasonry; Jackson and Clay were both Freemasons. Though he not been
active Freemason since 1824, Clay refused to openly condemn the organization.[135]
f. During the balloting, Clay and Scott played cards with Whig politicians John J. Crittenden
and George Evans at the Astor House hotel in New York City. When the group received
word of Harrison's victory, Clay blamed his loss on Scott and struck him, with the blow
landing on the shoulder which had been wounded during Scott's participation in the Battle of
Lundy's Lane. Afterwards Clay had to be physically removed from the hotel room. Scott then
sent Crittenden to Clay with Scott's challenge for a duel, but Crittenden reconciled them by
convincing Clay to apologize.[169]
g. Some writers have come to the conclusion that Clay and Van Buren had reached an
agreement to jointly oppose annexation, but Klotter writes that "no real evidence" supports
this conclusion.[188]
h. Clay received a significant share of the presidential electoral vote in three separate
elections, a feat matched only by John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Grover
Cleveland, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Richard Nixon, and William Jennings Bryan, with only the
latter (like Clay) failing to ever win a presidential election.

References
1. D. A. Smith, Presidents from Adams Through Polk, 1825–1849 (Santa Barbara: Greenwood
 Press, 2005), p. 12 (https://books.google.com/books?id=xmS9L21ma0oC&pg=PA12).
2. Eaton 1957, p. 5.
3. Van Deusen 1937, p. 4.
4. Heidler, David S. & Jeanne T. Henry Clay: the Essential American. pp. 4–5.
5. Eaton 1957, pp. 6–7.
6. Remini 1991, pp. xxiv, 4.
7. Heidler & Heidler, 4-5 2010.
8. Klotter 2018, p. 309.
9. Heidler & Heidler 2010, pp. 9–10.
10. Heidler & Heidler 2010, pp. 11–13.
11. Eaton 1957, p. 6.
12. Heidler & Heidler 2010, pp. 13–15.
13. Heidler & Heidler 2010, pp. 19–20.
14. Eaton 1957, p. 7.
15. Heidler & Heidler 2010, pp. 20–21.
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Further reading

Secondary sources
Apple, Lindsey (2011). The Family Legacy of Henry Clay: In the Shadow of a Kentucky
Patriarch. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 978-0813134109.
Baxter, Maurice (1995). Henry Clay and the American System. University Press of Kentucky.
ISBN 978-0813119199.
Baxter, Maurice (2000). Henry Clay the Lawyer (https://archive.org/details/henryclaylawyer0
0baxt). University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 978-0813121475.
Bordewich, Fergus M. (2012). America's Great Debate: Henry Clay, Stephen A. Douglas,
and the Compromise That Preserved the Union. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1439124604.
Brands, H. W. (2018). Heirs of the Founders: The Epic Rivalry of Henry Clay, John Calhoun
and Daniel Webster, the Second Generation of American Giants. Knopf Doubleday
Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0385542548.
Brown, Thomas (1985). Politics and Statesmanship: Essays on the American Whig Party.
Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0231056021.
Greenberg, Amy S. (2012). A Wicked War: Polk, Clay, Lincoln, and the 1846 U.S. Invasion of
Mexico. Knopf. ISBN 978-0307592699.
 King, Quentin Scott (2014). Henry Clay and the War of 1812. McFarland. ISBN 978-
1476613901.
Klotter, James C. Henry Clay: The Man Who Would Be President (Oxford UP, 2018) online
review (http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=53457)
Knupfer, Peter B. (1991). The Union As It Is: Constitutional Unionism and Sectional
Compromise, 1787–1861. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0807819968.
Mayo, Bernard (1937). Henry Clay: Spokesman of the New West. Houghton Mifflin.
OCLC 35020339 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/35020339).
Meyer, Jeff (2002). "Henry Clay's Legacy to Horse Breeding and Racing". The Register of
the Kentucky Historical Society. 100 (4): 473–496. JSTOR 23384634 (https://www.jstor.org/s
table/23384634).
Paulus, Sarah Bischoff (2014). "America's Long Eulogy for Compromise: Henry Clay and
American Politics, 1854–58". Journal of the Civil War Era. 4 (1): 28–52.
doi:10.1353/cwe.2014.0014 (https://doi.org/10.1353%2Fcwe.2014.0014). JSTOR 26062123
(https://www.jstor.org/stable/26062123). S2CID 154139588 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/
CorpusID:154139588).
Peterson, Merrill D. (1987). The Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun (https://archi
ve.org/details/greattriumvirate00merr). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195038774.
Poage, George Rawlings (1936). Henry Clay and the Whig Party. University of North
Carolina Press. OCLC 611501 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/611501).
Ratcliffe, Donald (2015). The One-Party Presidential Contest. University Press of Kansas.
ISBN 978-0700621309.
Remini, Robert V. (2010). At the Edge of the Precipice: Henry Clay and the Compromise
That Saved the Union (https://archive.org/details/atedgeofprecipic0000remi). Basic Books.
ISBN 978-0465012886.
Schurz, Carl. Life of Henry Clay, 2 vols., 1899.
Schurz, Carl (1911). "Clay, Henry"  (https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/1911_Encyclop%C3%A6d
ia_Britannica/Clay,_Henry). In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.).
Cambridge University Press.
Strahan, Randall (2007). Leading Representatives: The Agency of Leaders in the Politics of
the U.S. House. Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0801886904.
Unger, Harlow Giles (2015). Henry Clay: America's Greatest Statesman. Da Capo Press.
ISBN 978-0306823923.
Watson, Harry L. (1998). Watson, Harry L. (ed.). Andrew Jackson vs. Henry Clay: Democracy
and Development in Antebellum America. Bedford/St. Martin's. ISBN 978-0312112134.
Wood, Gordon S. (2009). Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789–1815 (http
s://archive.org/details/empireoflibertyh00wood). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-
0199741090.
Zarefsky, David (2003). "Henry Clay and the Election of 1844: the Limits of a Rhetoric of
Compromise". Rhetoric & Public Affairs. 6 (1): 79–96. doi:10.1353/rap.2003.0040 (https://doi.
org/10.1353%2Frap.2003.0040). JSTOR 41939810 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/41939810).
S2CID 143245070 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:143245070).

Primary sources
Clay, Henry. The Papers of Henry Clay, 1797–1852. Edited by James Hopkins, Mary
Hargreaves, Robert Seager II, Melba Porter Hay et al. 11 vols. University Press of Kentucky,
1959–1992. vol 1 online, 1797–1814 (https://web.archive.org/web/20160113001042/http://te
ra-3.ul.cs.cmu.edu/cgi-bin/reader.pl?call=31007&search=)
 Clay, Henry. Works of Henry Clay, 7 vols. (1897) online free (https://archive.org/search.php?
query=title%3A%28works%20clay%29)

External links
Henry Clay Center for Statesmanship (HenryClayCS.org) (https://web.archive.org/web/2018
0319171347/http://henryclaycs.org/)
Clay's Ashland Home web site (https://archive.today/19990209094725/http://www.henryclay.
org/mansion.htm), (HenryClay.org)
Henry Clay: A Resource Guide (https://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/clay/) from the Library of
Congress
Works by Henry Clay (https://www.gutenberg.org/author/Clay,+Henry) at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Henry Clay (https://archive.org/search.php?query=%28%28subject%3A%
22Clay%2C%20Henry%22%20OR%20subject%3A%22Henry%20Clay%22%20OR%20cre
ator%3A%22Clay%2C%20Henry%22%20OR%20creator%3A%22Henry%20Clay%22%20
OR%20creator%3A%22Clay%2C%20H%2E%22%20OR%20title%3A%22Henry%20Clay%
22%20OR%20description%3A%22Clay%2C%20Henry%22%20OR%20description%3A%2
2Henry%20Clay%22%29%20OR%20%28%221777-1852%22%20AND%20Clay%29%2
9%20AND%20%28-mediatype:software%29) at Internet Archive
Works by Henry Clay (https://librivox.org/author/8682) at LibriVox (public domain
audiobooks)
Henry Clay (https://bioguideretro.congress.gov/Home/MemberDetails?memIndex=C000482)
- Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
A New Nation Votes: American Election Returns 1787–1825 (https://web.archive.org/web/20
110202214223/http://elections.lib.tufts.edu/aas_portal/index.xq) For Henry Clay's election
results.
Henry Clay Letters, 1825–1851 (https://archives.newberry.org/repositories/2/resources/45) at
the Newberry Library
Letters of Henry Clay (http://www.familytales.org/results.php?tla=hec)
Abraham Lincoln's Eulogy of Henry Clay (https://web.archive.org/web/20121108155451/htt
p://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=605) at Teaching American
History.Org (http://teachingamericanhistory.org/)
Appearances (https://www.c-span.org/person/?henryclay) on C-SPAN
"Henry Clay, Presidential Contender" (http://www.c-span.org/video/?301268-1/henry-cla
y-presidential-contender) from C-SPAN's The Contenders
Guide to the Henry Clay Letters, 1801–1843 (http://exploreuk.uky.edu/catalog/xt78pk06x73c/
guide) housed at the University of Kentucky Libraries Special Collections Research Center
Guide to the Henry Clay Memorial Foundation papers (http://exploreuk.uky.edu/catalog/xt75
1c1thm3n) housed at the University of Kentucky Libraries Special Collections Research
Center
Guide to the Henry Clay account book (https://exploreuk.uky.edu/catalog/xt75dv1cng2m),
housed at the University of Kentucky Libraries Special Collections Research Center
Media related to Henry Clay at Wikimedia Commons
Texts on Wikisource:
"Clay, Henry". The New Student's Reference Work. 1914.
Schurz, Carl (1900). "Clay, Henry". Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography.
Carl Schurz. Life of Henry Clay, 2 vols., 1899.
"Clay, Henry". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 5 (9th ed.). 1878.
 "Clay, Henry". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911.
George Pope Morris and Henry Russell wrote A Song for the Man (https://imslp.org/wiki/A_S
ong_for_the_Man_(Russell%2C_Henry)) in 1844 as a campaign song for Clay.

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