The Closing The Door of Ijtihad and The Application The Law'
The Closing The Door of Ijtihad and The Application The Law'
The Closing The Door of Ijtihad and The Application The Law'
and are fmding that relevant fiqh doctrines were scrupulously applied.
Still others are tracing extensive developments in fiqh law, in the inter-
stices of doctrine, and in genres of fiqh literature, particularly f h i w d ,
which are hierarchically lower than the muan,or basic texts of the legal
schools. Lastly, there are scholars studying Shari‘ah applications in tradi-
tional contemporary societies.
There is a single theme, I submit, that usefully integrates m r c h
into the law’s application: the profound tension or dialectic, apparently
endemic in the Islamic legal venture, between the ulema and the ruler.
While the former are the bearers and advocates of fiqh, the latter is the
inheritor of another principle-namely power-which is as indispensable
to the fulfillment of the Islamic legal ideal as is fiqh itself. The ruler’s
very indispensability lends him an indefeasible legitimacy, which can be
counteted by the ulema only with difficulty. Let us designate this legi-
timacy, as it concerns the operation of the legal system, by the ulema’s
own tetm: siydsuh. The structure of an Islamic legal system arises most
essentially from the complex interaction of these two legitimacies and
institutions-siyiisuh and ruler on the one hand, and fiqh and the ulema
on the other-as they enter into relations of cooperation and competition.
My suggestions here tun counter to the tendency in Muslim and non-
Muslim writings on fiqh to neglect the siydsuh principle found in the law.
For example, we often tepment all legislation and adjudication originat-
ing in siyhuh as “extra-Shati‘ah” by definition. This is to confuse fiqh
(the human endeavor to know God’s law, as represented in the work of
the ulema) with the Shari‘ah (the all-encompassing divine order for hu-
man life) and thereby to accept too uncritically the ulema’s own, some-
times partial, repmentation of the Shari‘ah legal system.
Drawing on such thoughts, I suggest that we augment efforts to
evaluate fiqh controversies, even those involving u$iiZ ulfiqh, for their
significance with regard to the law’s application. We should situate such
controversies within the theory of the legal system as a whole and also,
ideally, within the context of the particular Islamic legal system in ques-
tion. To this end, we must use all tools at our command, among them
fiqh theory (including the theory of qu&’ [adjudication], ijki’ [authorita-
tive opinion] and siyduh), historical explanation, as well as legal, com-
parative, and sociological method.
Turning to the “closing of the door of ijtihad,” I view this as an
example of a problem that is likely to benefit from the approachjust out-
lined. Let us begin with a rather obvious point: how natural, and how
seemingly necessary, the adoption of a theory like the “closing of the
door“ is to the operation of the Islamic legal system.
398 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 103
To appreciate this, recall the theory and the role of qa&’ in the
larger legal system. Books of fiqh strenuously make the point that qa&’
is tooted in ijtihad and that ijtihad provides the sole ground for the reli-
gious legitimacy of q&‘. Of the famous thtee q&f& of the hadith-of
whom two are in the Fire and one is in Paradise-what saves the latter
is his sincere ijtihad. The answer to the profound moral dilemma facing
the q&K-how to judge in the name of God’s justice when God‘s law is
uncertain (zm]-is nothing but ijtihad.
This belief that ijtihad is at the root of q&-’ has led to many pecu-
liar tenets associated with the theory of q&’. The most obvious one is
that the qddimust be qualified to practice ijtihad (mujtahid). If this is not
the case, his appointment is void, and so all of his judgments, even
if they are correct. Only the H m f i legal school disputes this view, for
it allows a lesser light to be appointed qddion the condition that he con-
sult one more knowledgeable.
A second tenet is that the q&ffmust be free to rule according to “that
to which his ijtihad leads him.” In the ardent search for God‘s truth that
is ijtihad, nothing but the revealed texts and the concrete facts of the case
ought to constrain the q&iCs conscience. If any other influence inter-
venes-such as a ruler’s command to apply such and such a rule-ijtihad
is not attained, the qddipetsonally risks hell-fire, and his judgment is
void. Likewise, past decisions or precedents, whether his own or some-
body else’s, cannot constrain him,for he is supposed to conduct a fresh
ijtihad for each case, no matter how mutine.
Ijtihad also determines a third tenek that no q&fihas priority over
any other in mattem of truth. Once a case has been decided by ijtihad, it
cannot be reversed by another authority.
If this conception of qa&i’-so idealizing, individualistic, multi-
farious, and unpredictable-were given full scope, Islamic legal systems
would face great practical difficulty. In fact, such complaints are recorded
very early in the ‘Abbikid era. In a famous treatise, Ibn a1 Muqaffa‘ (d.
c. 140 AH / 757 CE) protested the
He mmmmended to the caliph that the latter examine all of the conflict-
ing tulings on each issue, select among them, and then codify his choices
into a written law. This p r o p 1 was defeated, and with it a bid that the
der-wielding the authority of siydsuh with its breadth, flexibility, te
sponsiveness to utility, and, above all, powers of compulsion-should
seize control of legislation and thereby replace the ulema and their
rigorously individualistic and conscience-based ijtihad. At the time Ibn al
MuqafFa' wrote, the Hanafi school was a l md y in formation around Abii
Urn-fah, and with it the practices of taqlid and school discipline that
would lead eventually to widespread limits on ijtihad.
By now my hypothesis should be clear. It is, in essence,that d c -
tiom on ijtihad were adopted when the ulema, knowing that their theory
of law caused practical problems in actual legal systems,made the con-
cessions necessary to e m that their fiqh would Survive and could com-
pete successfully against contending principles in the legal system,chiefly
siykuh. Thus "closing of the door" was one piece in a complex mechan-
ism of dema doctrines and institutions designed to protect and advance,
in competition mainly with the ruler, their vision of law and legitimacy.
This hypothesis can explain a paradox noted by Hallaq. He observes
the oddity that scholars should declare ijtihad nanexident, while they at
the very same time acclaim cettainfuquhd' of their own age as muj-
tuhids, exercising ijtihad. The explanation for this paradox lies in the link
between the "closing of the door" and the day-to-day opetation of the
legal system: the doctrine was intended to constrain rank-and-file q&i&
and muftis, not the elite. Elite scholars, who possessed the capabilities
and the courage to exercise ijtihad as well as the prestige to make it stick,
could breach the banier." Examples exist even among the late Uanafis?
Let us now leave these generalities and look at a specific text that is
partly illustrative of my points: a1 Miwardi's al Ahkdrn ul SuZt&zzpzh.
In this book, the author attempted to assert a complete fiqh doctrine for
both public and constitutional law. Written afkr severe shocks to the legi-
timate caliphate, it seemingly can be read as a tentative blueprint for ad-
vancing the authority of fiqh and the ulema over and against that of
siydsuh and the state. Dealing as he does with many highly sensitive
'This is but one example of the dema's tendency to hierarchize truth, mediating
theory and practice via doctrines and practices arranged in ranking and qualified epis-
temologically.
Frank E. Vogel
Assistant Professor of Law
Harvatd University
Cambridge, Massachusetts
m-ed.
'See, eg., lbn Abi al Dam (SWiY, d. 642 AH / 1244 CE), Kitdb Adab al
Mub
r HaM al S
1:27 -6, 304.
ir& 2 vols. (Bag)adad: Matba'at al 1404 AH / 1984 CE),