HS14 - Political Organisation of Attica
HS14 - Political Organisation of Attica
HS14 - Political Organisation of Attica
THE
POLITICAL ORGANIZATI
OF ATTICA
A STUDY OF THE DEMES, TRITTYES, AND PHYLAI,
AND THEIR REPRESENTATION IN THE ATHENIAN COUNCIL
BY
JOHN S. TRAILL
and present director respectively. My gratitude is also due the Canada Council and
the Department of the Classics, Harvard University, for fellowships to attend the
American School of Classical Studies in Athens and for grants to aid the publication
of this volume. I would express special thanks to C. W. J. Eliot for much help and
kind criticism, to Marian H. McAllister for skillful editing and careful proofreading,
and to the Meriden Gravure Company and William Clowes and Sons, Limited for
superior engraving and masterly printing of a most difficult manuscript.
Finally, I would acknowledge an enormous debt to Eugene Vanderpool, who
has given me constant help and encouragement and saved me from an untold
number of errors, to Homer A. Thompson, who put at my disposal both his own vast
knowledge of Attica and the magnificent facilities of the Institute for Advanced
Study at Princeton, to Benjamin D. Meritt and Lucy Shoe Meritt, whose interest,
knowledge, and kindness have been unfailing in correcting manifold errors in the
manuscript and in persistent encouragement of the volume through the many
stages to final publication, and to Terry-Ellen Cox Traill, who has contributed,
directly and indirectly, to almost every page of this study. Utinam melius esset opus.
JOHN S. TRAILL
TABLES IN TEXT ix
ABBREVIATIONS AND SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. x
INTRODUCTION . . . . . xiii
The Subject . xiii
X1V1
xiv*
The Evidence . . . .
I. THE REPRESENTATION OF THE ORIGINAL TEN PHYLAI. 1
Introduction to Tables of Representation 1
Commentary on Tables of Representation I-X 5
Notes to Tables of Representation . 23
II. THE REPRESENTATION OF THE FIVE LATER PHYLAI 25
Introduction to Tables of Representation XI-XV 25
Commentary on Tables of Representation XI-XV 26
III. THE BOULEUTIC ORGANIZATION OF THE ORIGINAL TEN PHYLAI 35
Introduction to Maps and to Conspectus of Deme Locations 35
Conspectus of Deme Locations (Topographical Tables) 37
IV. REPRESENTATION IN THE ATHENIAN COUNCIL, CONCLUSION. 56
The Periods of Fixed Quotas...... 56
The Reapportionment of 307/6 B.C. . . 58
The Reapportionment of 224/3 B.C. 61
The Quotas After 200 B.C.. . . 61
The Relative Sizes of the Demes and Trittyes . 64
V. THE ATTIC DEMES . . . . 73
The Constitutional Demes . . 73
The Spurious Demes . . . 81
The Late Roman Demes . . 87
Conclusion . . . . . 95
APPENDIX A: Prytany Inscriptions with little or no Evidence for Represen-
tation . 104
MAPS 1-3
McCredie,J. R., Hesperia, Supplement XI, Fortified Military Camps in Attica, Princeton, 1966
Milchhofer, Demenordnung= Milchhofer, A., Untersuchungeniiber die Demenordnungdes Kleisthenes,
Abhandlungender Kdniglich preussischenAkademie der Wissenschaftenzu Berlin, Berlin, 1892
Notopoulos, J. A., "Studies in the Chronology of Athens Under the Empire," Hesperia, XVIII, 1949,
pp. 1-57
O.C.D.= The OxfordClassical Dictionary, 2nd ed., Oxford, 1970
P.A. =Kirchner, J., ProsopographiaAttica, Berlin, vol. I, 1901, vol. II, 1903
Philippson, Griech. Landschaften= Philippson, A., Die griechischenLandschaften,I, Der Nordostender
griechischenHalbinsel, Teil III, Attika und Megaris (with appendix and notes by E. Kirsten),
Frankfurt, 1952
Pouilloux, J., La Forteressede Rhamnonte,Paris, 1954
JpaKroc&Ka rs
pcaKTcLK := e'v 'AO 'vats 'ApxaLoAoy7K:s 'ETatpeias
Pritchett, Five Tribes= Pritchett, W. K., The Five Attic Tribes After Kleisthenes, Baltimore, 1943
Pritchett, W. K., "An Unfinished Inscription, IG II2 2362," T.A.P.A., LXXXV, 1954, pp. 159-167
Raubitschek, A. E., "Note on the Post-Hadrianic Boule," Jpas 'AvroJvtov KepaiLo7rov'Aov,'ETrapda
MWKE0OVtK63V 7Srrov&wv,'E7TLUrT?^qOViLKaL
H7payiaTEcZac, 2Elpa PtAOAOylKU Ka 9EOAOAy/KC7,Athens,
1953, pp. 242-255
R.E. J3Auot=Schoffer, V. von, Paulys Real-Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, s. v.
AikT,ot,vol. V, 1905, cols. 1-131
S.E.G. =Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
T.A.P.A. = Transactionsand Proceedingsof the American Philological Association
Thompson, W. E., "The Deme in Kleisthenes' Reforms," SymbolaeOsloenses,XLVI, 1971, pp. 72-79
Thompson, W. E., "Kleisthenes and Aigeis," Mnemosyne, XXII2, 1969, pp. 137-152
Thompson, W. E., "Notes on Attic Demes," Hesperia, XXXIX, 1970, pp. 64-67
Thompson, W. E., TpLrrTvsr-v7Tpvrdvecov, Historia, XV, 1966, pp. 1-10
Vanderpool, E., "The Acharnian Aqueduct," Xaptor4ptov els 'Avaurdatov K. 'OpAdvSov,I, Athens, 1965,
pp. 166-175
Vanderpool, E., "A Lex Sacra of the Attic Deme Phrearrhioi," Hesperia, XXXIX, 1970, pp. 47-53
Vanderpool, E., "The Location of the Attic Deme Erchia," B.C.H., LXXXIX, 1965, pp. 21-26
Young, J. H., "Studies in South Attica," Hesperia, XXV, 1956, pp. 122-146
Young, R. S., "An Industrial District of Ancient Athens," Hesperia, XX, 1951, pp. 135-288
Addendum: Only the briefest reference to P. J. Rhodes, Tpirivs T6v 7TpVraveWV(Historia, XX, 1971,
pp. 385-404), which arrived after this manuscript had been completed, could be added to several of the
notes. Although The Athenian Boule, Oxford, 1972, by the same author, had not yet appeared when the
present study went to press, I am indebted to Dr. Rhodes for sending me in advance of publication a
synopsis of the contents of his book.
THE SUBJECT
In the twenty-first chapter of the 'AOrvawcov HoAtretaAristotle describes the
four elements essential to Kleisthenes' political organization of Attica:
(1) 7rp~ov uEV oVv ' , , , ,3EKa , '
(1) -TpO)TOV 7ravTas ElS
oVVEVEtL1E aTv Tiv Tov .... rvAasa ETTrapov
EKaCFT-qa V .. . .
(3) OlIEVEtlE Of Kat TrTV XC)paV KarTa 7qhoVSg TptaKOVTa 1LEp7, OKEKa 1EV TWV 7TrEpt TO
arTrv, oeKa oE TrS 7TrapaAas, eKa E Tr77S /LEaoyetov, Kat raVTas ETrovouaaas TptTTVS,
EKA)p&()Ev aTpeLS ELSET7oV 'vAv EKaUrTV, O7TOS eKa.CrT) LETEX vrTvTv orTCov.
(4) Kat or7floTas ETro077acEVaAXXAav TOVS' oLKovvTas ev EcKar4TW TOJV riJlOcov ....
These four elements, the Phylai, the Council, the Trittyes, and the Demes,
were combined by Kleisthenes to provide perhaps the most important, certainly the
most enduring, feature of ancient Athenian democracy, representative government.1
Representative government in ancient Athens, more precisely representation in
the Athenian Council, is the subject of the present study. While it is the hope that
some elucidation of the descriptions by Aristotle and by other ancient authors
concerning the Athenian system of representation will emerge from this work, its
sources are not these authors but rather the nearly five hundred inscriptions per-
taining to the prytaneis and bouleutai. These texts, now gathered in Agora, XV,2
provide a documented account over a period of some seven centuries of an extremely
stable and regular system. Year after year the various phylai were honored, or
honored themselves, by the setting up of lists of their prytaneis. Occasionally the
whole Council was so commemmorated and lists of all 500, or in the time of the
twelve phylai 600, bouleutai were erected. The names themselves, more than 4,000
councillors, or with patronymics (which were usually inscribed) more than 8,000
persons, represent a considerable cross-section of Athenian prosopography and
1 For convenience the author of the 'AO-qvalWov
HoAti-E'ais referredto in this study as Aristotle. On
the subject of representation in antiquity the reader is referred to J. A. 0. Larsen, Representative
Governmentin Greekand Roman History, Berkeley, 1955, with references to other works in the notes,
especially pp. 191-192, notes 8 and 9.
2
Above, p. v.
all fifty prytaneis, although there are a few such dedications which did not include a
register of the prytaneis, several others, including the earliest preserved list, of
408/7, which were only partial rosters, and a few which included rosters of all ten
tribes or the entire Council. The brief heading on the prytany lists of this period
usually records that a particular tribe, or the prytaneis of that tribe, won (&viKa,
vtKrjravres, etc.) in the contest of prytanies; presumably it excelled the other tribes
in the performance of its duties.
In this period the number of texts assigned to a particular phyle varies from as
few as three, all of them fragmentary, for Aiantis, to as many as eight, four of them
virtually complete, for Pandionis. On the whole the first five phylai are better served
in this period than the last five; there are thirteen complete, or nearly complete,
rosters of the former, but only two of the latter. The imbalance is probably due only
to chance and is to be explained, in part, by the accidental preservation of the first
half of one bouleutic list.
In 307/6 the political system of Attica was reorganized following the creation
of the two Macedonian phylai. The Council was increased from 500 to 600 members
and the setting up of the prytany monuments now became a public concern,
funded from the public treasury. The decrees of the Boule and the Demos which
voted both the honors to the prytaneis and their officers and the payments to
cover the cost of these honors became a regular part of the texts, and henceforth it
was not uncommon for several tribes to be so distinguished in the same year. The
location of the monuments also was changed and at this time they were placed
almost without exception in the Agora, first in the section adjoining the Tholos
designated the Prytanikon,s5and much later, when the monuments had regularly
assumed the form of inscribed herm shafts, in the area in front of the Stoa Basileios
known as The Herms.6
We have assigned some sixty-nine texts to the eighty-four years belonging to
the first period of twelve phylai. Although large sections of three bouleutic lists,
apparently the last of this type of monument to be erected in Athens, have been
preserved, the majority of the inscriptions are very fragmentary (as many as
twenty-two cannot even be identified by phyle) and the distribution both in date
and in tribal affiliation is extremely irregular (see Table below, p. xvii). A spate of
prytany and bouleutic monuments followed the expulsion of Demetrios of Phaleron;
we have one text from 305/4, three, including a bouleutic catalogue, from the
following year, and another from 303/2. The number of prytany inscriptions assigned
to a single tribe varies from as many as seven (Akamantis and Oineis) to as few as
one (Hippothontis, and possibly Demetrias), but again the imbalance is probably
due only to the chance of preservation.
S Agora, XV, p. 3, note 13.
6 T. L. Shear, Jr., Hesperia, XL, 1971, pp. 255-256.
With the creation of Ptolemais in 224/3 the Council was once more expanded,
this time to 650 members, but there were no changes in the now well-established
routine of honoring the prytaneis and their officers. We have assigned some twenty-
seven texts to this brief period of twenty-three years in which thirteen phylai
existed.
In 201/0 the tribal organization of Kleisthenes passed through the most drastic
changes since the inception of the system more than three hundred years earlier.
First the two Macedonian phylai were dissolved and the demes which were then
affiliated with them returned to their original tribes. The number of phylai now
briefly stood at eleven, but there anoare prytany documents from the few tumultuous
monthsths of this tribal situation, although the important deme-catalogue I.G., II2,2362
has been dated tothis period.7 The creation of Attalis, however, in the spring of
200 B.C. returned the number of tribes to twelve once again and the Council to 600
members, a tribal arrangement which was to last more than three centuries and
endure even the momentous changes in Athenian political life following the conquest
of Athens by Sulla in 86 B.C.8
As many as one hundred and seventy prytany texts have been assigned to the
long second period of twelve phylai. They are not, however, distributed evenly
throughout the period; one hundred and ten, or nearly two-thirds of the inscriptions,
belong to the one hundred and fourteen years preceding the sack of Sulla, whereas
only sixty, or about one-third of the texts, are assigned to the succeeding two
hundred and thirteen years. Erechtheis was the most popular phyle and Akamantis
the least popular, but again no special significance should be attached to the figures.
In 126/79 of this era the tribal organization of Attica underwent its last trans-
formation with the creation of Hadrianis. The number of phylai now became
thirteen, but the individual contingents of prytaneis were reduced from fifty to forty
members and the Council itself was regarded as a nominal 500.10 After a short
period in which the monuments were paid for out of an endowment by Claudius
Atticus1' private prytany dedications, paid for by a wealthy member of the tribe,
once again became the rule and many of these monuments, as mentioned above,
took the form of inscribed herms.
7 On the
sequence of events in this year and the dating of I.G., II2, 2362 in particular, see WV.K.
Pritchett, T.A.P.A., LXXXV, 1954, pp. 159-167.
8
Geagan, Athenian ConstitutionAfter Sulla, passim.
9 On the date of the creation of Hadrianis, see J. A. Notopoulos, T.A.P.A., LXXVII, 1946, pp. 53-
56.
10On the size of the individual contingents I follow A. E. Raubitschek (FE'pas'Avrwovov Kepaciuo-
pp. 242-255) and D. J. Geagan (AthenianConstitutionAfter Sulla, pp. 95-96), but see now P. J.
rouAAov,
Rhodes, The Athenian Boule, Table A, "The Size of the Post-Hadrianic Lists of Prytanes" (I am
indebted to Dr. Rhodes for this reference in advance of the publication of his book).
11Geagan, Athenian ConstitutionAfter Sulla, pp. 99-100.
t _
0 0
* V
i
: ? .' o 0 r _in - : n
, p, I
1- I
r
b 4- Ii
g
^ ^ .-
PHYLE (3 ? '^
11-
ErecllSlCi 0 v-1
v O 0
PHYLE U H H
Erechtheis 1(1) 3(2) 0 4(3) 1(0) 1(2) 1 3(2)
Aigeis 2(1) 1(1) 0 3(2) 2(0) 3(2) 0 5(2)
Pandionis 4(1) 2(1) 0 6(2) 0(0) 3(3) 0 3(3)
Leontis 0 0
01 1 2 00 ~~~~
7
1(1) 3(1) 4(2) 1(0) 1 (3) 2(3) 0 00 0 5
Akamantis 0 3 0102 _ 0 0, _21 *1 0 62
0(1) 3(1) 3(2) 1(1) 3(2)
Oineis 1 4
7(3) 0 0 01
0 1 2 302 7
1(0) 2(1) 4(1) 0(1) 3(2) 7(3) 1 0 0
1 1
1 0 6
Kekropis 0(0) 3(3) 4(3) 0(0) 3(3) 4(3)
0 0 000 0 24
Hippothontis 0(0) 2(2) 2(2) 0(0) 1(3) 1(3)
Aiantis 2 01 1 2 0--
0(0) 0(1) 2(1) 0(0) 2(3) 22 4(3)
Antiochis 1(0) 2(2) 2 5(2) 0(2) 3(1) 0 3(3)
Antigonis 0(1) 1(1) 3 16 4 16(2)
0 0 0 0 0 4
Demetrias 16
1 16(2) 0
0-1 2 01 22
0(0) 1(2) 0
-- -
Ptolemais
Attalis
Hadrianis
Unidentified
by Phyle 14 14 22 22 -- 11 11 - -
TOTAL 10(5) 21(15) 20 51(20) 5(5) 25(27) 36 66(32) 5 7 15 27 11 51
12See Appendix A, below,
pp. 104/108.
13The totals for Oineis and/or
Kekropis may be one higher and for Aigeis one or two lower (below, pp. 105/106
14The totals for Ptolemais may be one
higher and for Pandionis one lower (below, pp. 105/107).
15The totals for Attalis may be one higher and for Leontis one lower (below, pp. 105/107).
16The totals for Demetrias may be one
higher and for Antigonis one lower (below, p. 107).
We have assigned one hundred and sixty-nine texts to the second period of
thirteen phylai and they form a fairly regular series from the beginning of the period
until about A.D. 231/2. One or two prytany lists may belong after that year but they
probably date no later than the middle of the third century after Christ. By the
time of the sack of Athens by the Herulians in A.D. 267 the prytany monuments,
like so much of the political activity in Athens, had come to an end.
(= 493), resembles no other regular bouleutic catalogue by listing name and demotic
in the same line and has been rejected from consideration as a roster of councillors.
Another inscription, which is composed of I.G., II2, 1697, 1698, and 2372 (=492),4
cannot strictly speaking be a bouleutic list, but it must be closely related, for of the
seventeen quotas preserved all are either identical with, or larger than, the attested
bouleutic quotas. Indeed, considering that the total representation of these seven-
teen demes is fifty per cent higher than the corresponding bouleutic total, it is
obvious that the original text must have contained approximately seven hundred
and fifty names.5 A few other texts, whose quotas differ from the bouleutic repre-
sentation by more than the normal small variations, but not to such a degree as to
rule out categorically identification as prytany lists, have been included in the same
column and designated probably not prytaneis, etc.6
The squared brackets, [], surrounding a quota usually signify that the demotic
has been completely, or very nearly completely, restored. Sometimes they indicate
the restoration of the quota itself, and occasionally of both demotic and quota, but
in every case there is supporting evidence, usually physical considerations, etc., for
the restoration.7 A small superscript plus-sign, +, following a quota indicates that
the stone breaks off and that the full quota may have been higher than the number
shown. (For the periods in which fixed quotas existed a comparison with the other
4 In this discussion I am particularly indebted to the unpublished notes of S. Dow and H. J. Carroll,
Jr.
5 The relationship between the seventeen quotas attested in the unidentified list and the regular
bouleutic quotas is almost strictly proportional. The five demes with one representative in I.G., II2,
1697, etc., also have one bouleutes (Sybridai, however, occasionally went unrepresentedin the Council;
see below, p. 14); the two demes with two representatives either have one bouleutes (Otryne) or two
bouleutai (occasionally Kydantidai); the six demes with three representatives in the unidentified list
have, in every case, a bouleutic quota of two; the single deme with four, Kollytos, has a bouleutic quota
of three; Phegaia, with six demesmen in I.G., II2, 1697, etc., varies between three and four bouleutai;
and Halai's eight representatives and Anagyrous' nine compare with bouleutic quotas of five and six
respectively. The close relationship between the quotas in I.G., II2, 1697, 1698, and 2372 and the
bouleutic quotas, then, suggests that this catalogue of about 750 demesmen should be identified as a
roster of bouleutai and alternates.Admittedly, nowhere else are alternates (E7tAaXo'vrcEs) known to have
been listed with the regular members of the Council, and the number of such alternates, based on a
remark by Aeschines (III, 62), is stated by Harpokration (s. v. ErXAax(w'v) to have been equal to the
number of councillors. J. A. 0. Larsen, however, has pointed out the weakness of Haropkration's
argument (RepresentativeGovernment,pp. 194-195, note 23) and concluded " it seems very unlikely that
the number of alternates chosen numbered 500." Clearly the number of bouleutic alternates may well
have been of the order of half the enrollment of the Council. That the figures should be almost precisely
proportional to the bouleutic quotas is to be expected. See also below, pp. 78-79, note 16.
6 Several of these texts may have been private dedications by a group of phyletai, or partial rosters
of prytaneis (wherethe figures are smaller than the correspondingbouleutic quotas), or lists of prytaneis
and others who were not members of the Council (where the figures are larger than the bouleutic
quotas).
7 One quota, Tyrmeidai's, has been given in anlgledbrackets,indicating that the demotic has been
corrected by the author (see below, p. 89).
attested quotas for the same deme will usually indicate whether the figure is
complete.) An asterisk to the left of such a figure (always one), *1+, signifies that the
demesman appears in the decrees or citations of the text, but that his official
position, usually either secretary or treasurer of the prytaneis, guarantees his
membership in the Council and his appearance in the register, were it completely
preserved. A double asterisk, *, indicates that the roster was not arranged by
demotics according to the usual fashion, but that the demesmen have been identified
on prosopographical grounds alone. Almost all such rosters have been dated after
the creation of Hadrianis and belong to the second period of thirteen phylai.
References at the top of the Tables are to the publications, usually the Corpus
or Hesperia (IG, H, etc.; for the abbreviations, see "Abbreviations and Selected
Bibliography," above, p. x), followed, in parentheses, by the inscription number
in Agora, XV. The Hesperia inscriptions are cited by volume and page, but not by
the inscription number within each volume. The dates assigned to the texts are
generally those which appear in Agora, XV. All are B.C., unless designated p.
(= A.D.). Many of the dates for texts from the Roman period are based on studies
by J. A. Notopoulos,8 J. H. Oliver,9 and A. E. Raubitschek,10 and differ, sometimes
considerably, from those proposed in earlier publications.
At the bottom of each of the tables devoted to the original ten phylai totals are
given for the representation of the three trittyes.11 Also listed at the bottom of the
tables are figures for the number of councillors and number of demes represented in
the complete rosters. The total for councillors is usually fifty, or, in the second
period of thirteen phylai, forty,12but occasionally in the first two periods of bouleutic
government the roster is defective and contains fewer than the expected fifty
names. In these few instances (designated with a small superscript letter a, and
discussed in the Commentary below, section A, pp. 5-6) the register commonly
lacks just one councillor, but there are cases in which
theres deficiency is two, three, or
even four bouleutai. For several of the large bouleutic inscriptions, only the bottom
of some columns, and not the whole text, has been preserved, but the relative
lengths of the columns are readily apparent and from this the general composition
of the individual rosters, i.e. the number of councillors and demotics originally
present, may be deduced (see below, pp. 77-81). These totals appear in
8 "Studies in the Chronology of Athens Under the Empire," Hesperia, XVIII, 1949, pp. 1-57.
9 " On the Orderof the Athenian Catalogues of Aiseitoi," Harv. Th. Rev., XLIII, 1950,
10 "Note on the Post-Hadrianic
pp. 233-235.
Boule," rFpas 'AvrwViov KepauorrovAAov, Athens, 1953, pp. 242-255.
11The names of the trittyes are from C. W. J. Eliot, Coastal Demes, p. 157 (Professor Eliot has
kindly supplied two corrections:Epakria should be in bold-face type and Dekeleia in italics); see also the
discussion by D. M. Lewis, Historia, XII, 1963, pp. 27-34. A complete table showing the representation
of all thirty trittyes is presented below, p. 72.
12 See above, p. xvi, note 10. The eponymous has been included in, or excluded from, the figures
according to A. E. Raubitschek's argument (op. cit.).
parentheses, (), in the tables. Totals, usually modified with a plus-sign, are also
given for the number of councillors in the Late Roman rosters which did not include
demotics, but totals are not given for other fragmentary lists.
The demes in the first ten charts have been arranged by trittys, with doubtful
trittys affiliations denoted by question marks (for a discussion of some of these
problems see below, pp. 37-54) and the new tribal affiliations of transferred demes
indicated in large Roman letters. The list on the left-hand side of each table comprises
the regular constitutional demes of the Kleisthenic political organization. The same
list is repeated at the right-hand side of each chart, with the addition, for Akamantis
(Table V) and Antiochis (Table X), of several irregular Late Roman demes. The
latter were apparently never normal constitutional demes and have not been
included in the totals for the number of demes in the period summary column at the
bottom of the charts. Problems relating to the numbers and affiliations of the demes,
indicated with a small superscript letter b in the charts, are discussed in section B of
the accompanying Commentary (below, pp. 6-14).
Gomme's figures for the number of known Athenians bearing a particular
demoticl3 are given in parentheses following each deme name at the right-hand side
of the tables. No attempt has been made to bring these figures up-to-date by in-
corporating more recently discovered material,l4 but in one case, Kikynna (where
the figure for the spurious Kekropid deme has been combined with that of the well-
known Akamantid deme), a correction has been entered. In a few instances, usually
involving demes of the same name in separate phylai, where Gomme's figures appear
to be quite misleading, they have been specially designated, a plus-sign for figures
obviously too high, a minus-sign for figures too low.
The small superscript numbers refer to the notes which appear on pp. 23-24
and deal with specific problems involving individual texts and not relating to the
general problems, viz. defective lists, deme affiliations, and quota variations,
discussed in sections A, B, and C, respectively, of the Commentary.
Finally, the Map Reference at the extreme right-hand side of Tables I to X
refers to the trittys designation on Maps 1-3 at the end of the volume.
13 Population, pp. 56-65.
14 A series of figures was in fact preparedusing the material from the Agora Excavations and other
Attic inscriptions published in Hesperia, but it was decided to postpone the publication of such figures
until the five volumes of the Agora series devoted to inscriptions (Athenian Agora, volumes XV-XIX)
had been completed.
A. THE DEFECTIVELISTS
TABLE I, ERECHTHEIS
The earliest list of Erechtheis (I.G., I2, 398 = 1) was only a partial roster. The
total space available for the inscribing of names would accommodate either 38
prytaneis and 13 demotics or 37 prytaneis and 14 demotics (cf. Agora, XV, No. 1,
comment).
allow room for a ninth bouleutes whose name was never inscribed (cf. Hesperia,
XXX, 1961, p. 47). The register belonging to the prytany list of 222/1 B.C. also is
defective. The text, first corrected in Hesperia, IX, 1940, p. 78 and revised again in
Agora, XV, No. 129, could, at most, have contained the names of only forty-seven
prytaneis. Comparing the quotas on this inscription with those attested in the
preceding period and allowing for an increase in the representation of Phrearrhioi
from nine to ten councillors to offset the loss of Hekale to Ptolemais, it becomes clear
that the three missing demesmen belong one each to Sounion, Kolonai, and Hybadai.
although the two sections of these divided demes are no longer distinguishable, and
on the Erechtheid prytany list of ca. 40-30 B.C. Pergase and Agryle, as well as
Kedoi, had no representation. Like the other phylai, Erechtheis gave one deme,
Pambotadai, to Hadrianis.
list. All three are spurious demes, the first two arising perhaps from an error by a
mason, the last from mistaken readings by epigraphists (see below, pp. 82-83/115 and
120, Nos. 14, 31, 17). With the creation of the Macedonian phylai three Pandionid
demes, viz. Kydathenaion, Kytheros, and tiny Upper Paiania, were transferred to
Antigonis, leaving eight demes, confirmed indirectly by the bouleutic lists of 304/3,
303/2, and 281/0 (see below, p. 79), in the original phyle. This total dropped to
seven, i.e. the total attested on the prytany list of 220/19, when Konthyle was given
to Ptolemais. The demes presented to Antigonis returned to Pandionis in 201/0 and
later that same year Probalinthos was transferred to Attalis. The total number of
Pandionid demes now stood at nine. Probably eight demes appeared in the prytany
list of 155/4, the two sections of Paiania being henceforth indistinguishable, but only
six occurred in the roster of ca. 20 B.C. Like the other phylai, Pandionis gave one
deme, Oa, to Hadrianis, reducing its total complement to eight demes, six of which
(or seven, allowing for two demes Paiania) are attested in the complete list of
A.D. 169/70.
TABLEIV, LEONTIS
The number of demes affiliated with Leontis in the period of the original ten
phylai totalled twenty, all of which, including three demes named Potamos, viz.
Upper Potamos, Lower Potamos, and Potamos Deiradiotes, appear in the prytany
list tentatively dated 370/69 B.C. All the Potamioi were grouped together in the
bouleutic list of 336/5, but were recorded separately in the catalogue of the following
year. Leontis gave three demes, viz. Deiradiotai, the related Potamos Deiradiotes,
and Aithalidai, to Antigonis, and two demes, viz. Oion Kerameikon and Lower
Potamos, to Demetrias, leaving fifteen demes in the original phyle. This figure is
confirmed indirectly by the bouleutic lists of 304/3, 303/2, and 281/0 (see below,
p. 79). Hekale went to Ptolemais in 224/3 and the total fell to fourteen, all of which
appeared in the prytany roster of 222/1. With the dissolution of the Macedonian
phylai and the creation of Attalis the deme figures for Leontis went to nineteen
briefly, then eighteen. After 200 B.C. the three Potamos demes were not distinguished
and neither they nor Deiradiotai appeared in the prytany list of ca. 168 B.C. With
the transfer of Skambonidai to Hadrianis the total of Leontid demes, counting
three sections of Potamos, fell to seventeen.
TABLE V, AKAMANTIS
The original deme complement of Akamantis numbered thirteen, all of which
were present in the bouleutic list of 336/5 and apparently also in the catalogue of the
following year. This figure does not include Rhakidai and Kyrteidai, two additional
demes attributed to Akamantis. The former is known only from a single citation by
Photios and is almost certainly spurious (see below, pp. 87 and 120, No. 35).
Kyrteidai, on the other hand, is very well attested, especially in the ephebic
inscriptions of the Late Roman period, but there is no evidence for its existence
prior to the middle of the second century after Christ and even then it may not have
been a regular Attic deme (see below, pp. 93 and 116, No. 21). Akamantis gave
three demes to the Macedonian phylai, Eitea to Antigonis, and Poros and Hagnous
to Demetrias, leaving ten demes in the original phyle. This figure is attested in-
directly by the prytany list of 305/4 and the bouleutic catalogues of 303/2 and 281/0.
With the transfer of Prospalta to Ptolemais, the return of the demes which had been
relinquished to Antigonis and Demetrias, and the subsequent donation of one of
them, Hagnous, to Attalis, the deme-total for Akamantis went to nine, twelve
briefly, finally eleven. Like the other tribes Akamantis surrendered one deme,
Eitea, to Hadrianis, bringing the final total, not including Kyrteidai, of constitu-
tional demes in the original phyle to ten. As many as eight of these appear in the
prytany list of 167/8, although the roster of the following year contains only five
regular demes, or, counting Kyrteidai which occurs only here on a prytany inscrip-
tion, six Akamantid demes.
TABLE VI, OINEIS
Oineis was composed originally of thirteen demes. Small Tyrmeidai did not have
any representation in the Council during 360/59 and either it or one of the numerous
other small Oineid demes apparently failed to provide its single bouleutes also in
335/4 (see below, p. 78). To this total of thirteen, scholars have added two additional
demes, a second deme Phyle and Perrhidai. The evidence for Phyle B, however, has
now been removed by a new restoration and dating of Hesperia, IX, 1940, p. 80,
no. 13 (see below, pp. 85 and 120, No. 30) and the appearance of Perrhidai, in a
unique form, on an Oineid prytany list of the early third century is to be explained,
I suggest, by the mason's confusing it with the very small, but legitimate deme
Tyrmeidai (see pp. 89, 119, No. 28). Oineis surrendered Hippotomadai, Kothokidai,
and Phyle to Demetrias, leaving ten demes in the original tribe during the first
period of twelve phylai. This figure is attested directly by the bouleutic list of 303/2
and indirectly by the catalogue of 281/0 (below, p. 79). The transfer of Boutadai
to Ptolemais, the return of the three demes given to Demetrias, and the surrender
of Tyrmeidai to Attalis and Thria to Hadrianis, left Oineis with deme-totals of nine,
twelve briefly, eleven, and ten for the respective periods.
representation in that year (see below, p. 78). The existence of a second deme
Kikynna, homonymous with the well-known deme in Akamantis, would account
for this discrepancy, but the evidence for such a deme, a single letter recorded by
Chandler in a now lost inscription, is highly insubstantial and Kikynna B has been
rejected as spurious (below, p. 115, No. 18). Two additional Kekropid demes are
furnished by the possible division of either Trinemeia or Sypalettos. The case for the
former, based solely on the appearance of Trinemeia at the bottom of the ephebic
roster of Attalis in I.G., II2, 1028, at a time, 101/0 B.C., when it was still a well-
attested member of Kekropis, is extremely weak and the entry in the ephebic list is
now generally regarded by scholars as an addendumto the text (see below, pp. 85
and 112, No. 43).
A stronger case may be compiled for a second Sypalettos, utilizing as the
primary evidence the fact that the secretary of 146/5 belonged to this deme in a year
for which the tribal cycles require a demotic affiliated with Attalis. One deme
Sypalettos had a regular and continuous history in Kekropis, and no deme is known
to have been divided deliberately after the constitution of Kleisthenes; hence, a
divided Sypalettos in 146/5 implies a divided Sypalettos also in the period of the
original ten phylai and in the succeeding periods. Scholars, however, have generally
rejected Sypalettos as a split deme, preferring to assume an irregularity in the
tribal rotation of the secretaries during 146/5 B.c.15 Their primary evidence,
especially the absence of Sypalettos from the complete prytany list of Attalis in
173/2, has hitherto been negative.16 A more positive argument against the theory of
a divided Sypalettos is the manner in which Attalis was formed. Like Ptolemais
earlier and Hadrianis later, the Pergamene phyle was organized by taking one deme
from each of the tribes existing in 200 B.C., at the time of its formation. Kekropis'
contribution was the deme Athmonon and the additional contribution of a section
of Sypalettos would upset this regular scheme of composition.
Admittedly, some support for a divided Sypalettos may be derived from a
catalogue of names and demotics published as Hesperia, XXXIII, 1964, pp. 201-
209, no. 53 (=494). The list includes the demes Melite, Xypete, Daidalidai, Koile,
and Sypalettos. The first three of these were affiliated originally with Kekropis and
later with Demetrias, the fourth with Hippothontis and later also with Demetrias,
and the last has a positive, known affiliation only with Kekropis. If this text is
dated after 307/6, then Sypalettos was definitely a divided deme, the Demetriad
roster of 335/4, which is two lines short, but the discrepancy is probably better
explained by the absence of one demesman and patronymic (see section A, above,
and p. 78, below).
Scholars, however, have assigned five additional demes to Hippothontis:
Agriadai, Pol(--), Anakaia B, Amymone, and Sphendale. The first three depend
each on a single reading and are almost certainly spurious: Agriadai, which appears
in Bekker's edition of A lecdota Graeca,is surely in error for Auridai; Pol(--) occurs
in a Late Roman ephebic roster of Hippothontis, but it is not clear which regular
demotic was intended; and I suggest that Anakaia, the demotic of a thesmothete in
Menekrates' year was cut by mistake for Anagyrous (see below, pp. 82 and 113,
No. 1, pp. 82 and 120, No. 33, and pp. 81-82 and 113, No. 5). Both Amymone and
Sphendale, on the other hand, are well attested, especially in ephebic lists of the
second and third centuries after Christ, but neither was probably ever a regular
Attic deme, and certainly not before the creation of Hadrianis (see below, pp. 93
and 113, No. 4, and pp. 91-92 and 121, No. 38).
The bouleutic lists of 303/2 certainly, and 281/0 probably, indicate the presence
in Hippothontis of fourteen demes. Koile is known positively and Oinoe is shown
from indirect evidence (below, p. 27) to have been transferred to Demetrias. A
third deme, Auridai or Korydallos, I propose, was transferred to Antigonis (below,
p. 27). The formation of Ptolemais drew Oion Dekeleikon from Hippothontis and
the number of demes remaining in the latter dropped to thirteen. The Hippothontid
Oinoe also passed to Ptolemais, but via Demetrias apparently. With the dissolution
of the Macedonian phylai Koile and Auridai or Korydallos (whichever had been
transferred) returned to their original tribe and the number of demes in Hippothontis
stood briefly at fifteen. The creation of Attalis soon lowered this total to fourteen,
all of which appear in the prytany list of 178/7. The complete rosters from about 155
and 135/4 B.C., however, attest only ten and twelve demes respectively. Hippo-
thontis, of course, gave one deme, little Elaious, to Hadrianis.
TABLE IX, AIANTIS
Aiantis in the period of the original ten phylai had a well-known total of six
demes: Phaleron, Marathon, Oinoe, Rhamnous, Trikorynthos, and Aphidna. Indeed,
this figure seems so certain that it has been taken as the standard for ascertaining
the number of demes which were originally present in the other tribal rosters of the
great bouleutic lists (below, pp. 78-79).
In addition to these six, however, six other demes, viz. Kykala, Perrhidai,
Thyrgonidai, Titakidai, Petalidai, and Psaphis, have been assigned by scholars at
various times to Aiantis. Kykala is attested only twice, once as a place name in a
fifth-century B.C. poletai inscription and again, six centuries later, in the Aiantid
roster of an ephebic list, but it is virtually certain that it was never a regular Attic
deme (see below, pp. 93 and 116, No. 20). Perrhidai, Thyrgonidai, and Titakidai are
all mentioned by the lexicographers, usually as being affiliated with Aiantis or as
demes which were transferred to Ptolemais. Thyrgonidai certainly, and Perrhidai
probably, also appear in the deme-catalogue of 201/0 B.C., and Titakidai is known
from two Late Roman ephebic registers and one prytany text. All three so-called
demes, however, were probably never regular members of the Athenian political
organization (see below, pp. 88-90 and 119, No. 28, pp. 88 and 121, No. 41, and
pp. 88 and 122, No. 42). Petalidai, authenticated as a place name associated with
Aphidna in two fourth-century B.C. property inscriptions, may be restored in the
deme-catalogue of 201/0, and reappears as a demotic of Ptolemais on an ephebic list
of the second century after Christ, but it too was probably not a regular deme (see
below, pp. 90 and 119, No. 29). Finally, Psaphis, the well-known Boeotian town,
appears as the demotic of Aiantis in one Late Roman ephebic list and as a demotic
or ethnic in two other Attic inscriptions, but again I suggest that it was not a
legitimate Athenian deme (below, pp. 92 and 120, No. 34).
Aiantis was the exception of the phylai and provided no demes in 307/6 to
either Antigonis or Demetrias. The original figure of six demes is attested directly
by the Macedonian councillor lists taken as a whole, and indirectly by the individual
lists of 304/3, 303/2, and 281/0. Aiantis, of course, was no exception in the later
tribal reorganizations and, like the other phylai, provided one deme to each of
Ptolemais, Attalis, and Hadrianis. Its totals of five, four, and three demes in these
respective periods are attested by prytany registers from 223/2, ca. 190/89, and the
middle of the second century after Christ.
TABLE X, ANTIOCHIS
Antiochis in the period of the original ten phylai is known to have been composed
of thirteen demes, all of which are attested in the complete prytany roster of 334/3.
The disposition of the column-ends in the bouleutic catalogue of the preceding year,
however, indicates that the roster of Antiochis is two lines too long, i.e. that it may
have contained two additional demes. Both Amphitrope and Semachidai have been
proposed by scholars as possible divided demes, but the case for neither is very
strong. The evidence for a second Amphitrope is based on a single text in which a
series of accounts is assumed to have been inscribed in a regular sequence, but it
may be that in this particular inscription one of the accounts was listed out of
chronological order (see below, pp. 84-85 and 113, No. 3). The second Semachidai is
not known before the late second and the beginning of the third centuries after
Christ and is unlikely ever to have been a regular Attic deme (see below, pp. 94-95
and 121, No. 37).
Eight other demes, a second Atene, De(--), Lekkon, Leukopyra, Ergadeis,
Phyrrhinesioi, Melainai, and Pentele, have also been associated with Antiochis, but
none has any real claim for consideration as a regular deme belonging to the
Kleisthenic political organization. Indeed, the first two are now proved non-
existent, the result of erroneous readings of inscriptions (see below, pp. 82-83 114,
Nos. 6 and 9), and the third, which is known only from a single referencein Hesychios,
is also almost certainly spurious (below, pp. 87 and 117, No. 22). Leukopyra,
Ergadeis, and Phyrrhinesioi appear only on inscriptions from the second and third
centuries after Christ and certainly were not regular demes, if ever, before that
time (below, pp. 94 and 117, No. 24, pp. 93 and 114, No. 11, and pp. 94 and 120,
No. 32). Melainai and Pentele are known as place names earlier, but they too occur
as demotics only in the Late Roman period (below, pp. 91 and 118, No. 25, and
pp. 92 and 119, No. 27). The extra length of the Antiochid roster in the 335/4
bouleutic list, therefore, probably depends either on an error in the vertical spacing
or on the inclusion, within the column, of an additional phyletes or hyperetes.
With the Macedonian reorganization Antiochis surrendered three demes, Atene
and Thorai to Demetrias, and Kolonai (see pp. 26-27) to Antigonis, leaving ten
demes in the original phyle. This figure is attested directly by the bouleutic list of
303/2 and indirectly by the lists of 304/3 and 281/0. Antiochis contributed one deme,
Aigilia, to Ptolemais, the Antiochid Kolonai passing to the same tribe, I believe
(below, pp. 26-27), via Antigonis. The return, in 201/0, of Atene and Thorai to their
original tribe brought the number of demes in Antiochis briefly to eleven. Later in
the same year Atene was transferred to Attalis and the number of demes fell to ten,
precisely those ten attested on the prytany register of 169/8. Finally, Besa was
surrendered to Hadrianis with the creation of the Roman phyle and Antiochis'
complement of Kleisthenic demes decreased to nine. Only five of these appear in the
complete prytany register I.G., II2, 1783 (=472), but that list also contains two
Late Roman demes, Ergadeis and Phyrrhinesioi, not counted in our figure for the
period.
for the quota variations in the earlier period, but since no list preserves all fourteen
demes and since the attested quotas of the larger demes are entirely consistent,
there is no way to tell which larger deme may have accounted for the deficiencies.
It is even less certain whether pairs of demes with variant quotas belonged to the
same trittys.
The loss of ten bouleutai, occasioned by the transfer of demes from Erechtheis
to Antigonis, was offset by increasing the representation of the remaining large
demes, viz. Euonymon, Anagyrous, Coastal Lamptrai, and Kephisia. The loss of
Themakos' one representative to Ptolemais in the next reorganization was accounted
for by increasing the quota of Pambotadai to two bouleutai. After 200 B.C. the
prytany registers of Erechtheis show no consistency either within the same period or
with reference to the earlier periods in which an orderly system is everywhere
apparent.
The few variations in the quotas of Erechtheis for the period prior to 307/6 may
be explained by theorizing that the smallest demes occasionally, or regularly,
shared a seat on the Council. With Aigeis, however, the quota variations clearly
involve also several of the larger demes, viz. Phegaia, Erchia, and Ikarion. More
significantly perhaps, all the lists so affected in Aigeis are defective (see section A).
These considerations suggest that the explanation for the variations in representation
is to be found in the inability of a few small demes in certain years to fulfill their
quotas, the deficiencies sometimes being ignored, and at other times being counter-
balanced by increasing the quotas of the larger demes.19 Ionidai, for instance,
supplied only one councillor in 341/0 and also in 336/5, but provided two in 343/2(?);
19If the numbers and distribution of bouleutic alternates is as
suggested above (p. 2, note 5),
then there is further support for this theory. The small deme Sybridai, which failed to send a representa-
tive to the Council in at least one year, has no "alternate" in the list of circa 370 B.C.(I.G., II2, 1697,
etc. = 492).
this is likely due to chance, for other figures, e.g. of Erchia, Gargettos, and Myr-
rhinoutta, show wide variations both within a single period and with relation to the
earlier periods of stable representation.
TABLE III, PANDIONIS
There are a number of single-representative variations in the quotas of the
Pandionid demes during the period of the original ten phylai. Kydathenaion had
eleven prytaneis in S.E.G., XXIII, 87 (= 10) and I.G., II2, 1751 (= 32) (both very
probable restorations) and twelve bouleutai in the great catalogue of 336/5, whereas
Angele had a complementary variation from three representatives on the first two
of these lists to two bouleutai on the last. Kydathenaion and Angele, it may be
noted, belonged to different trittyes.
The remaining Pandionid variations come from two stones, I.G., II2, 1740
(=12) and 1753 (=47), both now lost. Some, perhaps even all, of these differences
may be due to faulty transcripts by early epigraphers or to incorrect restorations by
subsequent editors. I.G., II2, 1740 was copied by S. A. Koumanoudes more than a
century ago. His text, as revised by L6per (whom Kirchner follows closely) gives
Myrrhinous an additional demesman over its customary quota of six and omits
Kytheros, which normally had two representatives, entirely. Gomme21attempts to
alleviate some of these difficulties by restoring Kytheros with one demesman at the
bottom of the middle column below four, instead of the usual five, prytaneis from
Probalinthos. Gomme's arrangement is slightly more faithful to Koumanoudes'
transcript for the number of lines in this column and thus is preferable to the Corpus
text, but neither solution removes entirely the quota anomalies. The possible pairs
of variant demes here would be Kydathenaion-Probalinthos (both large demes and
both from the same rptr7VS r6v rrpvT7veOv, see below, p. 42) and Myrrhinous-
Kytheros (one large and one small deme, but from different trittyes, unless Kytheros
belongs to the coast) or Kydathenaion-Kytheros (large and small, but probably
not the same trittys) and Myrrhinous-Probalinthos (both large, but from the same
geographical trittys).
I.G., II2, 1753, copied by Spon and Wheler almost three centuries ago, also
presents quota problems, some of which have been resolved recently by S. N.
Koumanoudes22who has studied Wheler's unpublished notes in the British Museum.
Koumanoudes' figures, with the exception of the quotas of Oa and Paiania, for
which his corrections of the Spon transcript seem too drastic, are given in the Tables
of Representation. Oa, regularly with four representatives, has only one in the Spon
transcript, and Paiania ten instead of eleven (Lower Paiania alone) or twelve (the
two Paiania demes listed together). Kydathenaion has been restored here with
21
Population, pp. 51-52.
22
IToAuOV, VIII, 1965/6, pp. 43-47; cf. S.E.G., XXIII, 89.
twelve representatives, the same quota as in I.G., II2, 1740, Hesperia, XXX, 1961,
p. 32, and in the Macedonian period; Angele has three prytaneis here, and either it or
Kydathenaion may have supplied one of the representatives missing from Oa or
Paiania.
The quotas of Angele, Myrrhinous, Oa, and Lower Paiania are not directly
attested for the first period of twelve phylai, but are based on those quotas known
for the short succeeding period of thirteen phylai. Since Pandionis surrendered
only the little deme Konthyle to Ptolemais and the resulting loss in representation,
probably one bouleutes, was offset evidently by increasing the quota of Steiria from
three to four councillors, it seems very likely that the quotas of the other Pandionid
demes remained the same before and after the creation of the Egyptian phyle.23
It follows that Pandionis' loss in representation, approximately fifteen bouleutai,
occasioned by the establishment of the Macedonian phylai, was counterbalanced by
doubling the quota of Lower Paiania, the largest deme in the tribe, from eleven to
twenty-two councillors, and by increasing also the quotas of Angele from two (or
three) bouleutai to four, and of Myrrhinous from six to eight. After 200 B.C. the
prytany registers of Pandionis show no consistency in their deme representation
either within the same period or with reference to the earlier regular quotas.
tion, increasing its quota from two to five bouleutai. As discussed above (section A),
the loss of Hekale's one councillor to Ptolemais was counterbalanced apparently by
increasing the quota of Phrearrhioi.
TABLE V, AKAMANTIS
There is one quota variation in Akamantis during the period of the original ten
phylai. Thorikos had six representatives on a prytany fragment dated about
340 B.C., but only five in the bouleutic list of 336/5. There is not enough of the
prytany inscription preserved to indicate which deme compensated for this change.
As many as six Akamantid demes, viz. Kephale, Sphettos, Cholargos,
Thorikos(?), Kikynna, and Eiresidai, increased their representation (all of them
more or less in proportion to their size) to counterbalance the loss of ten bouleutai to
the Macedonian phylai. In the periods after 200 B.C. the rosters of Akamantis show
wide variations in deme representation from year to year, e.g. A.D. 167/8 and 168/9,
and few of the figures bear any resemblance to the regular quotas of the earlier
periods.
phisia (again one large and one small deme, but from different trittyes) and Kotho-
kidai-unidentified deme. And, if Perrhidai was really intended in the Oineid list of
the early third century (above, section B), there must have been a complementary
variation in the quota of another deme of this phyle during the Macedonian period,
for Perrhidai certainly had no representation in 303/2 and 281/0.
In addition to an increase in the quota of Lakiadai from two to three councillors,
the two largest demes in Oineis, Acharnai and Thria, both apparently increased
their representation in 307/6 to offset the loss of five bouleutai to Demetrias. The
individual representation of the last two demes is not known precisely for the period
after 307/6, but the spacing in the bouleutic list of 303/2 indicates that combined
they had a total of thirty-three bouleutai and the division was probably twenty-
five and eight or twenty-four and nine.26
Consequently, the remaining ten bouleutai which this phyle lost due to the transfer of
demes to Demetrias must have been offset by increasing the representation of the
three large demes, Aixone, Athmonon, and Phlya, and I suggest that the increases
were four, four, and two bouleutai respectively. After 200 B.C. the representation of
the Kekropid demes shows little consistency either within the same period or with
reference to the quotas of the earlier periods.
(I.G., II2, 6051 =P.A., 15065). On this basis, then, lines 178-189 of Agora, XV,
No. 43 (=I.G., II2, 1700, lines 166-177) have been assigned to Eleusis and the
apparent anomaly in the quota of Dekeleia removed.
The material belonging to the period immediately after 200 B.C.is extensive and
illustrates convincingly the complete breakdown in the system of regular fixed
quotas.
TABLE IX, AIANTIS
None of the six Aiantid quotas is directly attested in the period of the original
ten phylai,29 but the fact that this phyle lost no bouleutai to either Antigonis or
Demetrias, coupled with the general conservatism of the Athenian system of
representative government, assures one that the quotas for the Macedonian period
hold true also for the time previous to 307/6. Admittedly, even in the Macedonian
period only five of the six quotas are directly attested, but their total of forty
bouleutai leaves no doubt but that the quota of the remaining deme, Marathon, was
indeed ten.
The loss to Aiantis of sixteen bouleutai when Aphidna was transferred to
Ptolemais was counterbalanced by increasing, more or less proportionately, the
quotas of all five remaining demes. After 200 B.C. there is only a small amount of
material, but it is sufficient to indicate little consistency in deme representation and
only the slightest resemblance to quotas of the earlier periods of bouleutic
government.
TABLE X, ANTIOCHIS
There is one obvious variation in the Antiochid deme quotas for the period of
the original ten phylai. Eitea had two representatives in 335/4, but only one in the
following year, whereas Pallene had a complementary variation from six to seven
councillors in the same two years. The inconsistency is perhaps to be explained by an
insufficiency of Eiteans available to hold the office of councillor. Such a theory may
derive some support from the fact that the same man or members of the same family
repeatedly held Eitean councillorships on the bouleutic lists of the Macedonian
period.30 Both the large deme Pallene and the very small deme Eitea, it should be
noted, belonged to the same trittys.
There is an additional variation in the deme quotas of Antiochis if I.G., 112,
2407 (= 55) is correctly identified as a list of prytaneis and correctly dated to the
29I.G., II2, 2423 (=46) has nine councillorsunder the demotic of Phaleron, but the stone breaks off
at this point leaving the complete quota in doubt.
30 Cf. Hesperia, XXXV, 1966, p. 229, line 314; XXXVII, 1968, p. 15, lines 234-235, and comment,
p. 22; XXXVIII, 1969, p. 481, lines 271-272, and comment, p. 492. On the parallel of Tyrmeidai see
above, p. 19, with note 24. The two demes named Eitea (the other was originally assigned to Akamantis)
were both very small judging from their total number of known citizens, fifty-two, in Gomme.
period of the original ten phylai,31 for Alopeke in this text32 has its Macedonian
quota of twelve representatives, whereas in 334/3 B.C.it had only ten.
The losses, probably nine bouleutai, occasioned by the transfer of three
Antiochid demes to the Macedonian phylai, were offset by increasing the quotas of
the four large demes, Alopeke, Aigilia, Anaphlystos, and Pallene, and of the two
small demes, Amphitrope and Krioa.
The material from after 200 B.C. is extensive for Antiochis and once again
illustrates the complete cessation of the regular fixed quotas.
12 The Secretary of the Bouleutai, who appears at the end of the register below the second representa-
tive of Sypalettos, has been included in the figure for this deme in I.G., II2, 1782 (=398). He could
well belong to a different deme, see Note 6, above.
13 TABLE VIII, HIPPOTHONTIS:Eleusis in the Macedonian period may have had a quota several
higher than the ten representatives suggested for it in Hesperia, XXXVIII, 1969, p. 489. There is
a misprint in the quota summary column for the period 307/6-224/3. The figure for Eleusis should
read: 13? (not 12).
14 TABLE X, ANTIOCHIS:The roster of I.G., II2, 1817 (=466) is complete, but since demotics were
not used in this list (see above, p. xiv) I cannot tell the precise representation of the various demes.
The total figure for Pallene was undoubtedly much higher than the four listed here, which have
been identified from other prosopographicalreferences.
15 The Secretary of the Bouleutai, who appears under the single representative of Krioa, has been
arbitrarily included in the figure for this deme in I.G., II2, 1783 (=472). He may well belong to
another Antiochid deme, see Note 6, above.
16 TABLE XIV, ATTALIS:The Secretary of the Bouleutai, Hagnos, son of Hagnos, the Younger,
appears under the single representativeof Tyrmeidaiin I.G., II2, 1794 (= 402), but he is undoubtedly
the son of Hagnos who was a prytanis for Athmonon in the same list (line 51) and he has been
included in the figure for this deme.
this indication was confirmed both from a study of the principle by which Ptolemais
was formed and, more important, from the identification of Hesperia, Suppl. I, no. 12
(= 91) as belonging to a prytany list of Antigonis. The treasurer in this text came
from Kolonai6 and the secretary (he may now be so identified) from Lamptrai. That
the Antiochid Kolonai should now be assigned positively to Ptolemais is instructive,
for it indicates that the Egyptian phyle did indeed take deme(s) from the Mace-
donian.7 Furthermore, the manner in which Attalis and Hadrianis were formed, i.e.
by taking one deme from each of the tribes existing at the time (below, pp. 30-31),
suggests that Ptolemais may have been formed in an identical fashion. As it stands,
Ptolemais was composed of one regular deme from each phyle with two exceptions:
apparently Demetrias provided none and Hippothontis two demes, Oion and
Oinoe. Oion has a well-established affiliation with Hippothontis during the first
period of twelve phylai,8 but nothing is known concerning the tribal affiliation of
Oinoe in the same period, and I suggest that it may have belonged to Demetrias.
The relative lengths of the columns in the bouleutic lists of 303/2 and 281/0 B.C.
indicate that the roster of Hippothontis had only fourteen demes. The transfer of
Koile and now Oinoe to the Macedonian phylai still leaves Hippothontis with
fifteen demes, but the tribal affiliations of Auridai, Korydallos, and even Dekeleia
in this period are as yet unknown, and I suggest that either Auridai or Korydallos
was transferred to Antigonis. It may be, of course, that one of them simply failed to
send a representative to the Council in 303/2 and also in 281/0, as I suspect was the
case with Epieikidai (cf. above, p. 11), but the transfer of an additional deme from
Hippothontis suits the apparent pattern of a three-deme contribution per phyle.
That the additional deme should go to Antigonis is necessary, for Demetrias already
has fifteen demes, while Antigonis has only fourteen.
Five other demes, four of them divided demes, have been suggested as possible
members of either Antigonis or Demetrias. The evidence for the assignment is in
every case weak and I have rejected all five from affiliation with the Macedonian
phylai: Epieikidai (above, p. 11) appears to have remained in Kekropis, and the
other four, Sypalettos B (see pp. 10-11), Anakaia B (see pp. 81-82), Amphitrope
B (see pp. 84-85), and Semachidai B (see pp. 94-95), I suggest are all spurious.9
6
Epicharmos, son of Kallistratides, appears to be related to Epicharinos, who was representative of
the Antiochid Kolonai in 334/3 B.C. (I.G., II2, 1750, line 68 =44, line 63).
7 This contravenes a long-accepted view that the Macedonianphylai gave no demes to Ptolemais;
cf. Dinsmoor, Archons,p. 451, where the origin of this theory is traced to W. Dittenberger, Hermes, II,
1875, p. 398.
8 The secretary KaTa rpvTravefav in 228/7 (Hesperia, Suppl. I, p. 74, no. 29 = 120), a symproedros
in 305/4 (I.G., II2, 797; cf. Hesperia, XXXII, 1963, p. 358), and an ephebe in 258/7 (Hesperia,VII, 1938,
p. 112, no. 20, line 59) all bore this demotic and belonged to Hippothontis.
9 I do not even discuss the possible assignment of Phegaia B, which has long been rejected both as
a member of one of the Macedonianphylai (Pritchett, Five Tribes, p. 8) and even as a legitimate Attic
deme (see below, p. 120, No. 31).
Of the six legitimate divided demes (see below, Appendix D, pp. 123-128) one
section of each was transferred to Antigonis, viz. the upper sections of Paiania and
Lamptrai, Potamos Deiradiotes, one section of Ankyle, presumably the upper part,
and one section, again perhaps upper, of Agryle and Pergase. Potamos was a special
divided deme with three sections, so that, in addition to the portion identified as
Potamos Deiradiotes, which was transferred to Antigonis, Lower Potamos was
assigned to Demetrias.10
With the dissolution of the Macedonian phylai in 200 B.C.all demes, except of
course the two which were transferred to Ptolemais, returned, at least briefly, to
their original tribes.
TABLEXIII, PTOLEMAIS
Ptolemais was formed in 224/311 by taking one regular deme from each pre-
existing phyle and by then adding a thirteenth member, the new deme Berenikidai,
created in honor of Berenice, wife of Ptolemy III Euergetes after whom the phyle
itself was named.12That each of the twelve phylai, including Antigonis and Deme-
trias, should have contributed one, and only one, deme to Ptolemais appears to be
contrary, in one respect, to the generally accepted scholarly opinion on the subject,13
and in another, to the facts themselves. Pritchett,l4 relying on his thorough study of
the deme-catalogue I.G., II2, 2362, but citing other material as well, suggested that
Ptolemais may have been composed of as many as twenty-four demes (to which
figure we may now add a twenty-fifth, Oion Dekeleikon from Hippothontis15) with
original tribal affiliation as follows: one deme from each of Erechtheis, Pandionis,
10We learn from the prosopography that the section which remained in Leontis was Upper
Potamos, for Laches, a representative of Leontis in 303/2 (Hesperia, XXXVII, 1968, p. 11, line 17 =62,
line 26) certainly belongs to the same family (he is probably a son) as the prytanis for Upper Potamos
in I.G., II2, 1742, line 18 (= 13, line 18; cf. Hesperia, XXXVII, 1968, p. 17, comment on lines 15-17,
where Lower Potamos should be read for Upper Potamos). Kirchner had long pointed out that the
prosopographyalso indicated that the Potamos deme in Antigonis was Potamos Deiradiotes (Rh. Mus.,
LXI, 1906, p. 350; cf. I.G., II2, 488, with note to line 5). The deme transferred to Demetrias thus can
only be Lower Potamos. To Dinsmoor's argument (Archons,p. 448) that Deiradiotai should be assigned
to the same phyle as the closely related Potamos Deiradiotes, viz. Antigonis, we may add the observation
that by our own count we have already assigned fifteen demes to Demetrias, thus making it very
unlikely that Deiradiotai also belongs to the same tribe.
11The most recent discussion of this date is by B. D. Meritt, Hesperia, XXXVIII, 1969, p. 441.
12 BepevtLKt
L' o' r8tos 0&rOBepevlKrJs r7jsrov IHroAeftaov ro0EVEpye'rov yvvaLKo. Trv pEV <yap> av8pa
rj (bvXi, 77Yv 8E yvvatKa Tr 8jpco Ewvv'iovS Efroluaav, Cramer, Anecd. Par., IV, p. 180, reference
cited by J. Kirchner, P.A., II, p. 526, note 1. For the location of Berenikidai see W. K. Pritchett, Five
Tribes, p. 30, note 64. More significant, probably, than the finding places of I.G., II2, 5868 and 5888
(Mandraand Eleusis respectively) is the fact that I.G., II2, 1221, apparently a deme-decree and also
found at Eleusis, has a spokesman who belonged to Berenikidai. (Sponsors,without exception, belonged
to the deme passing the decree.)
13 See above, p. 27, note 7. 14 Five Tribes, pp. 23-32.
15See Hesperia, XXXIV, 1965, p. 91.
from Hippothontis,l7 it becomes clear that Attalis was formed by taking one deme
from each of the phylai existing in the spring of 200 B.C.and by then adding one new
deme, Apollonieis, created in honor of Apollonis, wife of Attalos I of Pergamum.
More than three centuries later when Hadrianis was created Attalis furnished one
deme to the Roman tribe.
ephebic lists20), to have been among the largest, viz. Kekropis and Pandionis, and
hence probably over-represented in 308/7, appear to have made the largest contribu-
tions, i.e. approximately fifteen bouleutai each. Erechtheis, Aigeis, Leontis,
Akamantis, and Antiochis, which apparently were among the medium-sized phylai
in 308/7, surrendered about ten bouleutai each. The slightly smaller Oineis and
Hippothontis provided about five bouleutai each, while Aiantis, obviously the
smallest tribe in every sense, of course gave none. In general, the adjustments of
307/6 appear to have made the phylai more nearly equal in size.21Although we have
no direct information concerning this aspect of the Kleisthenian organization, it is
the general belief of scholars that for the efficient working of government roughly
20
Estimating the ephebic enrollments in the fourth century B.. is a notorious problem. The most
recent discussion, by 0. W. Reinmuth (The EphebicInscriptions of the FourthCenturyB.C., Mnemosyne,
Suppl. XIV, Leiden, 1971, passim), is not, in my opinion, entirely successful. Reinmuth's argument
that the profile sketched on I.G. , 2976 indicates Pandionis had an enrollment of 30-32 ephebes in
333/2 (op. cit., pp. 22-23) seems particularly suspect: "The outline of the chin, neck and shoulders for
a bust sketch continued on the same scale would roughly yield space for 19-20 lines above the lower
edge of the uninscribedlines. This would provide space for a prescript of one line and for a total of 30-32
names with deme captions. ..." But (1) there is no evidence that it was a sketch of a bust: it may have
been only the head, or the entire body, or part of the body (Meritt, A.J.P., LXVI, 1945, p. 236, note 5,
a reference cited by Reinmuth, says only . . . there may have been more (i.e. than the head) of the
human form portrayed"); (2) even if it were such a sketch, there is no evidence that the bottom of it
rested on the topmost preserved part of the stele; and (3) even assuming that it was a sketch of a bust
and that it rested on the topmost preserved part of the stele, there is no evidence that the stele's full
height was preserved at the time the sketch was incised. Reinmuth's figure for the enrollment of
Kekropis in the same year (from an unpublished inscription) is also suspect: lie gives the number as 52
(p. 16), but 48 (p. 107), but this is only a minor discrepancy. If we disregardthis obviously questionable
total for Pandionis, the other figures for ephebic enrollments in the fourth century afford some support
for my judgment concerning the relative sizes of the phylai prior to the formation of Antigonis and
Demetrias (numbersin parentheses are from Ch. Pelekidis, Histoire de l'ephebieattiquedes origines a 31
avantJesus-Christ,Paris, 1962). I.G., II2, 1156 lists the total contribution of Kekropis in 334/3 as about
42 ephebes (43-45). Hesperia, IX, 1940, pp. 59-66, no. 8, and HpacrKucta,1954 (1957), p. 69 from the
following year give Leontis and Kekropis about 44 (35) and 48 or 52 (45) ephebes respectively. Two
other texts, Hesperia, Suppl. VIII, pp. 273-278 and 'Apx. 'E+., 1918, pp. 73-100, list the number of
ephebes in Oineis ca. 330 as about 56 (55) and in Leontis in 324/3(?) as 62 (62). If we accept Pelekidis'
suggestion (op. cit., p. 284) that the low figure for Leontis in the earlier list is to be explained both by a
fallen birth rate, due to extensive Athenian military maneuvers abroad in the years 353-351, and by the
fact that 352/1 was a hollow year, and if we pro-rate the earlier lists on the basis of 62 ephebes for
Leontis in 324/3(?) we arrive at a figure of about 59-73 (76-80) ephebes annually for Kekropis. The
figures thus obtained, viz. Leontis 62, Oineis ca. 56 (55), and Kekropis 59-73 (76-80) are in accord with
my judgment concerning the relative sizes of these phylai on the basis of the reorganization of 307/6.
According to Reinmuth's figures (op. cit., pp. 103-105), incidentally, the ephebic enrollments of
Erechtheis, Akamantis, and Aigeis immediately after 307/6 appear to have been nearly equal.
21 Sundwall employs this argument in reverse, judging the relative sizes of the phylai on the
assumption that the reorganization of 307/6 made the phylai more nearly equal in size (cf. Klio,
Beiheft IV, pp. 90-91). On the reapportionmentsrelative to the demes and trittyes, see below, pp. 64-
72.
equal phylai were necessary,22and it seems clear that there would be little point in
attempting to render them more nearly equal in 307/6 if they had not been so
created two centuries earlier.
Of the thirty demes transferred to the Macedonian phylai, only Gargettos,
Ikarion, Lower Potamos, and Phyle positively, and Atene and Thorai possibly,
increased their quotas of representation. Since about a third of all Attic demes
increased their representation in 307/6 (below, p. 58), a slightly smaller proportion
of the demes transferred than of those which remained in their original phylai appear
to have been affected by the reapportionment of quotas, but the difference is
probably of no significance.
There are no observable variations in the quotas of the demes assigned to the
Macedonian tribes within the first period of twelve phylai.
suggest a total representation of about fifty bouleutai. If this total is again not
merely a coincidence,25it offers a close parallel with the formation of Ptolemais, viz.
that the quotas of the demes transferred were neither increased nor decreased but
were taken over unchanged from the preceding period. If true, this is significant
for two reasons. It would indicate that the demes were chosen to form Ptolemais and
Attalis almost solely on the basis of their quotas, and it would show that the system
of fixed quotas ended after, and not simultaneously with, the reorganization of
200 B.C. The breakdown, however, could not have taken place much later than 200,
for the representation of the Erechtheid demes by 193/2 bears little resemblance to
the third-century quotas.
The Maps are served by a Conspectus of Deme Locations divided by phyle into
ten Topographical Tables (pp. 37-54) which list the trittyes, the locations accord-
ing, where possible, to the modem place names,4 and a brief summary of the
evidence for the locations with references to works in which that evidence has been
presented.5 Accompanying each table are notes on some of the topographical
questions involved.
Not all the Attic demes have been located with the same degree of certainty.
The locations, therefore, have been classified into four general categories, both on
the Maps and in the Topographical Tables, according to these criteria:
8 The
city section of Erechtheis may represent a compact trittys; the supposition would receive
further support were Themakos assigned with more certainty to the deme-site of Kara.
9 There is very little evidence for the trittys affiliation of most of the small demes of Erechtheis.
Even the councillor and deme lists, which usually offer some suggestions in this respect, totally fail us
for this phyle. A recent attempt by W. E. Thompson (Hesperia, XXXIX, 1970, p. 66) to find a pattern
in one of these lists, the bouleutic catalogue of 336/5(?), does not appear entirely convincing for
Erechtheis. The assumed scheme, i.e. that the seven lines of the coastal trittys at the bottom of the
first column belong with the fourteen lines of the same trittys at the bottom of the second, is contrary
to the usual custom, both ancient and moder, of reading to the bottom of one column and continuing
with the top of the next. That the columns of the various rosters on this inscription are unequal in
length is better explained by the fact that the masons, as a rule in this early period, began each column
with a demotic. Nor do any other lists of this phyle (viz. I.G., I2, 398= 1; Hesperia, XI, 1942, p. 233,
no. 43= 14; XXXV, 1966, p. 228=61; XXXVIII, 1969, p. 474=72; Suppl. I, pp. 44 and 46, no. 9 = 86;
etc.), taking into consideration the trittys assignments of the already well-located demes, show a
consistent pattern of arrangement in this respect. The list seemingly most reliable, viz. the deme-
catalogue of 200 B.C., has Euonymon obviously out of place. Even more disconcerting, the earliest
prytany register, I.G., I2, 398, in which one might expect greater attention to grouping according to
trittys, has the largest number of apparent exceptions. Only the Erechtheid roster on I.G., II2, 1700= 43,
an inscription which W. E. Thompson has shown (Mnemosyne,XXII, 1969, pp. 137-138, note 2) pays
little regard to trittys groupings, may show a consistent pattern, but this list preserves only four
demotics and the trittys affiliation of one of them is still very tentative.
10Erikeia and Bate have both been assigned to the city because of the apparent trittys groupings
on the councillor and deme lists (viz. Hesperia, XXX, 1961, p. 32=42; XXXVIII, 1969, pp. 419-420=
89; I.G., II2, 2362; and, for Bate only, I.G., II2, 1749= 38), and, in addition for the latter, because of the
supposed survival of the name in a modern area of Athens known as BdOELa.(Cf. K. E. Bires, Tor7rvvtLKa&
rCov'AqvCov,Athens, 1945, p. 245, s.v. BadLa.[I owe this referenceto C. W. J. Eliot.]) While questioning
the connection between Bar) and BadOLaand rejecting the latter as a possible site, I have kept both
Bate and Erikeia tentatively in the city trittys, placing them provisionally at Ambelokipi and at
Kypseli. Both these places have greater claim than BdOELa (despite the contention of A. A. Papagian-
nopoulos-Palaios, nloAwcov,IV, 1949, pp. 80, and 139-140) as ancient centers of habitation.
11Those councillor and deme lists which appear to pay some attention to trittys grouping place
Otryne either obviously with the city demes (Hesperia, XXXVIII, 1969, p. 420=89, which may have
been arranged according to trittys, if we allow that the demes at the bottom of the third column were
left over from columns one and two) or between the city and inland demes (I.G., II2, 2362; and Hesperia,
XXX, 1961, p. 32 = 42). Hence, it could belong to either trittys, but not to the coast, to which it has been
assigned from the reference to fish in Athenaios. W. E. Thompson (Mnemosyne,XXII, 1969, pp. 144-
145, note 13) has attempted to resolve the difficulty by suggesting that the fish in question, the K/coJOS,
may be a fresh-water species, allowing a location for Otryne in the city, but, though possible, this is
hardly the natural or obvious interpretation of the passage. Moreover,by Thompson's own theory for
the shifting of contingents to form TpLTrvesrTv rTpvrvcov (ibid., p. 147) a city location is unnecessary,
for Otryne may just as easily have been a coastal enclave which lent its membership to the city.
12 Of these two
gravestones listing Phegaians, one, the crown of a naiskos, was found Elt "Ay.
'AvSpeavN. MdKprqs (M. Th. Mitsos, 'ApX.'E+., 1950-51, p. 51, no. 39). The other, a stele bearing the
name [17]vOdyyeAos[Hl]vOooSpovr-yaLte's (G. Soteriades, 1IpaKTLKa, 1935, pp. 122-124; cf. HvOo8Swpos
PI7ya?ev's, councillor in 336/5 B.C., Hesperia, XXX, 1961, p. 32, line 76=42), was found at a place
Kal PopELtTepa oAlyov roi AeyopevovMeyaAov MEroXL,ELs
called Kako Melissi by Soteriades, rrapa7rAXEvpcos
r7rs ES 'AOrviv a/latTr77 KCar eveLav Tpos SvcrUIas 7rpos TO
o ,uETafla3vewTLs aTro 3T 300^ XtALtoXpepov
fovvov.More recently, the discovery at Draphi of a third grave marker belonging to a demesman of
Phegaia led to the suggestion that Draphi was Phegaia (B.C.H., LXXX, 1956, pp. 246-247), but the
remains at that site seem too slight to belong to a deme with three representatives (B.C.H., LXXXIX,
1965, p. 26). On the other hand, the identification of Draphi as Ionidai, like the association of two other
deme-sites, Kato Charvati and Vouvra, with Kydantidai and Myrrhinoutta, must be considered very
provisional, since even the trittys affiliation of these demes, determined from the councillor lists, is
unsure. The probability of the correct identification of the sites, however, is increased somewhat from
the fact that the coastal and inland sections of Aigeis were contiguous, the obvious geographicaldivision
being between the two sections of the inland area which were clearly separated by Mount Pentelikon.
See now E. Vanderpool, "The Attic Deme Phegaia," Melanges Daux, 1974.
13 W. E.
Thompson has recently questioned the traditional assignments of Philaidai to the coast
and Teithras to the inland trittys (Mnemosyne, XXII, 1969, pp. 145-149, cf. D. M. Lewis, Historia,
XII, 1963, p. 28). The former deme appears in two lists (I.G., II2, 1749= 38, and Hesperia, XXX, 1961,
p. 32=42) in the company of inland demes, and on one list (Hesperia, XXXVIII, 1969, p. 420=89)
between inland and city demes, while the latter appears on the same three lists respectively as follows:
between two coastal demes, between a coastal and a city deme, and with inland demes. Admittedly,
for some Aigeid sites there is little to choose topographically between the inland and coastal trittyes
(since the two sections were contiguous), but W. E. Thompson's attempts to relocate Philaidai seem
both desperate (the most likely site is neither of the two he discusses), and, by his own theory of
7rpLrrTTves v TrpTaveoWv, unnecessary. Moreover, the topographical suggestions of the councillor lists,
obviously ambiguous for Teithras, and only provisional at best for other demes (see Probalinthos,
below), are particularly suspect for this phyle, since there is no list which does not have at least one deme
obviously out of topographical order.
14 As W. E. Thompson has recently pointed out (Historia, XV, 1966, pp. 4-5, 7), the councillor lists
of Pandionis do appear to pay attention to the trittys affiliations of the demes. One of these registers,
viz. I.G., II2, 1748= 26, in fact, actually preserves two trittys headings, the only known appearance of
such designations on these lists. There are, however, some serious qualifications to the generally
consistent pattern on the Pandionid registers. Probalinthos, for instance, located near Nea Makriin an
obviously divided coastal trittys, generally appears (or is restored) on the prytany inscriptions in the
company of Kydathenaion, which was very probably the only member of the Pandionid city trittys (cf.
S.E.G., XXIII, 87= 10; I.G., II2, 1751=32; Hesperia, XXX, 1961, p. 32=42; the only exception being
I.G., II2, 1753= 47, where it appears, as it should, with the other coastal demes). It may have lent its
membership to the city section in order to make up more nearly equal rpLtTrr7TCrV TrpVrdaEWv (Thomp-
son, op. cit., p. 7), but there is no question that this original member of the Marathoniantetrapolis ever
belonged to the city topographically. A more serious violation, however, comes from the usually (in this
respect) reliable deme-catalogue of 200 B.C.(I.G., II2, 2362), which preserves the last part of the roster of
Pandionis, where Oa, unless it is an addendum,is obviously out of place, being separated from the other
members of the inland trittys (see below, pp. 82, note 26, and 99, note 92). In fact, even the Pandionid
roster in the Hesperia bouleutic list of 336/5 makes topographical sense only to a very understanding
reader, for, as in the case of Erechtheis (see above, pp. 38-39, note 9), one is asked to read the two
columns together, i.e. thirteen lines at the top of column one go with seventeen lines at the top of
column two to form Pandionis inland, while six lines at the bottom of column one and twenty-one at
the bottom of column two belong to the coastal trittys. If this is grouping the demes accordingto trittys,
the arrangementis hardly normal, natural, or obvious.
15 Gomme (Population, p. 53, note 2) assigns Kytheros provisionally to the city trittys on the
evidence of I.G., II2, 1753 (=47), where it and Kydathenaion ought to belong to the missing column,
and on the evidence of his own restoration of I.G., II2, 1740 (= 12), in which he assumes Kytheros
appeared at the bottom of the second column below Kydathenaion and Probalinthos. By the same
reasoning, however, the lists S.E.G., XXIII, 87 (= 10), I.G., II2, 1751 (= 32), and Hesperia, XXX, 1961,
p. 32 (=42) might suggest a coastal affiliation.
16 Among the original ten phylai Leontis appears to have been
distinguished in having all three of
its trittyes divided. Admittedly, of the Leontid city demes only Halimous and Skambonidai are located
with great probability and Upper and Lower Potamos (see note 18, below) with considerably less
probability, but their widely separatedlocations definitely indicate a divided trittys. If Oion Kerameikon
and Leukonoion were located with more certainty near the Kerameikos and at Peristeri respectively
(see following note), the trittys would appear even more divided. The coastal trittys was obviously
divided with demes located near Olympos, Sounion, and Daskalio. The widely flung inland trittys,
stretching along the foot of Pares from at least as far east as Mygdaleza to Kropidai in the west, is very
strange in appearance and can scarcely be considered compact (see now W. E. Thompson, "The Deme
in Kleisthenes' Reforms," Symbolae Osloenses, XLVI, 1971, pp. 77-78).
17 Oion Kerameikon is usually assigned to the city from the obvious association in name with the
Kerameikos. The arrangement of some deme and councillor lists of Leontis (I.G., II2, 1742= 13; I.G.,
II2, 2362; Hesperia, XXX, 1961, p. 33=42; but not I.G., II2, 1700=43), however, indicates that Oion
belongs with the inland demes. Hence, it has been argued that Kerameikon is a general modifier with
little or no connection with Kerameis/Kerameikos (see W. E. Thompson, Hesperia, XXXIX, 1970,
p. 65). Some support for this interpretation may be derived from the reference in Harpokration,
s.v. Otov, where the sites of the demes Oion are described as /,7/8acJLCs On the
OiKr7roVTO7TOVE'XE?v.
other hand, while the name Kerameikon could be a general modifier, unlike Dekeleikon, Aixonides,
Araphenides, and Deiradiotes (the other four known "modified" demes), and while in the case of each
of these parallels the associated deme, i.e. Dekeleia, Aixone, Araphen, and Deiradiotai, belongs to the
same phyle as the modified one (whereas Kerameis was affiliated with a different phyle, viz. Akamantis,
from that of Oion Kerameikon), still the analogy, particularly of Oion Dekeleikon, is extremely cogent
and a close connection between Oion Kerameikon and Kerameis appears inevitable. Oion Kerameikon,
located near Kerameis and the Kerameikos,would of course present another obvious enclave (a common
occurrence, especially in the city and especially in this phyle) and as such could have lent its member-
ship to another trittys (see above, p. 42, note 14), thereby providing an explanation for its inclusion
with the inland demes in some of the councillor lists.
18Upper and Lower Potamos, along with Potamos Deiradiotes, have been assigned to the coastal
trittys in the Tables of Representation and located in the valley north of Thorikos on the Maps. The
grave and mortgage stones of Deiradiotans found at Daskalio and the remark of Strabo that the deme
of the Potamioi was located between Thorikos and Prasia fixes the site of Potamos Deiradiotes some-
where in the river valley north of Thorikos. Scholars, however, have generally assumed that Strabo was
referringto all three Potamos demes and two items may be cited in support of this interpretation. The
first item is an argument from analogy. While homonymous demes belonged to different phylai and,
where locations are known, were widely separated, divided demes without exception belonged to the
same phylai and had close geographicallocations (seeAppendix D). The three Potamos demes all belonged
to the same phyle and as such might naturally be considered a divided deme of three parts, all of which
should be located in the same area. The second and more important item in support of a coastal location
for Upper and Lower Potamos is furnished by the bouleutic list of 336/5 in which the combined repre-
sentation of the three Potamos demes, five bouleutai, was arranged under a single demotic (Hor7aLtot)
and listed in the company of the other coastal demes (cf. W. E. Thompson, Historia, XV, 1966, p. 10).
The prytany list published in AeATLov, XXV, 1970, p. 84, no. 1 (= 13a), however, cannot at this point be
used as corroborativeevidence, for the stone seems to have been broken just at the end of the last iota of
oioraTmoLand below the first representative of this deme.
On the other hand, the prytany register I.G., II2, 1742 (= 13) separates Upper and Lower Potamos
from Potamos Deiradiotes, grouping the latter with the coastal demes and the former with five demes
all of which, with the exception of Cholleidai (generally assigned to the inland area-see following note),
have been located with varying degrees of certainty in the city. Two Potamos demes appear in I.G., II2,
2362 in a series commencing with Skambonidai and terminating with Halimous (both belonging to the
city), but the modifier of neither Potamos deme is preserved. To be sure, one deme has to be either
Upper or Lower, and the pair is most naturally interpreted as Upper and Lower. (I have examined the
stone in line 36 [Corpusnumeration], but cannot confirm the traces of delta seen by D. Laing and W. E.
Thompson as reported by the latter in Mnemosyne, XXII, 1969, pp. 138-139, note 1.) In any case,
there is a problem in the Leontid register of I.G., II2, 2362, for one of the coastal demes, either Sounion
or Potamos Deiradiotes, has been separated from the other demes of its trittys (Kirchner restores
Sounion in line 41 of his text, but he could just as easily have inserted Potamos Deiradiotes). Thus, the
deme and councillor lists, though not unanimous, do favor a city assignment for Upper and Lower
Potamos. The Leontid city demes, with locations near Agios Kosmas, in the northern part of the city
proper, and perhaps near Peristeri and the Kerameikos, were obviously widely scattered (see note 17,
above) and offer no impediment to the most probable city location for the Potamioi, viz. the upper
Ilissos valley (cf. E. Meyer, R.E., s.v. Potamos). That at least one Potamos deme belonged to the city
finds corroboration in a passage of Pausanias (I, 31, 3) in which the location of the grave of Ion is
described as ev IHoraptoZsE'aL rjsT Xpas; this phrase rijs Xpoas, as pointed out by C. W. J. Eliot
(CoastalDemes, p. 149, note 26) implies a natural contrast with Potamioi not in the country, i.e. city
Potamioi. (This interpretation has been countered by W. E. Thompson [Historia, XV, 1966, pp. 9-10]
who, in discussing this passage and Pausanias' use elsewhere of C js xpas, contends that the phrase has
no such implication, but Thompson's argument seems weak and his interpretation unnatural.) Of more
importance, however, in corroboratinga city location for Upper and Lower Potamos has been the recent
discovery at Panepistemioupolis in the upper Ilissos valley of the gravestone of one Potamian (cf.
aeAT., XXV, 1970, XpovtKd,p. 123).
Returning to the Strabo passage referredto at the beginning of this note, it may be observed that
strictly speaking Strabo makes reference to a single deme, viz. Potamos Deiradiotes, and not to all
three Potamos demes, although it must be admitted that by this author's time divided demes were not
apparently distinguished. Finally, Harpokration'sremark (s.v. Ilorap's) that the Potamioi were known
for the ease with which they enrolled new citizens (EcKwCpSovbvro8e WspaCslwsEXot/EvoL roVSrrapeyyprOr-
rovS, wS aAAo Tre87AoV I Kai MevavSpos ev ZJLlv'LaL), far from revealing which of the three Potamos
demes was in question, might apply equally well to a coastal as to a city location.
18bis I have followed the traditional assignment of Cholleidai to the inland trittys despite the
contention of Loper and Gomme that on the basis of the groupings of the councillor lists it should be
assigned to the city (Population, p. 59; cf. Historia, XV, 1966, p. 9). In I.G., II2, 1742 (= 13) Cholleidai
appears at the bottom of the first column which contains the city demes (cf. preceding note), but it may
have been deliberately placed there by the mason in order to provide a more symmetrical arrangement
of the register. In Hesperia, XXX, 1961, p. 33 (=42) Cholleidai occurs between the city and inland
demes (accepting Aithalidai as one of the latter) and might of course belong to either group. In I.G., II2,
2382 (= 74) Cholleidai appears after Kettos and Leukonoion and before Skambonidai, but too little of
this text is preserved to be certain that it was arrangedaccording to trittyes and inscriptions from this
period generally were not so arranged. In the deme-catalogue I.G., I12, 2362 Cholleidaiwas not listed
with the "city" demes.
19Koukounari, an alternate suggestion for the location of Hekale, really ought to belong to a
member of the MarathonianTetrapolis, judging from the discovery there of the cult inscription I.G.,
112,1358.
the city and inland demes and might well belong to either section. Poros, on the other hand, occurs
between the coastal and city demes in the first of these two lists, but does not appear on the preserved
part of the second, which presumably contains all the city demes. Unfortunately, both of these demes
were transferredto the Macedonianphylai, with the result that the prytany list of 305/4 B.C.(Hesperia,
Suppl. I, pp. 31-36, no. 1 =58), arrangedaccording to trittys, is of no help in determining their trittys
affiliation.
City Epikephisia Kephisos valley, General location, determined from patent ety-
near Lakiadai mology of the name and the findspot (Dipylon)
of the deme-decree I.G., II2, 1205; cf. R.E., s.v.
Epikephisia.
City ?22 Hippotomadai Unknown Little evidence for location; trittys assignment
very tentative; cf. R.E., Suppl. X, s.v. Hippoto-
madai.
City Lakiadai Sacred Way, E of Location known with certainty from Pausanias
Kephisos (I, 37, 2); cf. Karten von Attika, Text, II, p. 16;
R.E., s.v. Lakiadai.
City Lousia Kephisos valley, General location, suggested from slight literary
W of Athens evidence and the findspot of the grave marker
I.G., II2, 6756 and the reference in I.G., II2,
1672, line 195; cf. R.E., s.v. Lusia; Judeich,
Topographie2,p. 174.
City Perithoidai Kephisos valley, General location, suggested from slight literary
W of Athens evidence and the findspot of the grave marker
I.G., II2, 7219; cf. R.E., s.v. Perithoidai; Karten
von Attika, Text, II, p. 16.
City Ptelea Kephisos valley, General location, tentatively suggested from the
W of Athens findspot of a grave marker (cf. Hesperia, XXXV,
1966, p. 280, no. 7); cf. R.E., s.v. Ptelea 2.
City? Tyrmeidai Unknown Little evidence for location; trittys assignment
tentative; cf. R.E., Suppl. X, s.v. Tyrmeidai.
Coast Kothokidai Ag. Ioannes, N of Deme-site (cf. Karten von Attika, Text, VII-
Aspropyrgos VIII, p. 23), possible location for Kothokidai,
the general location of which is suggested by the
findspot (Goritsa) of the gravestone I.G., II2,
6481.
Coast Oe Site NE of Deme-site (cf. Philippson, Griech. Landschaften,
Aspropyrgos, at I, part 3, p. 861, note 123), suitable for Oe, the
foot of Kalistiri general location of which is suggested by
Sophocles (Oedipusat Kolonos, 1059ff.).
22 The
compact appearance of the city trittys discernible from Map 1 may be somewhat deceptive,
since only a very few of the Oineid city demes have been located with any certainty. The slight evidence
we have, however, suggests that most (if not all) of these small communities belong in the Kephisos
valley, west of Athens. Hippotomadai has also been assigned very tentatively to the city trittys, but the
evidence for this affiliation is very slight; it appears on I.G., II2, 1745 (= 17) in the company of the small
demes which certainly or probably belong to the city, but it must be added, in caution, that the deme
Phyle, a member of the coastal trittys, also appears in the same group. Indeed, there was a tendency in
the prytany lists, perhaps for convenience, to group together the tiny demes irrespective of trittys.
23 Kirsten's location of Oe is in accord with the remains shown on the Karten von Attika, Blatt VI
(no description in text), but his reference to Wrede's article in R.E. is entirely misleading (Philippson,
loc. cit.).
City26 Phaleron Near Old Abundant literary evidence for general location
Phaleron (e.g. Strabo, IX, 1, 21, etc.); precise location
unknown, but probably somewhat inland from
the coast.
Coast Marathon SE of Vrana Abundant literary evidence for general location
and extensive remains at several points in the
plain; probable location of deme center sug-
gested by the discovery of walls of ancient
houses, cf. A.J.A., LXX, 1966, pp. 319-323.
Coast Oinoe Ninoi Deme-site, identified with certainty from literary
sources and the survival of the name; cf. R.E.,
Suppl. VIII, s.v. Oinoe.
Coast Rhamnous Rhamnous Deme-site, extensive remains and abundant
evidence for certain identification.
Coast Trikorynthos NE of Kato Souli Deme-site (cf. Karten von Attika, Text, III-VI,
p. 49), probable location for Trikorynthos, the
general location of which is known with
certainty from abundant literary evidence
(Strabo, IX, 1, 22, etc.); cf. Hesperia, XXXV,
1966, p. 104 (Map).
Inland26 Aphidna Kotroni Deme-site (cf. Karten von Attika, Text, III-VI,
p. 60), identified with certainty from abundant
literary evidence; cf. R.E., s.v. Aphidna.
TOPOGRAPHICAL CONCLUSION
Although the compact trittys was obviously the general rule of the Kleisthenic
political organization, there is now no question but that the divided trittys did
irrespective of trittys, especially at the bottom of the last column in prytany lists, see above, p. 49,
note 22), I have tentatively assumed so and assigned all these small demes to the inland section.
27bis The location of
Amphitrope at Ari on the maps should be corrected.
28 The recent
discovery of a deme-decree of Eitea at Grammatiko (see A. G. Kalogeropoulou and
E. Vanderpool, AJAr.,XXV, 1970, pp. 204-216), supported by Philochoros' remark in Stephanos of
Byzantium that Semachidai was located in tthe Epakria, makes the inland section of Antiochis one of
the most obviously divided of the trittyes. Most, or perhaps even all, of the other small demes of this
phyle, for which the trittys assignment has been made provisionally to the inland area (see note 27,
above), could well belong to the same region as Eitea and Semachidai.
exist.29 In fact, all three sections show examples: Pandionis (III) and Leontis (IV)
in the coastal region; Aigeis (2), Leontis (4), and Antiochis (10) among the inland
trittyes; and at least Leontis (iv), Kekropis (vii), and Hippothontis (viii) in the city
area were certainly or probably divided. And it is very likely, especially in the city
section, where the trittyes were obviously much more artificial arrangements than
in either of the other two regions, that there would be additional examples if the
precise location of more demes were known.
In fact, the city trittyes, admittedly less studied and less well known than
either their coastal or inland counterparts,30appear to have been treated in an even
more special manner. Whereas in the latter two regions no topographical pattern is
at all apparent in the relationship of trittys to phyle, i.e. coastal Erechtheis (I) is
located between coastal Kekropis (VII) and Antiochis (X), and inland Leontis (4) is
located far from inland Pandionis (3) and Akamantis (5), but close to inland
Erechtheis (1), Oineis (6), and Hippothontis (8), etc., the city trittyes, on the other
hand, examined from the official order of the phylai, appear to follow roughly a
counter-clockwise arrangement around the city (I consider only the major deme or
group of demes in the case of a divided trittys).31 Erechtheis (i) is located to the
southeast of the city, Aigeis (ii) to the east and northeast, Pandionis (iii) and
Leontis (iv, considering only Skambonidai) to the north of the Acropolis, Akamantis
(v, omitting Iphistiadai) and Oineis (vi) to the northwest, Kekropis (vii, omitting
Daidalidai) to the west, Hippothontis (viii) and Aiantis (ix) to the southwest, and
Antiochis (x) to the south. One factor which facilitated such an organization of the
city region was the number of single-deme trittyes in the area. Phaleron (Aiantis, ix)
certainly was one, and Kydathenaion (Pandionis, iii), and Alopeke (Antiochis, x)
probably were others. Outside the city there were only two such trittyes, both
inland: Acharnai (Oineis, 6) and Aphidna (Aiantis, 9).
29 See also D. M.
Lewis, Historia, XII, 1963, pp. 35-36, and W. E. Thompson, Historia, XIII, 1964,
pp. 405-406.
30 R. S. Young (Hesperia, XX, 1951, pp.
140-143) has provided some evidence to show that the
main roads formed boundaries for several of the city demes.
31 The scheme was
outlined by A. Milchh6fer (Demenordnung,p. 45, with references) and has been
discussed most recently by E. Kirsten (Atti terzocongr., p. 159).
CONCURRENCES (C)= Total number of times quotas are confirmed, i.e. doubly attested (exceptions: (1)
prytany and bouleutic lists of same year and (2) quotas of zero are not recorded).
VARIATIONS (V) = Total number of instances a differing representation is attested.
two bouleutai,l4 every variation involves only a single bouleutes. The majority of
these fluctuations appear to have been ad hoc adjustments to particular situations,
i.e. the occasional failure of some small demes to fulfill their quotas. Others may be
due to a pre-arranged and more regular scheme whereby a small deme shared a
seat on the Council with another deme (see above, pp. 14 and 19). It is true that
our evidence is stronger for the first two periods than for the third, but throughout
the years from the time of the earliest texts until the end of the third century B.C.
the picture is consistent; a quota once established remained fixed until the phylai
themselves were reorganized. Since the population of a number of demes clearly
varied, and for some demes varied considerably,15over the years, then, clearly, if
this system ran solely on the basis of representation according to population, there
ought to be attested in each period numerous, and occasionally large, changes,
rather than the few, invariably small, and temporary fluctuations in the deme-
quotas.16
centuries, ninety demes, or about two-thirds of the total, remained with quotas
unchanged.
In fact, when the actual changes of 307/6 are subjected to scrutiny an even
more blatant inconsistency appears. Of the nearly fifty demes which altered their
quotas with the creation of Antigonis and Demetrias there is not a single certain
The Map (Map 3) presents schematically the changes the political organization
of Attica underwent in 307/6. While it is well known that many Athenian citizens
by 307/6 no longer lived in the demes of their forefathers, it still seems pertinent to
illustrate the changes with reference to the topography. The demes which increased
their representation are underlined on the Map and the quota increases are recorded
beside the deme names, e.g. + 2 for Sounion. The demes which were transferred to
17Three demes, Bate, Kydantidai, and Epikephisia, may have decreased their quotas from two to
one bouleutes, but the possible decrease in each case is probably better explained as a quota variation.
All three varied between one and two bouleutai during the period of the original ten phylai, and, in
addition for Kydantidai, also during the Macedonian period (see above, pp. 2, note 5, 15-16, and
19-20).
18 Such
may be the explanation of the remark in Harpokration directed against the Potamioi
(above, p. 46, note 18).
19See note 15, above,
p. 58.
the Macedonian phylai are also indicated on the Map, by super-imposing squares on
the circles for Antigonis and triangles on the circles for Demetrias.
Anagyrous I 8 (6)
Kephisia I 8 (6)
MyrrhinousIII [8] (6)
Coastal Lamptrai I 10 (9)
Euonymon I 12 (10)
Lower Paiania III [22] (11)
TOTAL DEMES: 34,19 of them (*) un-
changed in reorganization of 307/6
20It is very likely that a large number of other demes, especially from Antigonis, Demetrias, Aigeis,
Akamantis, Oineis, Kekropis, Hippothontis, and Antiochis, also passed into the Ptolemaic period with
quotas unchanged (see above, p. 61).
of the period immediately following 200 B.C.and also in the succeeding second period
of thirteen phylai (see Table, above, p. 57) which may be vestiges of the earlier
system but are more likely due only to chance. In the second period of twelve phylai
fifteen concurrences correspond to seventy-five variations, and in the following
period, twenty-three concurrences correspond to at least seventy variations. More-
over, the variations in representation after 200 B.C.are of a totally different nature
from those prior to that year. Of the one hundred and forty-seven variations attested
in the second periods of twelve and thirteen phylai, forty-six, or less than one-third,
are (or could be) by one bouleutes. The others are (or must be) by a larger number,
some by as many as ten, twelve, fourteen, fifteen, and one apparently by twenty-
nine bouleutai. Compare this with the thirty-six variations by a single bouleutes
and one by two bouleutai in the three periods prior to 200 B.C! The average variation
in the second period of twelve phylai is greater than four bouleutai, and in the
second period of thirteen phylai, greater than three. The reader is referred to the
individual charts, at the end of this volume, which will illustrate how radically quotas
varied from year to year and from one period to another during these last centuries
of bouleutic government. Possibly in these periods the councillors were simply
chosen by lot from the whole phyle. Whatever may be the reason, many demes,
including even large ones such as Kephale (twelve representatives in the Macedonian
period) occasionally went unrepresented, whereas other demes which were formerly
small, such as Azenia (two representatives prior to 200 B.C.), have twenty-one or
even more councillors in a single year.
Whatever the method employed in selecting the prytaneis, the elaborate
system of demes and phylai22 continued uninterrupted through these later periods,
although membership in the Council itself was reduced and a number of semi-
official new demes made their appearance after the creation of Hadrianis (see below,
pp. 87-95).
formation of the later phylai (see above, p. 25, with note 1, and below, p. 99). On the change in the
method of selecting prytaneis in the Roman period see P. Graindor, Athenes sous Auguste, p. 109 and
Geagan, Athenian ConstitutionAfter Sulla, p. 75.
of known Athenian citizens in the various demes, trittyes, and phylai. These figures,
based primarily on Kirchner's Prosopographia Attica, encompassing a period of
some six centuries, and subject of course to all the vagaries of chance preservation,
are obviously inferior to the bouleutic quotas as a reflection of the relative sizes of
the Athenian political units, but they do nevertheless provide an important con-
firmation23 of the conclusions I have drawn from the prytany and bouleutic
material, particularly with respect to the reapportionments of 307/6 and 224/3.
demes. The figures for the two demes Halai and the two Oinoe also seem to have
been distorted similarly, although not to the same extent as the Oion demes (see
above, p. 4). The peculiarities of chance undoubtedly account for a number of
other discrepancies between Gomme's figures and the bouleutic quotas, but it is
relatively certain that they do not account for all such abnormalities.27
A number of demes show a considerably higher rank according to Gomme's
figures than according to their bouleutic quotas. Some of these, e.g. Paiania,
Alopeke, Kephisia, Pallene, Sphettos, Cholleidai, Phyle, Krioa, and Plotheia, may
have become under-represented even by 307/6, or, e.g. Marathon and Rhamnous, by
224/3, and this under-representation presumably was the reason for their increased
quotas (for further possible instances see Table, below, pp. 67-70; ostensibly
under-represented demes are listed at the top of the quota groupings). Two of the
examples just cited, Paiania and Phyle, however, increase their quotas out of all
proportion to their size according to Gomme's figures. Other demes which appear to
have been under-represented according to the "population" totals, e.g. Melite,
Ankyle, Sypalettos, Otryne, Myrrhinoutta, Acherdous, Iphistiadai, etc., record no
increases either in 307/6, or, where known, in 224/3. On the other hand, a number of
demes whose bouleutic rank compares favorably with Gomme's figures (these appear
in the middle of the quota groupings in the Table, below) unexpectedly increase
their representation in 307/6, e.g. Euonymon, Ikarion, Pergase, Erikeia, the
Hippothontid Eroiadai, and Eiresidai, or in 224/3, e.g. Phrearrhioi and Phaleron.
The very fact that no demes decreased their quotas in 307/6, and probably also
in 224/3, indicates that the demes which were over-represented at the end of the
period of the original ten phylai or the first period of the twelve phylai remained so
in the succeeding period(s). A number of the demes which show a higher rank
according to their bouleutic quota than according to Gomme's figure may belong to
this class, e.g. Aphidna, Teithras, Anakaia, Poros, Trinemeia, Besa, Thymaitadai,
and Pelekes (for additional examples see Table, below; apparently-over-represented
demes appear at the bottom of the quota groupings). The most anomalous among
these are the demes which increase their quotas, even though from Gomme's figures
we should judge them already to have been over-represented, for example, Kephale,
Aigilia, and Agryle.
27 Instancesin which there is some questionconcerningeither Gomme'sfigureor the bouleutic
quota are not generally considered in the discussion which follows.
28 The
figures for the divided demes (indicated in parentheses) have been computed arbitrarily on
the basis of the relative bouleutic quotas of the two sections. For an explanation of the plus and minus
signs beside Gomme's Figure, Rank, and Deme Ratio see above, p. 4, and discussion, pp. 65-66.
29 Deme Ratio= Gomme's
Figure divided by Bouleutic Quota.
30
Phyle Ratio=Gomme's Figure for the Phyle divided by the Phyle Quota, i.e. 50.
28 The
figures for the divided demes (indicated in parentheses) have been computed arbitrarily on
the basis of the relative bouleutic quotas of the two sections. For an explanation of the plus and minus
signs beside Gomme's Figure, Rank, and Deme Ratio see above, p. 4, and discussion, pp. 65-66.
29 Deme Ratio= Gomme's
Figure divided by the Bouleutic Quota.
30
Phyle Ratio = Gomme's Figure for the Phyle divided by the Phyle Quota, i.e. 50.
All that I may say in summary is that the reapportionments occasioned by the
creation of Antigonis and Demetrias, and later by the creation of Ptolemais, appear
to have remedied, to a degree, imbalances in the ratio of representation to apparent
relative size of some demes, but they were not executed solely with this intent, for
all instances of over-representation certainly, and a number of cases of under-
representation probably, were totally ignored, and a few instances of over-repre-
sentation may have been aggravated by further increasing the quotas.
28 The
figures for the divided demes (indicated in parentheses) have been computed arbitrarily on
the basis of the relative bouleutic quotas of the two sections. For an explanation of the plus and minus
signs beside Gomme's Figure, Rank, and Deme Ratio see above, p. 4, and discussion, pp. 65-66.
29 Deme Ratio= Gomme's
Figure divided by Bouleutic Quota.
30 Phyle Ratio= Gomme's Figure for the Phyle divided by the Phyle Quota, i.e. 50.
Consequently the margin of error in the figures for the representation of the trittyes
in the Tables below is smaller than at first may seem apparent.31
The three sections, city, coast, and inland, as a whole were obviously far from
equal in representation. The city had considerably less representation in the Council
than either of the other two regions and the coastal section apparently had slightly
more representation than its inland counterpart. The changes in 307/6 did little to
alleviate, indeed they seem to have aggravated the imbalance between the repre-
sentation of the city and the representation of the other two regions, although by
favoring the inland area slightly more than the coast, they did diminish the difference
in representation between these two sections.
The trittyes, being composed of demes, naturally reflect, although less distinctly,
the general relationships discussed above with respect to the demes. The larger
trittyes in representation generally have the larger numbers of known citizens and
the smaller trittyes the lesser numbers of citizens, although there are many ex-
ceptions, including the very largest trittys, which ranks only tenth in "population."
The trittyes were admittedly of sharply diminished importance after 307/6 and
while it is possible several apparently-under-represented sections enjoyed an increase
in representation, no overall pattern is discernible in the changes either of that year
or of 224/3.
THE RELATIVE SIZES OF THE TRITTYES: TABLE 2
ORIGINAL GOMME'S TRITTYS 33 PHYLE 34 CHANGE 35 CHANGE 35
QUOTA RANK TRITTYS FIGURE RANK RATIO RATIO 307/6 224/3
27 1 X Coast 468 10 17.3 21.2 +5?
25 2 II Inland 690 1 27.6 30.8 +9
25 2 IX Coast 600 3 24.0 19.6 0 +12
23 (22) 4 I Coast 611 2 26.6 26.2 +3 +1
22 5 VI Inland 452 14 20.5 22.5 +3 ?
21? 6 VII Inland 576 4 27.4 26.3 +7?
20 7 IV Coast 486 8 24.3 30.0 +3 +1
20 7 VIII Coast 479 + 9 24.0+ 21.5 +2?
19 (20) 9 III Coast 397 15 20.9 24.5 +4 +1
19 10 III Inland 531 5 27.9 24.5 +11 0
19 10 V Inland 458 12 24.1 23.0 +3
19 10 VIII City 456 13 24.0 21.5 +1?
17 13 IV Inland 510 6 30.0 30.0 +3 0
17 13 VI Coast 346 21 20.4 22.5 +5
17 13 V Coast 302 25 17.8 23.0 +4
16 16 I City 335 22 20.9 26.2 +3 0
16 16 IX Inland 229 28 14.3 19.6 0 0
15 18 VII City 382 18 25.5 26.3 0
14 19 II Coast 461 + 11+ 32.9+ 30.8 +4
14 19 V City 389 16 27.8 23.0 +3
14? 19 VII Coast 356- 20- 25.4- 26.3 +8?
13 22 IV City 506 + 7+ 38.9+ 30.0 +3 0
13 22 X Inland 335 22 25.8 21.2 +4
12 (11) 24 III City 295 26 24.6 24.5 +0 0
11 (12) 25 I Inland 366 19 33.3 26.2 +4
11 26 II City 389 + 1+6 35.4+ 30.8 +2
11 26 VI City 327 24 29.7 22.5 +1 +4
11 26 VIII Inland 142- 30- 12.9- 21.5 +3?
10 29 X City 255 27 25.5 21.2 +2
9 30 IX City 168 29 18.7 19.6 0 +4
regardless of his domicile, bore one and only one demotic, almost invariably his
father's,7 which he obtained on being enrolled in the deme register after completing
his eighteenth year. Though a citizen might move from deme to deme, residence, or
even the ownership of property in a deme, did not qualify him for service either in
the local government8 or in the common Council. Only the possession of the
demotic, which had no residence requirement, conferred these privileges.
The functions of the constitutional deme were both regional, in the policing
and administering of its locality, and national, in providing representatives (among
other responsibilities) to attend the Athenian Council.9 Both of these functions
necessitated a body of demotai.
Evidence for the local functioning of the demes, e.g. deme-decrees, though
extremely important, is unfortunately very limited,10 but evidence for representa-
Thompson (SymbolaeOsloenses,XLVI, 1971, pp. 72-79), in opposition to Eliot, have stressed the non-
topographical aspects of Kleisthenes' demes, but in support of Eliot's contention concerning deme
boundariesit may be pointed out that property is often listed in inscriptions with referenceto the demes
and that all the territory of Attica, with a few exceptions, must have been associated theoretically, if
not actually, with one deme or another.
7
Adoption was rare and naturalization, at least prior to Late Roman times, apparently rarer still.
On the latter, see A. Billheimer, Naturalizationin Athenian Law and Practice, Gettysburg, 1922. On the
former see references in O.C.D.2, s.v. Adoption, Greek.
8
The listing of KaC TrosoliKovVartvTorV rotTrv 'PaEcLvoivVT along with 'PacvovaloLs in J. Pouilloux,
La Forteressede Rhamnonte,p. 208, no. 17 (cf. p. 120, no. 8, and p. 130, no. 15, lines 48-51) should be
regardedas a special case, for Rhamnous was one of the few demes to include a fortified acropoliswithin
its borders, and in addition to numerous deme-decrees, it was the finding place of many decrees by
soldiers in garrison (cf. Pouilloux, op. cit., pp. 118-119, no. 7; p. 123, no. 10; p. 124, no. 11; p. 128,
no. 13, etc.). Compare also the parallel for Eleusis: ['8]oE:v [rt
'EAEvcr[Lvi]wv S&
~tW Ka]t 'AOrqvaco[C]s
[roZS EvT-f qVAa]]K4[L](I.G., 112,1191, lines 3-5).
That many Athenians in the fourth century still lived in the demes of their forefathers is attested
time and again in the orators and for Halimous is specifically stated by Demosthenes (LVII, 10; cf.
Gomme, Population, pp. 45-47, and R. V. Cram, De Vicis Atticis, summary in Harv. Stud. Clas. Phil.,
XXVIII, 1917, p. 225). The enktetikontax was a deterrent to the ownership of property in another deme
and would reinforce Athenian conservatism in this respect (see W. S. Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens,
p. 375, note 1, but cf. Gomme, Population, pp. 45-47).
9 On both the local and national functions of the Attic demes, see R.E., ,;ilot, cols. 9-27, and
27-30, respectively.
10 There are decrees extant for about
twenty-five demes. A partial list (for many entries I am
indebted to E. Vanderpool) would include: Acharnai (I.G., II2, 1207; S.E.G., XXI, 519); Aixone (I.G.,
II2, 1196-1202, 2492; Ath. Mitt., LXVI, 1941, p. 218); Athmonon (I.G., II2, 1203); Berenikidai? (I.G.,
II2, 1221); Cholargos (I.G., II2, 1184); Eitea in Antiochis (JEAr., XXV, 1970, pp. 204-216); Eleusis
(I.G., I2, 183-185; II2, 1185-1194, 1218, 1219, 1220?; Hesperia, VIII, 1939, p. 177); Epikephisia (I.G.,
II2, 1205); Gargettos (Ath. Mitt., LXVII, 1942, pp. 7-8, no. 5=7oA/cwUv,IV, 1949, pp. 10-16); Halai
Aixonides (I.G.,II2, 1174-1175;S.E.G., XII, 52; JEAr.,XI, 1927-8, pp. 40-43, nos. 4-7, cf. Ath. Mitt.,
LXVII, 1942, pp. 8-10, nos. 6-8); Halai Araphenides ('Apx. 'E+., 1925-6, pp. 168-177, cf.lpapcKclKa,
1956, pp. 87-89; HoAcuvv, I, pp. 227-232='Apx. 'Eb., 1932, XpOVLKa,pp. 30-32, cf.I1paKTLKa, 1956,
pp. 87-89; "Epyov, 1957, pp. 24-25=I7paKcrLKKa, 1957, pp. 45-47); Halimous (B.S.A., XXIV, 1919-21,
pp. 151-160=S.E.G., II, 7); Ikarion (I.G.,
I2, 186-187; II2, 1178-1179); Kephisia (JeAr., XXI, 1966,
tion in the Council and for bodies of demotai is more prevalent and I apply these two
elements as criteria in determining which were the constitutional demes and how
many they were.
XPOVLK, . 106, f. XXIV, 1969, pp. 6-7); Kollytos (I.G., II2, 1195); Kydathenaion (see Agora, XVI=
I 5212); Lamptrai (I.G., II2, 1204); Melite (S.E.G., XXII, 116; see Agora, XVI); Myrrhinous (I.G.,
II2, 1182-1183); Peiraieus (I.G., II2, 1176-1177, 1214; Hesperia, III, 1934, pp. 44-46, no. 33); Plotheia
(I.G., II2, 1172); Rhamnous (I.G., II2, 1217-1218; 'ApX.'E., 1953, pp. 131-136=Pouilloux, no. 17;
'EMAAVLKd, III, 1930, pp. 153-162=Pouilloux, no. 15; S.E.G., XXII, 120; XXIV, 154); Skambonidai
(I.G., I2, 188); Sounion (I.G., II2, 1180-1181; Ath. Mitt., LIX, 1934, pp. 35-39=S.E.G., X, 10);
Sypalettos (I.G., I2, 189); Teithras (Ath. Mitt., XLIX, 1924, pp. 1-13=S.E.G., XXIV, 151-153;
Hesperia, XXXI, 1962, pp. 401-403=S.E.G., XXI, 520); unidentified: I.G., II2, 1212 (perhaps
Themakos?); I.G., II2, 1215 (perhapsErikeia?); I.G., II2, 1173, 1208-1209, 1210 (perhapsAnagyrous?),
1211, 1213, 1216; S.E.G., XXI, 521; S.E.G., XIV, 81. Leges sacrae are known for Erchia (B.C.H.,
LXXXVII, 1963, pp. 603-634), Pallene (Ath. Mitt., LXVII, 1942, pp. 24-29, no. 26), and Phrearrhioi
(Hesperia, XXXIX, 1970, pp. 50-53); dedications for Plotheia (I.G., II2, 4607, 4885), Sphettos (B.C.H.,
XCIII, 1969, pp. 56-71), and Halai Aixonides (I.G., II2, 3091) are also extant. It is worth noting that
deme-decrees are comparatively rare after the end of the fourth century B.C.and virtually unknown
after the end of the following century.
11See above, p. 2, and note 5.
evidence for (1) has been set forth fully above (pp. 26-34), but for (2) has been
presented only passim in the Commentaries on the Tables of Representation and I
therefore provide a more comprehensive treatment here.
The relative lengths of the columns in the bouleutic list of 335/4 (I.G., II2,
1700=43) suggests a composition as follows:
PHYLE I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X
NAMES 50 49? 50 50 50 50 50 49? 50 50
PATRONYMICS 50 49 ? 50 50 50 50 50 49 ? 50 50
DEMOTICS 13 20? 11 20 13 12 11+1 vacat? 17? 6 13+2vacat?
TOTAL 113 118 111 120 113 112 112 115 106 115
There are several small discrepancies between these figures and the totals for the
numbers of demes indicated by requisites one and two (a). All are probably due to
special circumstances either in the arrangement of this text or in the composition
of the Council in 335/4. One very small deme from Erechtheis (I) and Oineis (VI)
(cf. above, pp. 14-19) apparently failed to send a representative in this year. Pam-
botadai and Sybridai in the former and Tyrmeidai in the latter are known from
other lists to have been absent occasionally from the Council. Their representation,
in these instances, was shared with other demes in their phylai. The rosters of
Hippothontis (VIII) and Aigeis (II) are two and three lines short respectively (see
above, pp. 11-12 and 17), but it is unlikely that as many as two or three demes
failed to send a representative in a single year (we have no parallel for the absence of
more than one demotic from a tribal roster prior to 200 B.C.).Probably both rosters
lack one name and patronymic (= two lines, the father's name being inscribed in a
separate line from the bouleutes'), and, in addition for Aigeis, the two sections of
Ankyle may have been listed together. There are a number of parallels both for the
omission of names from prytany and bouleutic lists (cf. above, pp. 3 and 5-6)
and also for the grouping of the several sections of the divided demes under a single
demotic (above, p. 11, note 18), but, generally, uninscribed lines were left for the miss-
ing names, and in this inscription in particular the other divided demes were listed
individually by their separate sections. More anomalous are the additional lines
indicated in the rosters of Kekropis (VII) and Antiochis (X) (see above, pp. 9-11 and
13). Perhaps uninscribed spaces (not intended for missing bouleutai) were left in
these columns, or officials of the phylai were included with the fifty councillors, but
the circumstances are most unusual. The total number of demes recorded in I.G.,
II2, 1700, therefore, may have been as high as 136, with only three small demes
failing to have individual representation.16
16 In the list of names which I have tentatively identified as a catalogue of bouleutai and alternates
from about 370 B.C. (I.G., II2, 1697, etc. = 492; see above, p. 2, with note 5) column II ended apparently
six lines below column III. These two columns, with the rosters of Pandionis and Leontis (II) and
The bouleutic lists from the Macedonian period also provide some indication of
the number of constitutional demes composing the various phylai. The catalogue of
304/3 shows that the roster of Leontis had seven demes more than the roster of
Pandionis, confirming what we know from the direct evidence, viz. that Pandionis
and Leontis had eight and fifteen demes respectively in this period.
The more informative bouleutic list of 303/2 suggests the following compositions
for the phylai:
STELEI STELEII
PHYLE I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII
BOULEUTAI Not Preserved 50 50 50 50 50f 849 50 50 50
DEMOTICS 8 15 10 10 7 orYl 8 14 6 10
TOTAL 58 65 60 60 57 57 64 56 60
The one discrepancy with the known number of regular demes arises in the roster of
Kekropis (IX), indicating that either Epieikidai sent no representative or the
column contained only forty-nine bouleutai.
The catalogue of 281/0 is the most informative of the three from the Macedonian
period. It prescribes the following tribal compositions:17
PHYLE I II III IV V VI
HEADING Antigonis Demetrias Erechtheis Aigeis Pandionis Leontis
BOULEUTAI 50 50 50h f49 50 + i vacat 50 50
DEMOTICS 15 15 10}r 11 17 8 15
SERVANT 1 1 1 1
SPACE
BETWEEN 1 1 I I
ROSTERS
PHYLE VII VIII IX
IX X XI XII
HEADING Akamantis Oineis Kekropis Hippothontis Aiantis Antiochis
BOULEUTAI 50 50 50)or r49 50 50 50 +1 vacat
DEMOTICS 10 10 7 8 14 6 10
SERVANT 1? 1 1 1
Akamantis and Oineis (III), should have contained thirty-one and twenty-six (a difference of five)
demotics respectively, but there are too many uncertainties concerning this text to attach great
significance to this observation or this discrepancy. It is worth noting, however, in the same list that if
Anaphlystos, which should appear immediately under the tribal heading of Antiochis in column V,
contained its expected (for this text) complement of fifteen representatives (i.e. its regular quota of ten,
plus five alternates), then the differencein the lengths of the rosters of Kekropis and Aiantis amounts to
five lines or precisely the difference in the number of known demes in the two phylai.
17The table is a revised version of that published in Hesperia, XXXVIII, 1969, p. 471. The
corrections, based on more recently discovered material, affect the rosters of Aigeis, Hippothontis, and
Antiochis. The prytany list of 254/3 B.C. (Hesperia, XXXVIII, 1969, pp. 419-420=89) has shown
The rosters of Kekropis (again in the Macedonian period) and Erechtheis were
apparently each short of either one demotic (probably Epieikidai in the former and
Sybridai or Pambotadai in the latter)or one bouleutes. Since the roster of Aigeis
appears to end six lines below that of Erechtheis (assuming the quota of Erikeia
was complete with its normal complement of two representatives and the un-
inscribed half-line below Hestiaia was intended for a single councillor from this
deme), one might naturally deduce that these two phylai had their expected
contingents of seventeen and eleven demes respectively (and, because the rosters of
Antigonis and Demetrias end five lines below Erechtheis, that these two tribes had
sixteen demes each), but the arrangement of the rosters dictated by the preservation
of the bottoms of columns two through six will not allow such a deduction. The
second column ended eight and one-half lines below the third column and one-half
line above the sixth. The rosters of Erechtheis and Kekropis in column three,th,tere-
fore, must each be lacking one line; and the Macedonian phylai in the upper first
and second columns must each be composed of fifteen demes. Moreover, in order to
account for the length of column six we must assume one uninscribed line (not
intended for a bouleutes) in the roster of either Leontis or Antiochis. One un-
inscribed line appears above the demotic of Anaphlystos, and, although on another
occasion I have suggested that it probably was intended for a ninth representative
of Pallene,18 it is possible that Pallene's quota was already complete at eight and
that an additional demesman should be assigned, in 281/0, to the quota of either
Alopeke or Aigilia.
Because of the uncertainty concerning the termination of both the Aigeid and
Hippothontid rosters in the same bouleutic list the fourth column forms a special
problem. If, as suggested, Erechtheis had either just ten demotics or forty-nine
bouleutai in 281/0, and Aigeis had its expected representation of fifty bouleutai and
seventeen demotics, then the tribal roster of the latter must be one line longer than
the last line preserved on fragment I-K-O. A single additional line, however, is
unlikely, for the quota of Erikeia is complete with two representatives and the
minimal supplement would be one demotic and one bouleutes. The roster of Aigeis,
then, probably contained one uninscribed line (not intended for a councillor). An
uninscribed line (in reality a half-line, but the significance is the same) is evident
under the demotic of Hestiaia, and although it has been assumed that this line was
intended for the normal one representative of this deme,19it may be that Hestiaia's
conclusively that Bate was not transferred to one of the Macedonianphylai (once proposed because of
its absence from the defective register of I.G., II2, 678 = 85) and that Aigeis had, in fact, a full comple-
ment of seventeen demes in the period after 307/6. It is also now known that Antiochis had ten demes
and Hippothontis very probably fourteen in the Macedonianperiod (see above, pp. 12 and 14).
18 Hesperia, XXXVIII, 1969,
pp. 491-492.
19Ibid., p. 484.
quota was already accounted for by one of the other Aigeid demes, viz. perhaps
either Kydantidai or Phegaia, both of which had in 281/0 one additional bouleutes
over their usual representation. The complete list, then, must have contained at
least 137 demes, and all 139 may even have been recorded.
2362, line 51), but the reading as sigma of the first of the two letters preserved was
rejected by Pritchett.28 The letters SAAA,it should also be noted, appear within a
group of regular demotics (although the text is not arranged by phylai) in one Late
Roman ephebic list (I.G., II2, 2020, line 32), but other non-constitutional demes, in
addition to a number of ethnics, are well known particularly in the ephebic catalogues
of this period.
Kaletea (p. 115, No. 17). The existence of this deme depends on a single source,
Pococke's reading of line 57 in I.G., II2, 1077 (=460), a prytany list of Pandionis
dated 209/10. Fourmont read only the first and last parts of the demoticand provided
a slightly different spacing for the missing internal letters, but Kaleteeus was kept by
both A. Boeckh (C.I.G., 353) and W. Dittenberger (I.G., III, 10). Kirchner corrected
the line, somewhat violently perhaps, from the earlier editions to read a prytanis'
name, and while we may not accept his particular restoration (which he set in
question marks), we may assume that the original transcripts represent an error.29
Kikynna B (p. 115, No. 18). Kikynneis is the obvious restoration of the demotic
in Chandler's copy of I.G., II2, 1927 (line 37), but, although one deme Kikynna is
well known in Akamantis, no such homonymous deme is otherwise attested in
Kekropis. Dow has suggested very plausibly that the demotic of Athmonon was
intended here.30The errorerror, whichthe involves the first preserved letter only, is more
probably due to Chandler than to the ancient mason.
Atene B (p. 114, No. 6). A divided Atene, with one section (well attested) in
Demetrias and another (only here) remaining in Antiochis, was posited to obviate
double representation in the Board of Archons during Menekrates' year (I.G., II2,
1706, line 73=Hesperia, II, 1933, pl. XIV, line 93), but Meritt's reading in this text
of the polemarch's deme as Azenia (and not Atene) has resolved the difficulty and
removed the
thevidenc fore the existence of Atene B.31
Ikarion B (p. 115, No. 16). One deme of this name32was a well-attested member
of Aigeis, later Antigonis, and afterwards Attalis. A second deme Ikarion was
assigned to Ptolemais on the basis of three readings: (1) IKAin I.G., 2II, 2107, line 24,
later corrected by Mitsos to EKA;33 (2) <'IK>ap<>EVSv in I.G., II2, 2442, line 5, a
highly questionable correction by Koehler of Fourmont's TapaEvs;34and (3) ['IKa]-
28
T.A.P.A., LXXXV, 1954, pp. 165-166.
29 I can make out only traces of letters in this line on the Princeton squeeze and I read nothing
with certainty. K[Ca 13] Eva[---] (the text of Agora, XV, No. 460, line 79) is close to Fourmont's
transcript.
30Hesperia, III, 1934, p. 188. The prosopographicalevidence, as yet, has provided no help.
31 Hesperia, XVII, 1948, p. 21.
32 On the form of the name see D. M. Lewis, B.S.A., LI, 1956,
p. 172. Part of Lewis' remark was
anticipated by Frazer, Pausanias, II, p. 461.
33 B.C.H., LXXIII, 1949,
p. 356=S.E.G., XII, 120, line 23.
34 R.E.,
A,uot, cols. 69-70; D. M. Lewis, B.S.A., LI, 1956, p. 172.
pi[a] in I.G., II2, 2362, line 53, as read by W. K. Pritchett,3s but whereas Pritchett's
reading of rho followed by "the upper part of a vertical stroke which may be
original" is probably correct, his restoration, in my opinion, is incorrect, for
Perrhidai also suits these traces,36has been assigned with certainty to Ptolemais,
and is more naturally associated with a group of names which include Thyrgonidai
and Hyporeia (see below, p. 98). Ikarion B can safely be rejected from consideration
as an Attic deme.
that Antiochis in 306/5 was listed for both prytany IX and prytany XII: cf. the parallels in 329/8 when
Antiochis was recorded as holding prytanies I and II (I.G., II2, 1672, lines 1-2, 37) and in 303/2 when
Kekropiswas named for both prytany VIII and prytany IX (B. D. Meritt, 'ApX.'Av&A. E' 'AO.,V, 1972,
pp. 292-293).
Coastal Lamptrai (p. 117, No. 23). That Coastal Lamptrai was merely an
alternate name for Lower Lamptrai is made clear by Harpokration43and is accepted
by all modern scholars. If further confirmation were needed, it may be found in the
quotas: Upper Lamptrai had five representatives, Coastal Lamptrai nine, and all
demes named Lamptrai together fourteen (see Table of Representation I, below).
43 S.v. AaTurrpels.
44The list is far from complete, for, as mentioned above (p. 73), Brauron and Kynosarges were
called demesby Stephanos of Byzantium and there are a number of others.
45 As pointed out, several of them may not necessarily have been Attic, but it is likely that they
all were, for although the lexicographers and ancient authors may not have been referring to the
political units when they mentioned demoi (above, p. 73) they were almost invariably referringat least
to Attica.
46
See, for example, the list in M. Crosby, "The Leases of the Laureion Mines," Hesperia, XIX,
1950, pp. 308-310.
47 The reference is supported by a passage in Suda, see Appendix C, p. 115, below.
48 On the Athenian gene see J. Toeppfer, Attische Genealogie,passim. The list provided by P.
MacKendrick, The Athenian Aristocracy 399 to 31 B.C. (Martin Classical Lectures, XXIII, Oberlin
College, 1969), pp. 97-105, is quite incomplete. Pyrrhakidai was an Athenian genos, see note 52, below.
49 Cf., for example, the well-established centers of the two branches of the Salaminioi in the decrees
published by WV.S. Ferguson, Hesperia, VII, 1938, pp. 1-76.
Echelidai (p. 114, No. 10) has a location, closely defined by Stephanos of
Byzantium, within the constitutional deme of Xypete.50
Gephyreis (p. 115, No. 13) has a general location known from the Etymologicum
Magnum.
Lekkon (p. 117, No. 22) is assigned to Antiochis by Hesychios.51
Oisia (p. 118, No. 26) is grouped with Kephisia and Lousia in Arcadius as an
example of an oxytonic name ending in alpha. No other oxytonic Attic deme name
ending in alpha, viz. I7panat, Z2eLpLa,AlyAcLdand 'IKapta,52indeed no other Attic
deme name, bears any resemblance to Oisia.
Rhakidai (p. 120, No. 35) is assigned to Akamantis by Photios.
Sporgilos (p. 121, No. 39) also appears as a demotic, Sporgilios, in Stephanos of
Byzantium.
when it was apparently a dependent community of Aphidna, and (2) Hyporeia, like
Aphidna, undoubtedly had a tribal affiliation with Aiantis, and later Ptolemais, but
not with Aigeis. The second point is strengthened, if, as proposed below, we remove
the analogy of the triple transfer of Perrhidai.54
Thyrgonidai (p. 121, No. 41), described by Harpokration as being transferred,
along with Aphidna, Perrhidai, and Titakidai, from Aiantis (quoting Nicander), and
as belonging to Ptolemais (quoting Demetrios Skepsios), also appears in the Ptolemaid
roster of I.G.,JJII2,2362, in a group which includes Hyporeia, Eunostidai, Klopidai,
and Perrhidai. Like Hyporeia, Petalidai, and probably the other demes in the
group, Thyrgonidai was no doubt a very small community within the constitu-
tional deme Aphidna.
n
Titakidai (p. 122, No. 42). I addition to the reference by Harpokration in the
passage just cited, Titakidai is also mentioned by Stephanos of Byzantium, who
assigns it to Antiochis, but Stephanos is not at all reliable in such assignments
generally and confirms our suspicion of error in this particular instance by connect-
ing the eponymous founder of Titakidai with Aphidna. Titakidai occurs as a demotic
in one Ptolemaid prytany register, in two ephebic rosters (both of Ptolemais) and in
three gravestones, all six of these inscriptions dating from the second and third
centuries after Christ. Undoubtedly Titakidai also was a small community within
the regular deme Aphidna.
Perrhidai (p. 119, No. 28). In addition to the reference by Harpokration in the
passage cited above, Perrhidai is mentioned by both Stephanos of Byzantium, who
54The alternatives to Hyporeia (for the demotic of the secretary in 246/5) hitherto proposed have
been either to assume a stonecutter's error or to restore the demotic Hybades. Hybadai belonged to
Leontis and itsits restoration
restoration here necessitates aa second break, within two years, in the secretary cycles.
necessitats
heresecond
Moreover, as Meritt has shown (op. cit., pp. 38-41), Hybades provides a far less suitable length of line
than Hyporeieus (of course, Hybades followed by an interval of three spaces would also give the longer
line, and Meritt himself has argued that such an uninscribed space is possible in decrees of this period,
XXXII, 1963, p. 427). There is another possibility, however, which deserves consideration,
Heseria, XXXII,
and that is the restoration of the demotic as Lower Ankyle. Lower Ankyle (like its twin, Upper Ankyle,
which I assume was the section transferred to Antigonis in 307/6) was at least a legitimate con-
stitutional deme belonging to Aigeis, the phyle required by the regular tribal cycles for the secretary in
246/5. Admittedly, the special designations KaOv'Tepof(v) and v7revepOE(v) were not regularly used
when these demotics were cited in inscriptions, but they do appear on a number of prytany, bouleutic,
and ephebic lists from the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. and also in the deme-catalogue of 201/0 (see
Appendix D, below, pp. 123-128). On these occasions it was obviously felt necessary to keep the in-
divided demes distinct (they were, after all, like the homonymous demes,
independent constitutional demes, each section having its own specific quota of representation in the
I
Council). suggest that similar circumstances might account for such a specific designation here, viz.
that it was felt necessary, near the beginning of this third-century tribal cycle, at a time when one
section of Ankyle belonged to Antigonis, to mark clearly that the secretary came from Aigeis. We know
also fromn Harpokration (s.v. AarrTpEZS) that Athenians occasionally specified which section of a
divided deme they belonged to, and there exists in the same author a parallel for the inverted order
posited here: 'Ap8qTrOS... iTposTr) 8ifpo TrCVTrfVEpOEV 'AypvAEwv.
(iota alone) known from the lexicographers, not the supposed [P]errheidai (epsilon-
iota) from the Hesperia prytany inscription. I conclude, therefore, that there was no
deme Perrheidai, that the community was called Perrhidai, and that the text of
Hesperia, Suppl. I, p. 36, no. 3, line 11 was cut in error for Tyrmeidai.
Petalidai (p. 119, No. 29). Two inscriptions from the middle of the fourth
century describe property as being located 'AtS e'v HIeraAS&cuand 'AqiSv3rmlev
H1eraASCLv.These phrases immediately invite comparison with Hyporeia (see above,
p. 87), and no doubt Petalidai, Hyporeia, Perrhidai, etc., were all small communities
within Aphidna. With Perrhidai restored in line 53 of I.G., II2, 2362, only Pentele
and Petalidai, which begin pi-epsilon, are available in Ptolemais for the restoration
in line 52. Pentele was affiliated originally with Antiochis, but Petalidai, as just
mentioned, was located in Aphidna and would naturally belong with Thyrgonidai,
Hyporeia, Perrhidai, etc. which appear in this very section of the deme-catalogue.
On this basis, then, I suggest the restoration of Petalidai in line 52 of I.G., II2,
2362.59 Two ephebes of Ptolemais, both obviously from the same family, bear this
demotic near the middle of the second century after Christ.
Eunostidai (p. 114, No. 12) first occurs in the Ptolemaid roster of the deme-
catalogue, inscribed immediately below Hyporeia and in the same group as Perrhidai
and Petalidai (if my restorations are correct). It next appears nearly a century later,
in 108/7, as the demotic of Xenokleides, father of one Pamphile who helped prepare
the peplos for Athena.60 In Late Roman times it reappears as the demotic of two
ephebes belonging to Ptolemais. It is only an inference, based mainly61 on the
grouping in the deme-catalogue, but it is at least possible that Eunostidai was also a
small community associated with the constitutional deme Aphidna (see below,
p. 98).
Klopidai (p. 116, No. 19) makes its first appearance in the Knights of Aristo-
phanes (line 79) where it is generally explained by scholiasts and commentators, on
the basis of the well-known Attic demotic Kropidai, as a deliberate humorous
invention by the author. KAQrIA[--] occurs as a place name in the fourth-century
property inscription I.G., II2, 1602,62 and is assumed by scholars to be the earliest
inscriptional reference to Klopidai. The name has also been read by Pritchett in the
deme-catalogue of 201/0,63 in which it appears immediately below Thyrgonidai.
More than three centuries later it reappears as the demotic of two ephebes, of two
59 There may be a trace of the vertical stroke which could belong to tau still preserved in the third
letter-space in this line, but again I cannot be sure of the reading.
60 I.G., 112,1036, line 37; the reading is by C. A. Hutton, B.S.A., XXI, 1914-16, p. 159.
61 See pp. 98-100, for a discussion of the arrangement of the deme-catalogue.The father of one of
the ephebes, it may be pointed out, bore the name Onasos, which is known a little earlier in Aphidna
(I.G., 112, 1755, line 14=Agora, XV, No. 275; I.G., II2, 8178).
62 The lambda in the text (cf. S.E.G., XXI, 577) is assumed to be an uncompleted delta.
63T.A.P.A., LXXXV, 1954, p. 167.
prytaneis of Ptolemais,64 and of the exegete of Pythian Apollo. On the basis of its
appearance in I.G., II2, 2362 in the company of several other communities which
certainly or probably were associated with Aphidna, Klopidai also is tentatively
affiliated with this constitutional deme and is assigned to Aiantis for the period
prior to 224/3.
Boeotian border associated with one of the constitutional demes in the trittys to
which Dekeleia, Oion Dekeleikon, and possibly also Anakaia, belonged.
Akyaia (p. 113, No. 2). Three ephebes of Ptolemais, two of them obviously from
the same family, bear this demotic about the middle of the second century after
Christ; one of the ephebes reappears about a half dozen years later as a hypo-
sophronistes. Another demesmanwas Secretary of the Boule and Demos in A.D. 168/
9. One may speculate on the earlier history of Akyaia, as also on the earlier histories
of the other seven demes treated in this section, but that it was not a regular con-
stitutional deme is clear.
Amymone (p. 113, No. 4) appears as a demoticon three ephebic lists, on two of
which it is identified with the phyle Hippothontis, and also on one gravestone, all
dating from the second or third centuries after Christ.
Ergadeis (p. 114, No. 11) occurs as a demotic of Antiochis in one prytany
catalogue, in one unidentified list, and in three ephebic rosters. The earliest of the
ephebic inscriptions is dated to the year A.D. 126/7, just at the time the phyle
Hadrianis was being established; another belongs about A.D. 166/7 and lists as
belonging to Ergadeis two unusual and non-Attic names, Bakchylos and Beithynikos.
Etymology is sometimes employed to suggest a Laureion location for this deme,72
but Epyaar4pta, if this indeed provides the correct derivation for Ergadeis, could
also belong to the city as well as to a mining area, and both the inland and coastal
trittyes of Antiochis included mines or quarries.
Kykala (p. 116, No. 20) occurs only twice, once as a place name in a property
inscription dating from the fifth century B.C., and a second time, nearly six centuries
later, as the demotic of an Aiantid ephebe in A.D. 163/4. The tribal affiliation with
Aiantis in the second century after Christ precludes any possible association with
Aphidna, to which we have assigned so many other small communities.
Kyrteidai (p. 116, No. 21). Described (with slightly differing spelling73) by
Hesychios as a deme belonging to Akamantis, Kyrteidai is well known from the
Late Roman inscriptions, chiefly the ephebic lists, but also one prytany catalogue,
I.G., II2, 1775 (=373), in which it has two representatives. The second of these
councillors, Zenon, son of a homonymous father, is almost certainly to be identified
with the Secretary of the Bouleutai in the Akamantid prytany list of the preceding
year (I.G., JJII2,1774= 371, A.D. 167/8), in which he appears at the end of the register
(the regular position for this officer in this period) below the single representative of
Kerameis. It may be noted in passing that Kyrteidai does not appear in the earlier of
these prytany lists, nor Kerameis in the later, and it is possible (following the parallel
72 R. Loper, Ath. Mitt., XVII, 1892, p. 422; A. Milchhofer, R.E., s.v. Ergadeis. On the meaning of
Epyaa9rrptov as "cistern/washing-table complex" see R. J. Hopper, B.S.A., LXIII, 1968, p. 324.
Alternately, it may be derived from 'ApyaSxs, one of the four Ionic phylai (cf. L.S.J.9, s.v. E'py'8es,
citing manuscript readings from Plutarch, Solon, 23).
73KvpTcX'Sat;
the curtailed form KYPTIin the ephebic list I.G., II2, 2086, line 87, however, probably
stands for Kvp-rZSat.
of the demes discussed in the preceding section) that Kyrteidai was originally a
dependent community of Kerameis or of another Akamantid deme.74
Leukopyra (p. 117, No. 24). Described by Hesychios as a deme of Antiochis,
Leukopyra is also well known as a demotic from one occurrence in an Antiochid
prytany list (I.G., II2, 1781, line 33=380; the reading and interpretation of the
letters lambda-epsilon-sigma, however, are open to question and these letters may
in fact belong to a name) and six occurrences, representing at most three families, in
ephebic rosters of Antiochis. All of the inscriptions have been dated later than the
middle of the second century after Christ.
Phyrrhinesioi or Phyrhnesioi (p. 120, No. 32) appears as a demoticin as many as
four prytany registers of Antiochis, all of them dating from either the second or
third century after Christ. One of the prytaneis, Eulogos, son of Kleonymos, from
the text dated after A.D. 216, occurs in an ephebic list of about twenty-five years
earlier in which the ephebes were not given demotics although they were arranged
by phylai.75The demoticof Phyrrhinesioi, however, does occur in two other ephebic
lists, both dating from the Late Roman period. In one of these the Antiochid tribal
affiliation is made clear.
Semachidai B (p. 121, No. 37). One Semachidai had a well-known continuous
history in Antiochis and has at last been located with much probability in the
"Epakria," as suggested by Philochoros.76A second Semachidai (the ending is not
actually preserved, but it is naturally assumed to have been identical with the
Antiochid demotic) is known only from the Late Roman period, as the demotic of
two Ptolemaid ephebes, one of whom bears the unusual name Dareios. The two
Semachidai (if indeed there were two such demes, and the evidence for the Ptolemaid
section is not simply the result of error in the inscribing of the ephebic lists) are
generally assumed to have been sections of a divided deme. If this is true, then the
division, like that of the other divided demes, ought to date from the original
organization of Attica by Kleisthenes, but whereas each section of Agryle, Pergase,
Ankyle, Lamptrai, Paiania, and Potamos (the other divided demes) has a long and
well-attested individual history and the two sections together have at least two
representatives in the Council, only one deme Semachidai, and that with a single
74 Kirsten, I note,
assigns Kyrteidai to the city (Atti terzocongr., p. 166), but on what grounds I
do not know; he classifies the assignment as unsicher. It is more commonly placed in the coastal trittys
(cf. R.E., s.v. KvpreZSat,and H.-G. Buchholz, Arch. Anz., 1963, col. 497), but the evidence for this
assignment, the supposed etymological connection with KVptrev and KV'pTO, is weak.
75 On the circumstances and significance of the omission of demotics in the ephebic texts there has
been much discussion and wide difference of opinion; cf. J. A. Notopoulos, A.J.P., LXIX, 1948,
pp. 415-417; 0. W. Reinmuth, T.A.P.A., LXXIX, 1948, pp. 211-231; XC, 1959, pp. 209-223; XCIII,
1962, pp. 374-388; and S. Dow, Harv. Stud. Cl. Phil., LXIII, 1958, pp. 423-436; T.A.P.A., XCI, 1960,
pp. 381-409. These discussions, however, deal largely with isolated omissions, and not, as in the present
case, with texts in which all names are listed without demotic.
76 Above, p. 54.
councillor, is attested prior to the Late Roman period. Moreover, the manner in
which Ptolemais was organized indicates very strongly that Semachidai B was not
a regular constitutional deme, at least not in 224/3 B.C. The theory of a divided
deme is therefore rejected and Semachidai B is assumed to be another Late Roman
deme.77
CONCLUSION
THE SPURIOUS AND LATE ROMAN DEMES
In conclusion, I suggest that a large number of names which have previously
been considered by Schoffer, Dinsmoor, and other scholars as Attic demes have no
basis for inclusion in the class of Kleisthenic or later constitutional demes. Of the
forty-three additional demes I have discussed, twenty-four, or more than half, may
be rejected outright; they appear on no prytany or bouleutic list and they have
nothing even approaching what could be called a body of known citizens. Indeed, a
significant number of the demes in this class are purely fictitious, the result of error,
ancient or modern, or of misinterpretation. A sizable number of others, however,
nineteen to be precise, are reasonably well known, chiefly from inscriptions of the
second and third centuries after Christ,78 i.e. subsequent to the formation of
Hadrianis, but also occasionally from citations in the authors. None has a large
body of citizens, but several have a half dozen, and one, Kyrteidai, has perhaps as
many as two dozen (counting patronymics) known members. Six of these demeseven
occur as demoticsin prytany catalogues, indicating that they had representation in
the Athenian Council and thereby fulfilled, in the second period of thirteen phylai,
the second of my criteria for consideration as constitutional demes. The majority
of these Late Roman demes are attested, either from property inscriptions or
references in the lexicographers and other authors, formerly as place names, and it
is probable that if we had more evidence all would turn out to have had earlier
histories. The tribal affiliations are mainly with Hippothontis, Antiochis, and
especially Aiantis and, later, Ptolemais; where locations are known, they are
77The reference to a Semacheion in the mining inscription I.G., II2, 1582 (lines 53-54; n 0o'
?7 eco
7Ov 'Payo6vos Vt Aavpcov qE'pova Ka Z'pa I etov)has been taken by Solders and Gomme (references:
W. K. Pritchett, Five Tribes, p. 32, note 71) as evidence for the location of the Antiochid deme
Semachidai in the Laureion region. If Semacheion were more certainly identified as a place name (see
Pritchett, loc. cit.), this location would be most attractive, since it would leave Semachidai-in-the-
Epakria to be identified with the Late Roman deme Semachidai B and to belong to the same region,
near Aphidna, and to the same phyle, Ptolemais, as the other Late Roman demes,Thyrgonidai,Titakidai,
Perrhidai, etc.
78 All of the demes classified as
"Late Roman," with two exceptions, are attested in inscriptions
from the second and third centuries after Christ. Perrhidai and Thyrgonidai are not directly attested
in this period, but because of their obviously close associations with other "Late Roman demes" they
have been so classified.
generally in northern Attica near the Boeotian border (one certainly, and several
others possibly, were Boeotian towns). In a number of cases, it is known or suspected
that they were located within a regular constitutional deme, particularly Aphidna;
in a few other instances I have hypothesized or suggested such affiliations; but in
all cases I conclude that for political purposes they were originally dependent on
the legitimate Kleisthenic demes. Their appearance, chiefly in the Late Roman
ephebic rosters, but also on prytany catalogues, on dedications, and on grave
monuments, was probably a matter of local pride and their status as constitutional
demes never official. By the second and third centuries after Christ the long-estab-
lished system of Kleisthenes was perceptibly weakening, as evidenced by the
reduction of tribal membership in the Council from fifty to forty representatives,79
by the waiving of the rule on the number of councillorships a citizen might hold,80by
the decline, or even disappearance, of several Kleisthenic demes,81 and by the
absence of demotics from a significant number of the prytany and ephebic lists.82 It
is possible, indeed it is to be expected, in these late and declining days of Athenian
history that some communities, which in earlier years would have been assigned to
one of the constitutional demes, attained a measure, either officially or, more likely,
unofficially, of independent deme status.83 Just as the breakdown in the system of
fixed bouleutic quotas had come many centuries earlier, shortly after the establish-
ment of the second period of twelve phylai, now, shortly after the initiation of the
second period of thirteen phylai, a more serious breakdown occurred in the political
organization of Attica.
THE NUMBER OF ATTIC DEMES: THE ANCIENT SOURCES
Two ancient sources are commonly quoted with respect to the number of Attic
demes. Herodotos (V, 69) states:
8EKa rTe8 e'Trodtr7e [o KAetecrevris], E'Kca
cvAatpxovs avrnt reacrepcov be KcaUrovs itiLovs
KarEVeqLE Es- -ra&g bvAcas.
wordswere once employed as evidence for a total of one hundred Attic demes,
These words
ten in each phyle, but with the studies of Milchhofer and Loper came the realization
79See above, p. xvi, and note 10.
80 SeeD. J. Geagan, Athenian ConstitutionAfter Sulla, p. 75.
81 See above, p. 58, note 15.
82 See above, pp. xv and 3 for the omission of demotics in the prytany lists; for the ephebic
texts see references, above, note 77.
83 Shifts in
population cannot have been the only cause, for the population composition of Attica
must have been changing throughout history. Certainly fashion, as indicated by the rapidly rising
number of Athenians in the second and third centuries after Christwho obtained Roman citizenship and
imitated Roman ways, played an important role in the decline of the traditional Athenian bouleutic
organization. The decline in the Kleisthenic system was matched by an increasing interest in the pre-
Kleisthenic phratries and gene, see J. H. Oliver, Hesperia, Suppl. XIII, 1970, p. 47 and passim.
that the system of Kleisthenes embodied more than one hundred demes and that
one of the phylai, Aiantis, had significantly fewer than ten. Consequently, Herodotos'
use of 8E'Ka in reference to the number of demes has for some time now been generally
accepted as distributive, i.e. Kleisthenes assigned the demes to the phylai in ten
groups.84
The other ancient author generally referred to on the subject, Strabo (IX, 1, 16),
provides a less ambiguous answer. Strabo cites Hegesias:
oIroS [O' Ev oVv evos EcvraOQr Tco)V Elv aKpoTro'AEt
'Hyaolas] E
OAErL JLov 1oXHoAEcvy' o TEpLI-
y^r?7 reTrapa p3tfAla avveypabe Treprr av vaOrqarwcov rTv- Ev
vaKpoTroAEt. rO S' avaAoyov
rv aAAov r^ T0'roAECS0
aTvfIatvEL Kat E7iTL /.Ep3^V Kal r^ xco)pap 'EAXEvalva -EITV
Ee Eva ToV
EKarTv cEo/3u o/vTa 8&r4xov, 776
l Kat errrapcov, u baatv, ovSeva T6v Awcov ovo6laKEV.
To Strabo and his source the total number of Attic demes was one hundred and
seventy, or one hundred and seventy-four. The differing totals likely reflect two
traditions and are particularly significant in indicating that even in antiquity there
was some uncertainty concerning the number of Attic demes.85 By Strabo's time
(and also by Polemon's, but not Hegesias'86) two new constitutional demes, viz.
Berenikidai and Apollonieis, had, of course, been added to Kleisthenes' total, but a
large discrepancy still remains between my figure of one hundred and forty-one and
Strabo's total of one hundred and seventy (or one hundred and seventy-four). This
discrepancy is to be explained, I believe, only by the assumption that Strabo and
his source were referring to Attic demes as villages and not as the political units of
Kleisthenes' organization.87
Support for this interpretation may be found in the use of Sq-ot not only by
84 See, for
example, the discussion by J. E. Sandys, Aristotle, 'AO-qvacwv HIoAirela,ed. 2, 1912, p. 84.
The emendation 84KaXaby Lolling has been accepted by many editors.
85 The uncertainty undoubtedly was derived from the fact that the number itself was not significant
(cf. Sandys' remark, loc. cit., "To Cleisthenes, however, the exact number of the demes was immaterial;
the unit of his reorganisation of the tribes was not the deme but the group of demes, the Trittys.").
The demes were the most natural, but least noteworthy aspect of the Kleisthenic system. The trittyes
and the phylai, on the other hand, were the more artificial and significant features of the organization,
and their numbers were of course all-important. For discussions of the number of fifth-century demes
see references, Pritchett, Five Tribes, p. 27, note 55. On the dates of these sources see R.E., s.vv.
Polemon 8 and Hegesias 13.
86 The passage quoted, however, requires some elucidation. The reference to Polemon must be
complete with ev a&KpoWO'AEl, for the following sentence can refer logically only to Hegesias' cursive
account of Attica; the introductory Se, as well as the repeated mention of Eleusis, confirms this. There
is nothing in the words of Strabo, however, to compel the attribution of the figure for the number of
demes to Hegesias, and the source of the additionalfour is certainly general, as the words Wc#oaatv
naturally imply. Addendum:I note that I have been anticipated in this interpretation by G. C. Richards,
Class. Rev., X, 1896, pp. 383-384.
87A corruption of the figure in the tradition is, of course, possible, but this should not be the first
assumption here.
the ancient authors in general (see above, p. 73) but also by Strabo himself, who
completes his summary of the Attic demes (which began with the passage quoted
above) as follows:88
KapLZav-t SE r2qv Kara TO 2ovvtov a'Kpav aJ6oAoyog 8-f1L,OSzOVVlOV, Etra o90'ptKOS, EtIra
Horaos rIos ov'rC KaAov'evos, E' oo' oo' e
oro, a Hpacra, ZreIpLa,
Bpavptav, o'"rov rO rrrjg Bpavpwvtas' 'Ap-rEtd8os tEpov, ['AAat 'Apafrq]vtiEs?, o'TOVTO
Trs- Tavpo7roAov, Mvpptvovs, IpoflaAtvOos, Mapa0awv, KTrA.
greater concerning the early Athenian gene.99The majority of the Athenian demes,
places such as Marathon, Sounion, Trikorynthos, Probalinthos, Sphettos, Peiraieus,
and Eleusis, have a long history as Attic communities (several of them, from their
names and the evidence of archaeology, undoubtedly date from the earliest periods
of habitation in Attica). These demes, of course, were, where possible, undoubtedly
taken unchanged into the Kleisthenic system. But a number of others, perhaps as
many as thirty, i.e. the -idai demes (all of them, judging from their representation,
very small communities often with unknown or very tentative locations, e.g.
Sybridai, Pambotadai, Tyrmeidai, and Hippotomadai), surely represent demes
specially organized by Kleisthenes.100 Many of them undoubtedly were adopted
from gene and other associations whose resident members perhaps were concentrated
in particular areas.101Outside the city these demes could be used to unite groups of
very small and perhaps isolated communities into political units of minimal size so
as to facilitate a regular form of representation, while inside the city they might
serve to break up the more densely populated areas into distinct citizen-bodies. All,
even the latter, of course must have had a geographical reference point for the
centering of deme government, for which purpose the well-established cult centers
associated with the gene and other societies would be ideal.
Some support for this theory may be derived from the well-known passage in
Aristotle's 'AOrvatcovHoATrela(XXI, 5) 102which describes the naming of Kleisthenes'
demes:
7po0r77nyopEva E ToWv &7J,luv TovS Ev arLTOTWV TO7TOV, TOVS SE arTO TWOV KTtCravTCTV 0V
Tovs uE.Vd7ro rv Trncldv were the well-known demes, such as Marathon, Sounion,
Eleusis, etc., already long in existence. For what other reason would Kleisthenes
have kept both the confusing homonymous demes and probably also the divided
demes? To(vs SEo dori (r1cvKTEicaVTov were the newly constituted demes, i.e. the
majority of the demes with the patronymic ending, most of which, like the Kleisthenic
tribal names, had an eponymous
KTeaeU7S. A number of these no doubt were artificial
99Ibid., pp. 315-316.
100A version of this theory was advanced at least as early as George Grote (long before the dis-
covery of Aristotle's 'AOqvacwcovHIoAvirea);see his History of Greece,London, 1846-56, vol III, part II,
ch. X. The list should include (bouleutic representation in parentheses; demes with unknown or un-
certain location in italics): Pambotadai (1/0); Sybridai (1/0); Philaidai (3); Ionidai (2/1); Kydantidai
(1/2); Skambonidai (3); Aithalidai (2); Cholleidai(2); Eupyridai (2); Hybadai (2); Kropidai (1); Paionidai
(3); Eiresidai (1); Iphistiadai (1); Boutadai (1); Hippotomadai (1); Lakiadai (2); Perithoidai (3);
Tyrmeidai (1/0); Kothokidai (1/2); Epieikidai (1); Daidalidai (1); Keiriadai (2); Thymaitadai (2);
Auridai (1?); Eroiadai VIII (1); Eroiadai X (1); Semachidai (1).
101Note, however, the obstacles which the largerreligious organizationspresented to the Kleisthenic
reforms, see D. M. Lewis, Historia, XII, 1963, pp. 33-34.
102 See D. M.
Lewis, ibid., pp. 26-27.
TABLE I ERECHTHEIS
Agora, XV
98=Hesperia, XXXIII, 1964, pp. 171-173, no. 26; S.E.G., XXI, 384; ca. a. 250 a.; (*1+
Kephisia)
133=Hesperia, III, 1934, pp. 10-11, no. 13; ca. a. 215 a.; (*1+ Kephisia)
162=Hesperia, XXXIII, 1964, pp. 184-185, no. 35; S.E.G., XXI, 423; init. saec. II a.; (*1+
Kephisia)
220 =Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 142-146, no. 79; XV, 1946, pp. 140-142, no. 3; XXVI, 1957, pp. 74-
77; S.E.G., XVI, 96; a. 164/3 a.
231=Hesperia, XXXIII, 1964, pp. 191-192, no. 40; S.E.G., XXI, 462; ca. med. saec. II a.; (*1+
Lamptrai)
238= I.G., II2, 967; Hesperia, Suppl. I, p. 153, no. 85; a. 145/4 a.
239=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 153-155, no. 86; a. 145/4 a.
249=Hesperia, II, 1933, pp. 163-164, no. 9; a. 125/4 a.
252=I.G., 112, 1004; a. 122/1 a.
254=I.G., II2, 989; Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 162-165, no. 96; XXVI, 1957, pp. 25-28, no. 1; S.E.G.,
XVI, 100; a. 104/3 a.; (*1+ Pergase)
344=Hesperia, XXI, 1952, p. 376, no. 29; S.E.G., XII, 103; saec. II p.
TABLE II AIGEIS
Agora, XV
153=Hesperia, XXXIII, 1964, pp. 189-190, no. 38; S.E.G., XXI, 425; init. saec. II a.; (*11
Erchia)
160=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 93-94, no. 43; init. saec. II a.; (*1+ Philaidai)
180 =Hesperia, XL, 1971, pp. 308-311, no. 9; a. 184/3 a.; (or Oineis)
222=I.G., 112, 952; a. 161/0 a.; (*1+ Kolonos, *1+ Philaidai)
235, saec. II a.; (1 + Gargettos); (or Kekropis, 1 + Sypalettos)
266=Hesperia, XVII, 1948, pp. 30-31, no. 14; a. 64/3 a. (?); (*1+ Plotheia)
335=I.G., II2, 1771; Hesperia, XVII, 1948, pp. 37-38, no. 22; a. 138/9-150/1 p.
1 For precise figures on the distribution of texts by phyle see above, p. xvii, Table, and for the
symbol *1+, p. 3.
TABLEIII PANDIONIS
Agora, XV
208 =Hesperia, XXXVI, 1967, pp. 233-234, no. 43; S.E.G., XXIV, 174; a. 172/1 a.; (or Ptolemais)
253=Hesperia, XXXII, 1963, pp. 22-23, no. 23; S.E.G., XXI, 478; a. 118/7 a.
265 =Hesperia, XVII, 1948, pp. 26-30, no. 13; a. 74/3-63/2 a., but not 64/3; (*1+ Paiania)
277=Hesperia, XV, 1946, pp. 226-228, no. 54A; Hesperia, XXXIII, 1964, p. 197, no. 48; S.E.G.,
XXI, 491; ca. med. saec. I a.
361=Hesperia, XI, 1942, pp. 48-49, no. 16; ca. a. 159/60 p. vel paullo ante
363=Hesperia, XI, 1942, p. 49, no. 17; ca. a. 160/1 p.
381 =Hesperia, XI, 1942, p. 31, no. 1; a. 169/70 p. vel paullo post
385 = I.G., 112, 1777; paullo post a. 170/1 p.
TABLE IV LEONTIS
Agora, XV
167=Athenian Year, pp. 195-200, no. 3; S.E.G., XXI, 440; a. 193/2 a.
282=I.G., 112,3502; Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 175-176, no. 107; ca. a. 45-30 a.; (*1+ Oion)
317=Hesperia, XXXVI, 1967, pp. 240-241, no. 50; S.E.G., XXIV, 186; aet. Rom.; (1+ Oion);
(or Attalis)
TABLE V AKAMANTIS
Agora, XV
70=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 38-39, no. 4; ca. a. 290-275 a.
77=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 39-42, no. 5; a. 280-275 a.; (*1+ Iphistiadai)
81 =Hesperia, XVII, 1948, pp. 2-3, no. 2; XXXII, 1963, p. 7, no. 7; S.E.G., XXI, 372; a. 267/6 a.
131 =Hesperia, XV, 1946, pp. 146-147, no. 7; ca. a. 220 a.; (assignment to Akamantis uncertain)
184=Hesperia, XI, 1942, pp. 246-247, no. 49; XXVI, 1957, pp. 66-67, no. 18; S.E.G., XVI, 86;
a. 182/1 a.
186= I.G., II2, 864; Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 95-96, no. 46; Chronologyof Hellenistic Athens, pp. 111-
113; a. 181/0 a.; (*1+ Sphettos)
269=Hesperia, XII, 1943, pp. 64-66, no. 17; a. 53/2 a.
270=Hesperia, IV, 1935, pp. 40-41, no. 8; a. 53/2 a.
379 =I.G., II2, 1778; a. 169/70p.
433=Hesperia, XXXII, 1963, p. 38, no. 35B; S.E.G., XXI, 676; fin. saec. II p.; (assignment to
Akamantis uncertain)
475 =I.G., 112, 1823; post ca. a. 217p.
TABLEVI OINEIS
Agora, XV
41=I.G., II2, 2833; a. 339/8 a.
80=Athenian Year, pp. 192-194, no. 1; S.E.G., XXI, 369; a. 271/0 a.
83=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 52-54, no. 11; ca. a. 260 a.; (*1+ Lousia, *1+ Thria)
87=I.G., II2, 702; Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 63-64, no. 21; a. 256/5 a.
110=Hesperia, II, 1933, pp. 500-503, no. 15; Suppl. I, pp. 65-66, no. 22; ca. a. 243-237 a.
147=I.G., 112,915; Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 89-91, no. 40; XVII, 1948, pp. 14-16, no. 6; XXVI,
1957, pp. 243-246, no. 96; S.E.G., XVII, 29; Hesperia, XXXIII, 1964, p. 180, no. 30;
S.E.G., XXI, 405; a. 203/2 a.; (*1+ Oe, *1+ Acharnai)
180 =Hesperia, XL, 1971, pp. 308-311, no. 9; a. 184/3 a.; (or Aigeis)
215 =Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 133-135, no. 72; a. 167/6 a.
268=I.G., 112, 1049; Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 170-171, no. 101; a. 57/6 a.; (*1+ Phyle)
TABLEVII KEKROPIS
Agora, XV
35=Hesperia, X, 1941, p. 40, no. 7; a. 343/2 a.
120=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 73-76, no. 29; a. 228/7 a.; (*1+ Phlya)
165=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 86-88, no. 38; a. 197/6 a.
173=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 91-92, no. 41; XXVI, 1957, pp. 63-64, no. 17; S.E.G., XVI, 81;
a. 189/8 a.; (*1+ Pithos)
181=Hesperia, X, 1941, pp. 277-279, no. 74; a. 184/3 a.; (*1+ Sypalettos)
199=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 126-127, no. 69; XXVI, 1957, pp. 68-69, no. 20; S.E.G., XVI, 89;
a. 175/4 a.
235, saec. II a.; (1 + Sypalettos); (or Aigeis, 1 + Gargettos)
315=Hesperia, XXXVI, 1967, pp. 239-240, no. 49; S.E.G., XXIV, 182; saec. I/II p.; (*1+
Melite)
429 = Hesperia, XXIX, 1960, pp. 34-36, no. 42A, antefin. saec. II p. (the assignment to Kekropis
is uncertain)
461 = Hesperia, XI, 1942, pp. 67-68, no. 33; a. 213/4-219/20 p.
462= Hesperia, XI, 1942, p. 69, no. 34; a. 213/4-219/20 p.; (the assignment to Kekropis is
uncertain)
TABLEVIII HIPPOTHONTIS
Agora, XV
219= Hesperia, XXVI, 1957, pp. 72-77, no. 22; S.E.G., XVI, 95; a. 164/3 a.
250 =I.G., II2, 1003; Hesperia, II, 1933, p. 165; a. 125/4 a.
251 = Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 158-160, no. 92; a. 124/3 a.; (assignment to Hippothontis uncertain)
291=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 185-186, no. 115; a. 21/0 a.
327=Hesperia, XXXII, 1963, pp. 73-74, no. IA; S.E.G., XXI, 604; a. 132/3-137/8 p.
TABLE IX AIANTIS
Agora, XV
40=Hesperia, VI, 1937, pp. 461-464, no. 9; a. 339/8 a.
51 =Hesperia, XVII, 1948, p. 39, no. 25; a. 325/4 a.
71=Hesperia, IX, 1940, pp. 84-85, no. 15; a. 283/2 a.
121=A.J.P., LXIII, 1942, p. 422; a. 226/5 a.
202=Hesperia, XXVI, 1957, pp. 71-72, no. 21; S.E.G., XVI, 90; a. 174/3 a.
289a=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 183-185, no. 114, frag. B; ca. a. 25 a.; (1+ Phaleron)
324=Hesperia, XXVI, 1957, pp. 213-214, no. 61; S.E.G., XVII, 35; ante a. fere 138 p.
328=Hesperia, XXXII, 1963, pp. 73-74, no. IB; S.E.G., XXI, 604; a. 132/3-137/8p.
TABLEX ANTIOCHIS
Agora, XV
2=Hesperia, XXIX, 1960, pp. 36-37, no. 44; S.E.G., XIX, 150; a. 393/2 a.
28=Hesperia, VII, 1938, p. 93, no. 13; saec. IV a.
171=Chronologyof Hellenistic Athens, pp. 121-123; a. 190/89 a.; (*1 + Alopeke)
177; a. 188/7 a.
204=Hesperia, Suppl. I, pp. 127-129, no. 70; ca. a. 176/5-170/69 a.; (*1+ Semachidai) (assign-
ment to Antiochis not certain)
301 =Hesperia, XXXIII, 1964, pp. 198-199, no. 50; S.E.G., XXI, 497; fin. saec. I a.; (*1 + Besa)
Tribute to Benjamin D. Meritt,
390 =I.G., JJII2,1831; a. 174/5 p.(?) (dated now 182/3, see o0'pos,
1974, pp. 150-155, with Addendum)
1 This table is based on W. B. Dinsmoor, The A rchons of Athens in the Hellenistic Age, Appendix B, pp. 111 117, but the La
Demes have been treated separately, below, pp. 113-122.
2 Either Auridai or
Korydallos was in all likelihood transferred to Antigonis (see above, pp. 26-27).
26 Oisia TOSe Kr-()aia' Kat Otlat Kal Aova&a ovo#ata Unknown Spurious
8/Iwcov,Arcadius, ed. Barker, p. 99
"
28 Perrhidai NLKav8pos... EV Tr 7TEpl
8&)7pLW}V /fT?ET7'CaV" Aiantis Late
q)atLv "de AtavrTioso 'Aq8vacot, IEppISat, Roman
TLiTCKL'Sat,vpywviat .........," Harpokra-
tion, s.v. Ovpycovliat
HICppL'Sat.rT, 'ATTWKr 8rjLoSSv 'AE vaP,, Aiantis
Hesychios.
IIeppL'Sa, 8 [ios' rT 'APTLOXLSOS9 VA)S;. O Antiochis
K I7Eppt&3v, ELSH17ppLStv, EV HIEp-
87TJL40'Tr7S
p8a&v,Stephanos Byz.
[H]Epp?E8aL I [. . ...]ps Ka.tLKAI, prytanis, Oineis ca. 290-280
Hesperia, Suppl. I, p. 36, no. 3, lines 11-12=
68, corrected here to [T]<v >p <t >EZct ?
[I7E]pp.8[at], I.G., II2, 2362, line 53, as read Ptolemais 201/0
here (see Appendix E)
have been proposed, on similar grounds, but the evidence in every case is wveak,and
all have been dismissed as spurious or Late Roman demes (see pp. 81-86 and 94-95).
2. OION
The two demes of this name were Oion Dekeleikon and Oion Kerameikon; cf.
Harpokration s.v. Otov 'Icralos ev rT 7TEptLITOL?areW. Srtoi ElUtV EV ATTpKprStirro
ovSerepcS' AEyo/ievo,
KaAovvlaL
(itAoKoposr7a Se Olov. KEKAXqcT0aL itdovrTW
Se (/r]aflv ev y'
TO jurjSa,iusOL'Kr7TOVTO7OV EXELV)aLAAaL /EpovcOcava TO yap LovOV otlov EKaAovv Ol apXalot.
Tl SC oTO pLV KEpafLELKOv Olov Tis AEOVrtiSoS /vAXs, TO SE iEKEAEtKov Tr7s IITTrOOVTLSos,
Us' ZltoSwpos'. Ol SE SrjLoTaL EKaTepWOev AEyOVTO E'c Olov. ... . Oion Dekeleikon (B 95)
belonged originally to Hippothontis, but was later transferred to Ptolemais, and
later still, to Attalis. Oion Kerameikon (B 96) was affiliated with Leontis in all
periods except those of the Macedonian phylai, when it was assigned to Demetrias.
3. EITEA
There were two demes of this name, although the modifiers are not known and
the lexicographers mention only Eitea in Akamantis. The Akamantid deme (B 35)
was transferred to Antigonis during the periods of the Macedonian phylai, after
which it returned to its original tribe and much later was assigned to Hadrianis. The
Antiochlid deme (B 36) has a continuous history in its original phyle.
4. OINOE
Again the modifiers are unknown and the lexicographers mention only the
Hippothontid deme. Oinoe in Hippothontis (B 93) was transferred to Dernetrias and
later, according to the suggestion above (pp. 26-27), to Ptolemais. The Aiantid deme
of the same name (B 94) went first to Attalis and afterwards to Hadrianis.
2 Numbers in parentheses refer to Appendix B.
5. KOLONAI
Even the basic name is uncertain, but probably both the Leontid and Antiochid
demes were called Kolonai (cf. D. M. Lewis, B.S.A., L, 1955, pp. 12-17, and W. E.
Thompson, Hesperia, XXXIX, 1970, pp. 64-65); cf. Kallimachos, Hekale, frag. 300,
ed. Pfeiffer: E'K LE KoAvadvov TLSo0LEOaTov 'yayE
7 iLE ov j r&v 1rEpWV. The Leontid
deme (B 70) had a continuous history in its original phyle, but the Antiochid
Kolonai (B 71) was transferred to Antigonis (see above, pp. 26-27), and thence
to Ptolemais.
6. EROIADAI
There were two demes of this name, although again the modifiers are not
known and the lexicographers mention only Eroiadai in Hippothontis. Both the
Hippothontid (B 43) and Antiochid (B 44) demes have continuous histories in their
original phylai.
8. LAMPTRAI
The two sections were named Upper Lamptrai and Coastal, or Lower Lamptrai;
cf. Harpokration, s.v. Aa/7rrpeEs. ... vo8o '^at Aalxrrpai, attiev 7rapaiAat, at 8e Ka0VTrEp-
9. PERGASE
The two sections were named Upper (B 105) and Lower Pergase (B 106). For
Upper Pergase cf. I.G., 12, 398, line 21 (=1, line 30), TI7pyaaet^Ka0v'[7Te]p0f[v],
Hesperia, XI, 1942, p. 233, no. 43 (= 14), line 31, H7EpyaojsrKa0v7TEp0EV, and I.G., II2,
2362, line 12, [Hl]epyaa) KaOV'7TEp. For Lower Pergase, cf. I.G., JJII2,1697, line 5
(=492, line 6), FIepyaaor V[{rvepOev], and I.G., II2, 2362, line 13, IlEpya7r?V7TEvEp0. The
two sections were listed separately in I.G., II2, 1700 (lines 10 and 15=43, lines 11
and 16), but without the special designations "Upper" and "Lower". Prosopo-
graphical information, however, indicates that the first was Lower Pergase and the
second Upper Pergase, but the evidence will not yet allow us to identify which
section was transferred to Antigonis in 307/6. That part, of course, returned to
Erechtheis in 201/0, and was not distinguished in the succeeding periods from the
other section which remained throughout its history in its original phyle.
10. ANKYLE
It has been tentatively suggested (above, p. 88, note 54) that the initial
upsilon from the demotic of the secretary in 246/5 may belong to the first letter of
Lower (vrvEVp0Ev) Ankyle. Nowhere else are the special designations of either
section of this deme actually preserved, although they are presumed to have been
the regular "Upper" and "Lower" forms and are so restored in I.G., II2, 2362,
lines 18 and 19. The two sections of Ankyle Nere also listed separately, both being
in I.G., 112, 1749 (= 38), lines 68 and 72, but they
designated simply 'AyKVAj7OEV,
were grouped together apparently in I.G., II2, 1700 (see above, p. 78). We cannot
tell which section appeared in I.G., II2, 1697, line 38 (=492, line 39), wvherethe
stone has been broken off, but that it was a single section is clear both from the
analogy of the treatment of Pergase in the same text and also from the quota
preserved (cf. above, p. 2, note 5). After 307/6 one section of Ankyle, perhaps
Upper Ankyle (B 14), was assigned to Antigonis, where it kept its original quota of
a single representative; the other section (B 15) remained throughout its history in
Aigeis.
11. PAIANIA
The two sections were named Upper Paiania and Lower Paiania, cf. Harpo-
kration, s.vv. IHaavLelS KaC HIaLoviSa' .... Elort 8'e trroTl8LOt H7atavEv a TS
HavLov1tos-/vA^, ovs Jo8Copos' KaAElarOat' +rjat Hatavtav Kaov7Treppev Kat ruatavav
V7TEVEpOEVotoiw@S'8EKarE'pov Tr-VSi/CwV-rov8qxOTrqV KaAELcaOal b)Hal 7alavlE'a. 8lafEpOvcrt
8E OVTO T aVv HaLovL&v.... For the upper section cf. I.G., I2, 1740, line 44 (=12,
line 55) from the first half of the fourth century B.C., [HI]uavLra s KaO (the lower sec-
tion in the same inscription is designated only Ilavtav ), I.G., II2, 1748, line 15
(=26, line 7) from 348/7 B.C., [Il]atavitE Ka0v7rTEpOE, and I.G., II2, 1700, line 71 (=43,
line 75) from 335/4 B.C., HaLLavLtESKa0V. The designation is restored in 15, line 22 (a
new reading of I.G., JI2, 2370, line 13). For the lower section cf. I.G., II12,1748,
line 17 (=26, line 9), [7atavL]E^sv7r[E']VEp0E.The two sections, wvith a total repre-
sentation of twelve bouleutai, were listed together in S.E.G., XXIII, 87, lines
2-14 (= 10, lines 1-13), Hesperia, XXX, 1961, p. 32, lines 134-146 (=42, lines 135-
147), and I.G., JJII2,1751, ls ines
3-15 (=32, lines cas16).eIn the last in-
scription prosopographical evidence indicates that Autokrates, son of Aischias,
the last Paianian listed, was the single representative of the upper section, so that,
although the two demotics wverenot inscribed separately, some distinction was ob-
served in the listing of the members of the two sections. It is uncertain whether
Upper and Lower Paiania were listed together also in I.G., II2, 1753 (= 47), but the
arrangement cannot have been identical to that in I.G., 112, 1751, since the
prosopographical evidence indicates that the last Paianian in the former list
belonged to Lower Paiania. For the period from 307/6 to 201/0 Upper Paiania
(B 98) belonged to Antigonis; Lower Paiania (B 99) remained thlroughoutits history
in Pandionis.
12. POTAMOS
There were three sections of this deme, named Upper Potamos, Lower Potamos,
and Potamos Deiradiotes. For the upper deme cf. I.G., II2, 1742 (= 13), line 17 from
370/69(?) B.C., Horca4ot KaOv, Hesperia, IX, 1940, p. 63, lines 30-31, [Hlora'tot] KaO-
v7TEpOEv,and 'ApX. 'E+., 1918, p. 75 (= 0. W. Reinmuth, Ephebic Inscriptions of the
Fourth Century B.C., p. 58, no. 15), col. II, line 13, of ca. 324/3, 17orautot Ka0v7TEpOEv.
For the lower deme cf. I.G., II2, 1742 (= 13), line 22, [II]oracUot Vrev, I.G., II2, 1700,
line 99 (=43, line 104) from 335/4 B.C., T1ora,uot iVEv, and 'ApX. 'Eb., 1918, p. 75,
col. II, line 7, Hor0ac4ot vTrevepOev,Hesperia, IX, 1940, p. 63, line 32, Horacuot
v7Te[vE]pO[Ev], Agora Inv. 7447, from ca. 335 B.C., orTJuLoLvTrevepOev. For Upper and
Lower Potamos cf. Schol. Hom. Iliad, XXIV, 545, ... Kal -rap' 'AOTva'lots yap elm
v'o SqjJOl HoT7a'lot WV 0 JEV KaOVTrepOev, O 8e VTrevepOev ovopaerat. For Potamos
Deiradiotes cf. 'Apx. 'Es., 1918, p. 75, col. II, line 17, Hordtaot JEtLpa8tSTrat,
Agora Inv. 7447, H1orra/uoLZ[E]tpat&3rat, and I.G., II2, 1752, line 26 (=52, line 28)
from ca. 325 B.C., Horatupo[ zJ]eLpaSt&rat. The Deiradiotid Potamos is listed
separately in I.G., II2, 1742, line 71 (=13, line 71) following Deiradiotai, but
without special designation. Two Potamos demes appear in I.G., II2, 2362, lines 35
and 36, but the modifiers apparently were not given (see above, p. 45). All
three Potamos demes, with a total representation of five bouleutai, were listed
together in Hesperia, XXX, 1961, p. 33, lines 203-208 (=42, lines 204-209) and
perhaps also in JeAr., XXV, 1970, p. 84, no. 1 (= 13a, line 18.) For the period
from 307/6 to 201/0 B.C. Potamos Deiradiotes belonged to
Deiradiots (B 120) Antibelgotnis and
Lower Potamos (B 119) to Demetrias; Upper Potamos (B 118) remained through-
out its history in Leontis.
not a member of Oineis. Of more significance, the demotic and several letters from
the name of the EiTar4rars 7rpoE'Spcov
in I.G., II2, 646 were found to be identical with
those preserved in Hesperia, X, 1941, no. 13 and the whole name may now be
restored from I.G., II2, 1623, lines 249-250, viz. Antimachos, son of Antinos, of
Acharnai (P.A., 1122), who was trierarch ante 334/3 B.C.
Hesperia, X, no. 13, then, belongs to 295/4 and was a decree proposed on the
same day (and perhaps by the same spokesman; we have traces of only one letter
of his name in the Agora inscription) as I.G., II2, 646 and 647. The secretary's
demotic, of course, was Phaleron, from tribe XI in this period, correct for the
secretarial cycles. That his father's name, viz. probably Aristophanes, Aristomenes,
or Aristogenes (prosopographical evidence offers no assistance for identification,
but Kirchner's Aristomachos is certainly wrong), in the genitive should have ended
in omikron-upsilon-sigma in the Hesperia text, but simply omikron-upsilon in I.G.,
II2, 647 is of little concern, for the interchange of second- and third-declension
endings was extremely common, especially in inscriptions of this period.' The
prytanizing tribe in these three decrees of 295/4 was of course Demetrias, although
the restoration in line 2 of I.G., II2, 643 (Hesperia, X, 1941, p. 81, and below, line 12)
at first created a slight problem, for the spacing appeared to require the restoration
of either Leontis or Aiantis.2
a. 295/4 a. ?TOIX. 29
[rM N,Koarrparov apXovros e7r TrS A]
evarqs] 7Tp[vravEtas -7L a]
[rqJurqTptaSos
[cpopOeos 'Apcrro. ']vovs 0[aAqpevsg Ey]
[paju,uarEvEv, 'EAafrq]foAXiav[o]s Eva[TEti]
5 [ItTra[Evov TreITrrEt] Kat EKOcrETT[
lrj]
[s rrpTravelas' EKKAr7]crla KVpta' rc-[v 7rp]
[oESpcwv E7TE077r0tEV 'A]vrLgaxoog 'A[vrl]
[yov 'AXapvevE Kai avt7rp]o'?Epod' [ebof]
'
[ev r6Sa%
t cot ............]. [ ......]
10 [.... Et7TrV -]
lacuna
[ - 3- ovvat Se roVs]
[TpvTar]vEt[s] ro[vso Ji-7r)TptWSos 7TEpl7]
oALTrEas'avr[Cwv rr)v /f,b)ov rTia 877Lt]
EL Tr7]v eTrtovarav (K^[KA7qiav: avaypa
1 Meisterhans, Grammatikder attischenInschriften3,p. 135.
2 I am indebted to B. D. Meritt for the solution
proposed here.
in corona in corona
'o orAaosv
'ApLCrToAav 2t(carpaTov
2 Large fragment from a Pentelic marble stele (E.M. 8037), broken on the right
and at the bottom,3 published by Kirchner as I.G., 112, 2362. Lines 49-56,
which were also treated by W. K. Pritchett,4 are given here with revised readings
and/or restorations in lines 51, 52, 53, and 56 (see above, pp. 84, 89, 90, and
98-100).
['AKat/av]rT1os'
lines 57-65:
see Corpus
3For a description of the surface of the stone, see W. K. Pritchett, T.A.P.A., LXXXV, 1954,
pp. 160-161. I do not understand Pritchett's (Five Tribes,p. 24) estimate of the number of lines in eachl
column as forty-two. A heading probably appeared across the top of the inscription, but the roster of
Erechtheis would be complete with the addition of one deme, Kephisia, underthe tribal rubric (Kirchner,
line 2) and the other tribal rubrics surely would not have been repeated at the top of the continuing
columns. Four columns of forty-one lines each would allow for the inscribing of: 11 tribal headings,
140 regular demes, the 2 spurious demes, Phegaia and Graes, in Pandionis, and 11 irregular "Late
Roman" demesin the roster of Ptolemais, in all a total of 153 demes.
4 Ibid., pp. 159-167. For a possible restoration of line 51, see above, pp. 98-99, note 91.
Quota of Pithos in summary column for first period of ten phylai should read:
3(2).
IG, .II2, 1788, H 4, p. 44, H 11, p. 55 (387) should be dated 182/3 (loc. cit.,
above, note on TABLE II AIGEIS).
TABLE VIII HIPPOTHONTIS: Quota of Eleusis in summary column for
first period of twelve phylai should read: 13? (not 12).
TABLE X ANTIOCHIS: H 30, p. 253 (321) should now be dated ca. 138 p. (see
E. Kapetanopoulos, heAr., XXVI, 1971, p. 295, note 60).
H 16, p. 179 (383) should be dated 174/5 (loc. cit., above, note on TABLE II
AIGEIS).
TABLE XI ANTIGONIS: Gomme's figure for Upper Ankyle should read:
(49). The " Lower " designation of botl Agryle and Pergase deserves a question mark.
TABLE XIII PTOLEMAIS: Phyla, Former Quota, fin. s. VI 308/7 should
read: 7? (not 6?).
TABLE XIV ATTALIS: Former Phyle, Order 223/2-200 should read: Order
201-200.
IG, II2, 1794 (402) should be dated 181/2 (loc. cit., above, note on TABLE II
AIGEIS).
H 40.4 No. 62 (402a) should read: H 41, p. 431 (402a).
TABLE XV HADRIANIS: IG, II12,1833 (487), read [2+] for the representation
of Daidalidai.
IG, II2, 1795 (407) should be dated 180/1 (loc. cit., above, note on TABLE II
AIGEIS).
MAPS 1-3: Upper and Lower Potamos are now probably better located in the
upper Ilissos valley at Panepistemioupolis (see above, pp. 44-46, with note 18).
Leukonoion should be located tentatively at Peristeri (above, p. 44) and Amphlitrope
should be moved north from Ari to Metropisi (above, p. 54). These changes, to-
gether with the assignment of Oion Kerameikon to the class of unlocated demes in
the box at the bottom of the maps, have been incorporated in a revised version of
Map 2 which is to be distributed separately from this volume by the Publications
Committee of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. This revised
version of Map 2 employs three colors for the deme circles of the three sections and
obviates thereby the suggestion of regional boundaries in the version published in
this volume. Again (see above, p. 35, note 3) I stress that the lines of demarcation
on Map 2 below are purely schematic and have no reference to what may or may
not have been the actual regional boundaries in antiquity.
For consistency with the text, Peiraeus in the Maps and Table VIII of the
Tables of Representation should be spelled Peiraieus.
c--
0
o
-N. > ^0 i OJ 4P
- ?r= (10O co
Ini
0 P
0 In
$4 01. N
r-4
04 _ 44 A eO
q4
In o tNl
cI Od 4 _% H4
U4 CY r- 0 Cu
CY st.
^rC H
%O
r- *-
I. 04 in
cu t
C, cx
Cu: 44
(1 %0 0 1 CQ (0 ^ a
CY I
Trittys Dene ml <t
x| <,
W.I H ?l 9 In| | wU) \
TRITTYS TOTALS
ERECHTHEIS (1312)
l~
8 r-
0.
ci
0,%
N "cn _4 ^ I-
0%
H- Cm
?q o o^ ( cn <a^ t
f-
CuY (Y)
AOH
CM
Cn m
0. t-
de 0
H H cu D cu \0
2 1cr
H ftH ci 04H oc f
Hq m
0 H
U8 WH H O H cu H
t; :M Co -. H 9.
Cv)1 aI
ml1 or ml ?| ?l I Dome
1~~~~*1+ Upper Agryle~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I
3 3 3 1+ *1+ 2 0 2 Upper Agryle i
ATTALIS Lower Agryle i
12 lI+ 12 [7] 3 1+ 2 Euonymon i
PTOLEMAIS Themakos i
8 8 8 2 2 5 1+ Anagyrous I
2 2 1 3 3+ 0 Kedoi I
10 10 10
II[13] 3 '1 113 )8 Upper Lamptraib
Coast Lamptrai
I
I
2 2 2 1 [8+] 6 HADR:
;ANIS Pambotadai I?
8 21 13 Kephisia 1
3 3 13 0 Upper Pergaseb 1
Lower Pergase 1
1 1 1 1 Phegous 1?
1 1 1 3 1+ 1 1 Sybridai 1?
15 15 3 City i
22 22 24 Coast I
13 13 23 Inland 1
50 (50) 50 50 50 40 COUNCILLORS
10 (10) 10 7 le l.P DBMES
- - 4 I A I I-
-
-~~ 8 ~ ~~~~~
.
TRITTYS TOTALS
H
1-- C1, H o p4
Q < o
0 I1 1 -) 0 H
H* m IoO ? 1 ~1
?r ,-
u.
CM o
4.) o11
4) <o N..
H*| oo H CU
N..
0 - | ^ ^ "- C
c
^ ^r
Cm oj
CU O
O --^ ^T
CU ^H -^ -^ <o
' cP? mu^ oo m U*
cr *> -4"
4
m
-\ mU)
l c
0c
CU 4 rl 0 4
O .4 .- 'O ^. 0,.
O HI
H Co, CmU
0 cU ) CH c Iu m
Cr) .4 '? .4 4 N
- H O , - -~ .0 t--
? I0 c-- -,n 0~
0o _- _ 0I 4 CU u
-4
Hr-4 c0 o
N N .-4
Cu uc-
'
k0 I 0
t-
.4 '0 a) 4 (c- -
C H
H
,m -H nCY) @
Ci Cl c H CM c CU rH O)
tH- t-IH H-,C" CN )
m m ^ r
<H0 ? * o H H| P '
M 0 r Hc-|?
o M.|4 o D _ m
n O
m0
Upper A
|0 K{v) E E| 0| C3)| ?
0|H _ I H1 H" H1" 0| | C| H
MI l
1 0 0 > Bate ii
2 1 1 Diomeia ii
2 2 2 1 1 Erikeia ii?
' 1 1 4 Hestiaia ii
1 2
4 4 0 6+ 1 2+ 4 Kollytos ii
2 0 0 Kolonos ii
2 2 1 Araphen II
9 0 0 Halai Araphenides II
1 1 . 1 0 0 , Otryne II
3 , 3 2+ 3 5 Philaidai II
. 11 > 52 12 2 4+ 2 Erchia 2
ATTALI; Ikarion 2
2 0 0 Ionidai 2?
2 2 0 0 Plotheia 2
3+ [4] 4 0 0 Teithras 2
I
1I I
11 6 10 b City ii
18 5 6 Coast II
21 s 29 24 Inland 2
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Tue, 9 Jul 2013 06:53:42 AM
. All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
TABLE ] PANDIONIS
X Phylai XII Phylai
H
H 4
In tl- 0
Ln N
n
a) BB cu
Cu cO
O
In
0 0
(C)
1 -4 n- 0
0- P-4 N Cu Cu C\OH
cJ
N
I cJ
Cu In 'IO
t
#... Hf In Cu 4 4
- N rH- 0
4
a. PI
H H
t- 0 H
H
WI C\ 3?
LA
In In
O r-I
Trittys Deme C, m1 ml W 1 I
C
Coast Angele (61) 3 3 3 2 3 2(3f 4
Coast Myrrhinous (136) [6] 7? [6] 6 6 6 [5+] 3+ 6
Coast Prasiai (35) [3] [3] [3t] 3 3 [3] 3 (3] 3+ 3
Coast Probalinthos (91) 5 [4]? 5 5 5 [5] 5 5 5
Coast Steiria (74) 3 [3] 3 3 3 3 3 3 [3] 3
TRITTYS TOTALS
PANDIONIS (1223)
TOTAL COUNCILLORS 50 50 50 50 (50) 46' 50 (50) (50) (50)
4 2 1 1 2 Angele III
8 [7] 1 f 4+ Myrrhinous III
3 (1] 1 1 Prasiai III
5 ATTALIS Probalinthos III
4 2 12+ 12 4+ 4 4 9 4 9+ Steiria III
Konthyle 3
6 2 1 Kytheros 3?
(31 HADRIANIS Oa 3
Upper Paianiab 3
}26 )8+ )205 )20 )]) 32]? )15+ Lower Paiania 3
13 7? 14 10 4 City iii
12 15? 6 10 4 Coast III
25 28 20 20 32 Inland 3
50 50 50 40 40 40 COUNCILLORS
7 8 6 5 6 3 DEMES
0
H
C-) H
o in H 0
I -t Cu
in
C0 - H
Cr
t- 0| '.0 on <a OC O
0oC O
^' r ?1 CY) o
03 N
Cr) 0OC CN 014
C\ U, CM
Cr) 43
I- 0 CY) C- O|
t--
_ n Cu
0) 0- n CM C4
04
CM -- in- 1
o
*H CM o CM 0 N
oCr o in OJ r- t.- 0c30
-o CM r-4 - mY -. -.
cD ^ ,1 I- CM CM 0
W.I -) p P P4 CY) o0
CM u u )
CM CM Cu H
H H H cM
H H -3 H Hr-H
0 H 0o H H H ) 0 1n t- o) H H E-
Cr)
Trittys Deme
0
<3 H a1
Hl Hl H ml 1
ml
r:
0
Hi
HII
HI Hl g
c~
TRITTYS TOTALS
Inland Hekale?(510) 17 17 17 18
LEONTIS (1502)
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38
a on Tue, 9 Jul 2013 06:53:42 AM
TOTAL COUNCILLORS All50
use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 50 (50) (50) 50
(50)
TABLE 1V LEONTIS
XIII Phylai XII Phylai XIII Phylai
O
c\j
0 ^c cu
C? aH 4 C\J o o. ~1
Ci p41
1-1 H .| c\j H -. -4 I H
I
J 0?0 _ 03 Ir 03 ?^ -I , I
H H
(H C'- H
H =-H H H +- Or 0 4, . on H
or N Cm H co H -
0 CQ UI
01
0 cO3 aco
I4 a 1 H
0 0M M O
A-
H 0 0 O cO H Ci
CO C\ 4 CM CO
LM C'- ril Oh a)CO
H H H H 0
H 4 - -- -4 01
\\ 0
0 ?C O34 . co
C\ H H V-DI H H .-
CY) O'iH OD Cy) t PH H O 0 HI CM
OC :D| H -H Ir- C\ | C- lU\ $4
aHi C\ o H H H M3
0 (J1 kO 4)
CJ p4 p441J o
H :D
H CU E4 1
HOJ
CM 0 iC1 CJ C IH 4 p4
0 cf
SH =I| =|HI | =| Deme
5 5 5 8 Leukonoion iv?
1+ 4 #1+ 7 ?1+ Oion Kerameikon iv
4 4 [1+] 1 HADRIANIS Skambonidai iv
1 Deiradiotai IV
b
0 Potamioi Deiradiotai IV
Upper Potamosb
2 2 )o 3[1+6 ] Lower Potamos
IV
IV
10 10 3 6+ 1 2 :ll Phrearrhioi IV
5 6 ATTALIS Sounion IV
7
1+ 5 4 1 1 [2*] Aithalidai 4?
5 5 9 4 1+ Cholleidai 4
2 2 3 [1+] *2+ 6+ 1 Eupyridai 4
PTOL 4AIS Hekale 4
1 2 1 Hybadai 4?
1 2 1 Kolonai 4?
1 1 2 Kropidai 4
3 3 10 Paionidai 4
[2] 2 2 1 Pelekes 4
15 15 14 City iv
17 18 4 Coast IV
15 17 32 Inland 4
al)
0 H
H
0 4,) I 0
on $4.
LN N C)
Ln p
or) O0 (r)
0 r
CY
I
t ^H
_ H CU
~4 l- CU C\ LO C\
oo\ s Hc H C\
o4 o N H H, oC
n- .)
-
HO H < o
or) O H
4-4 OJ
1 5 OE4
H CM 0
H HO 0 Q O4 0 Q
O4 on
H
04
C) H &L - aO
(Of) H kO
CC or) 0 U)o m () C) U) m (nCU
Trittys Deme 0 ID
:o1 1 f 1I
ml a| ml a1 ?1 Cy
TRITTYS TOTALS
AKAMANTIS(114:)
TOTAL COUNCILLORS 50 (50) 50 (50) (50) (50) 50
TOTAL DEMES This content downloaded from1384.205.227.38
(13) 13 06:53:42
on Tue, 9 Jul 2013 (10) AM (10) (10) 10
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
TABLE Y AKAMANTIS
XIII
XII Phylai XIII Phylai
Phylai
04 A 4
I H H
H H
0.1
8C%j UN
m cl.
0
1
01
1
H H
c- to1
of
tl- H 0|
CU)
's I^ oI ro WI
el a|
CU j
t) r-i CIu
H 0)
4% ft
oa) 0 I C\ %-
o|
C\J 0
Cu I-
0 04
t- -t 0
0 CO
Cu Cut -IH
- t _- H a) CM H ,1 C1
r- Co) Cr) 0| a0
o-I. 4 0H o 0 O
0
"I 0o cM 0,
of I
*^.0
Cu
H1
CU
H
Cu Cu C\
C0 oD|0 H H H U
0)I
-H
=a I
)H
I. HH- Hl H
to
1I
Cr)
mI
H H HO
C\
=1 =1 1HHI I Deme
? 1+ [71 7 4 5 Cholargos V
[5] 4 1 4+ Eiresidai V
*1* 4 2 Hermos V
Iphistiadai
6 6 Kerameis
4 3 Kephale
Poros
1+ 1 1+ V17
[3] 3 Thorikos
b
Kyrteidal
17 9? Cityv
4 3 Coast v
19 29 Inland 6
50 50 40 40 40 COUNCILLORS
b1
9 11 8 6 b10
10 AM DEMES
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Tue, 9 Jul 2013 06:53:42
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
TABLE 1 OINEIS
X Phylai XII Phylai XIII Phylai
0
t-
0
CJ. 0
00
Ca) 0 CM
O H
n Cr) C\l
OJ
C) C) ^ c. O
C\
L e C\j
10 Od fNf
ar. 0
Cr) en 6\O CM) 0o 0 0\.1 01 CU)
1
(C)
* ?Q1
) o0
.-I C) 01
C\
0 Cn Ca) 4 4) r- o1
1- H _H \0
0 Cr) _
Ct <1- O0 r-4
a) a) a 01 0C\
0 - 01
01-.
H
Ht
H
---
OH
1m ,-I
(l| 01 ?1 t-- :- r-- CY)
OJ
C\
,-- MY' --- , I c (3
04 CO
H H H| C H ,r- <- H
H H 0 H Eq H
w|
C) E-
0 0 o O
Trittys Deme . H mI Wl =I =I =I
0- ,- S. I ,- ir
r
City Boutadai (36) 1 1+ 1 1 1 1 PTOLEMAIS
t I
City Epikephisia (42) 2 1 1(2) 1 1+ 1
TRITTYS TOTALS
OINEIS (1125)
O Ha) 0 H;n
C c0
Co 0O -.l
ko o 0 0 a) a) 0
M
HO in O~
0) O t-t--
U
ON 0 t.-- ' ) H . ^ I 4
rOOJ r-l M1 OJ - Cu 0
* r-i
^ O to
O CU 0 00
D cxo ol H CU CY) 0
c | n -0 0 0 0 C\O
P4 oaf) a) a) a)
in oC\ H H H Cj j H 0)
0
?|t
Ho
o
St -I -
P4 tr-O 3J 40M Cu Cu Cu Cu au
H )uH Cu CU Cu
r-H HH> ? r- O H H 0
oo *s I'D H41| C)' H H H H PA
O|04 ?|
Q| P4
?| Ml04 Hl Z H| H |
Deme
I I -
L J t VP A *
Boutadai vi
Epikephisia vi
4+ Hippotomadai vi?
3+ Lakiadai vi
3 Lousia vi
Perithoidai vi
1+ Ptelea vi
ATTALIS Tyrmeidai vi?
Kothokidai VI
1+ 3 1+ 1+ Oe VI
9+ HADRIANIS Thria VI
10
2+ 7+ [2+] 1+ [10] 6 v 74 24 Acharnai 6
I - -
-
- I - k I I - I
I- ;
City vi
Coast VI
Inland 6
k
50 40 COUNCILLORS
11 10 DEMES
H 0
0
or
go H^ H
0 0 Cr) 0 co
a\ tc
00 *01 .n N
? 4-) 0 Cd
o1 o C) 0^ C
vH m0 01 o
H orC
-
^. 0_ , 0
() iH H Co _- H
t -
H
o ko
00 0 *H OJ
cu
t.- _ -t P.0 a) %-
t -
01
I m C%
0 2:> Cu t-
M-1 ,-J crs
00 H, OJa
!-i () t- N I . H Cu
00
CY)
o
>?
Ir ?t cu r1
cv
_
H _ 0
g.
Itl- C o
CQ Co X:l
04
HM WI m:l M:t =: "lo
i H H H IL, 00
0o Hl
Trittys Deme c!
:=:
1 Hl:: Hl ?| vI %
I0 I I 001 :':
-06
TRITTYS TOTALS
City Melite? 15 0
(382)
Coast Aixone? (356) 14? 22? I
TOTAL DEMES
+,, V?9b
11 (7)b (7)b 8
P.1 P.1 P4
Cu
LAN
H- 0H
_
O0 o o I O0 1
0o
a-i CFN 1 Mn
H
Cu CO -H 0 "" H 4 H
H
a a-) N a) 1 0H
H 0<
o1
CM N 1
a, 1 aw o| 4g
0 ON
0d *- UC0
C
M
0 0d
0 c1 c1 CuJ a,l 0
co a) 0 0
'0 C CM (H - .- H- U
N ? Cu 0<i v a) L 0
%CO CU o 0J I- a,
O
Cu a) o s- ca H 0
00
o an 54
Cu
Cu o~~~~Cu ^ Cu
a) - CO
0
Ci O ^ P\ 0 P. P.
0 a nCM
a) LA C
CM 0
CM _ ? H
: HLA H H
H 0 H H Cd| H HCt CM co P.
CIO CY C) Cu C) P. Cu I--I
HI
MN1 H I M :: (3 Ml
0
ml4 0 a,
mls cv ?( o| :=1 Deme
s - -
7 2+ 3 Xypete vii
ATTALIS Athmonon 7
1 [2] 2 1 1 Epieikidai 7?
PTOLENAIS Phlya 7
5 5 1 3 3+ 2 Pithos 7
1+ *1+ 1 1+ 32 2+ 3+ Sypalettos 7
1 Trinemeia 7
27 City vii
6 Coast VII
7 Inland 7
50 50 40 12+ 40 COUNCILLORS
b >
7 9t 6 8 DEMES
City? Hamaxanteia 2+ 2 2 2 2 2
(64)
Keiriadai 2 3 2 2 2 2
City (39)
19 1 1 1
Coast? Acherdous (43) 2
b
Coast? Auridai 1?
17 ANTIGONIS?
(24)
Coast? Azenia 2 [3]? 2 2 2 2
(71)
Elaious 1 1 1 1+ 1
Coast? (30)
Coast Eleusis [6]? 3+ [10+-] 12
(198)
Coast Kopros 3 2 2 2 2
(41)
Oinoe 2? DEMETRIASb PTOLEMJ
Coast (72)+
Inland? Eroiadai 1 1+ 1 2 2 2
(21) c
Inland Dekeleia 4 4+ 4 6
(64)
3c 3+ 3 PTOLEM.
Inland Oion Dekeleikon (18)-
TRITTYS TOTALS
Peiraeus 19 17
City (456)
Coast Eleusis (479) 20 19
Dekeleia? 11 14
Inland (142)
HIPPOTHONTIS (1077)
TABLE IEZIHIPPOTHONTIS
XII Phylai XIII Phylai
(D Os '
H t- t-1 H
H on N- H C
o ' I H t-
O
0M C a) (10 0 0 H
H 0r) b- Ln H O r
H S-
Ecn tJ| ('j H
H- I H H H
,-i H
U-' b-
uo Oc 0
O N- H
,-I
) .0 O0
a C)
O m ON
tl- o o
a) o (0 I N: 0 -IH1
m _' O ln cn
,H -o 4 '0a) a)
U-' OJ (. 0- (.'1 N
0 kO
_on Os\s b-a\ O iF o<- 0
0 -0 - CC) 0 4 C) CO
O ', a' CII A. Ci P C a)
r O\ (0 H 0
t- 0 0 H - 0
C1 ,- CJ 0- C OL[Z CI[ CV) 0C) H H
04
CI
PII 54-
O Po 0
- \H I-I H
:p1t1t a4)H) PH H H ('J 04
CY)
C n O
H ( 0? OJ H H H i
O
ml (v
0 -:d- 0 Deme Cd
ml I HI HI HIl ?I
1 2 4 Keiriadai viii
3 1 Thymaitadai viii
8 6+ 3 2 Acherdous VIII?
4 5 Auridai VIII?
2 6 5 6 16+ 21+ 14 5+ 10+ Azenia VIII?
6 8 6 5 Eleusis VIII
2 1 1 Kopros VIII
ES Oinoe VIII
1 3 2 Anakaia 8?
1 2 Eroiadai 8?
1 Dekeleia 8
IS ATTALIS Oion Dekeleikon 8
21 29 24 City viii
26 16 22 Coast VIII
3 4 4 Inland 8
50 49 50 50 6+ 25 40 COUNCILLORS
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Tue, 9 Jul 2013 06:53:42 AM
bI
14 10 12 All use
14bsubject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 13 DEMES
TABLE IX AIANTIS
X Phylai XII Phylai XIII Phylai
4- Cor
-
on 0 4 Cu
10 Cu
ON Cu
r-1
CY) (4 aC) 0 CY) O4
Cu
C\u
0 C) 0
CY)
on
0
N CM 0
O
C! J
C Cu
vo Co C)
-
OCJ
t-- o Io cO oN
ci -t
HC) mt OC
C\ H CM
4 CM CU)
0
04 - Cu
0
bv 4 CU oO on 0
04 0 C<)
.10 Ln
H Cr) H
o on W< U)
Trittys Deme o on
M Hi "I =Iz K| :x1 OF II I~
TRITTYS TOTALS
AIANTIS (979)
TABLEIX AIANTIS
XII Phylai XIII Phylai I
H %41
041 I -o' 041
010 4
P<1 H
CMD C C 0 H
CY' H o CO Cu CO H
0
C~
H 4H
CM
O,4 0
ON0 Hh CM
0 04 CI0u O Cl
0 H H 0 4 J
|
=: Co1Co u H OI 0 t-
' r-iO
C hrLr-I 1 0o
I dl 4 CY- I N N
N<M -4 Nn C
O) a) ; O- f H O- \ CM 0a)
N -t 0 o- '
r- 0 M 0 0 C\o
cu oico
0o Co 0 cn 14
4:
Pu 041 0P q4)
0 04(Cr1) : C 0
'O 4 H rC-H H -I Hl I-
H H H HHr 04
HH +. cG H C
HYH H H O
H Cu o
H
H S' ?
\^ ^I HI H HI C H @5
0
Deme
:o| :K| | H| ?| M|
HADRIANIS Aphidna 9
City ix
Coast IX
Inland 9
50 40 COUNCILLORS
4 3b DEMES
,-I ,
O0
o Ln
CY) CY)
04 C 0 Cu CO
C)
*O 0
m H -I .'5
43 0 CJ a) N
CY)
0 _O
Cr) ) -- d<Y6 4) 0 tI- C)
V r-J CY) C\-
.H H
Cr) (-
C C J I .-4 4) _ H
0
0 04 4 CU
OJ o 0
Lf:tn t- 04
C\ 04
cu
Cu
_ 0_ S.O
04 0 _2 M| C\J H 0
,-I
-t 0 cu
-t O a) 0 O
O'
o,) C MH 0
CuH CM cn
r- CO M A 4 0
P p. CY
0o s.4
CY
0
0 a) -H
Ml C-\
\| H
H 01 04 H t^- 04
oo 0P
0E<
H H 4 ml - Or a) H H
H- H4 I-, a) rK
Deme .- \10 0 O? CH|
Trittys H| H H) :a| t Hl mrl o1
c
City Alopeke (255) 10 [9+] [12]? 12 5+ 12
TRITTYS TOTALS
City Alopeke 10 12 12
(255)
Coast Anaphlystos 27 23? 23
(468)
Inland Pallene 13 15? 15
(335)
ANTIOCHIS (1058)
b
0 Q4
1
,I
I
a1
P4J 4
;1 0 (%0 0 0 C0 H
01 0r o4 t- r-0
cNJ i H
--I H N
.3 H
- (
,' ,'-I H\j co \ \ n(
ko 1
H a) c
o-- 0
M O H H 0
00 i4 a)cn I n H _Cnr 0CYo )s (a)
0 ( a) a) cu (J Cu Cr) ~ . .I- ' ar
H C) 4 Cr) Cr) C m\0
Ct- 0)
-
C'U H iN CJ LN 0 CJH .0O r a) k6 H
H OJ OJ cu " a) t- o0 O
r./ H 0 H - - oj1 H0 H H 1
CM C CU1
00 _r1 (m r r-ia)
oO 0p O
M P - P P
00 O:
O
r4-
o~ H
Hr:
H^ H
Hn
I
H
o
H
Hl
o
:<1
H
H
H
HI
H
H
o
H
o
o
H C.U .. i-i%-')
0
0~
H
* 1 I C 1 0 Deme
fIl ff| (
a|=1 w1 ::
? z t | H H| H |
14 12 [8+] 8 4 3+ 4 Alopeke x
MAIS Aigilia X
4 6 0 Amphitrope X
5 2 11+ 11 B 9 4+ 1+ 4 7 7 2 2 Anaphlystos X
ATTALIS Atene X
1 7 *1+ 12 HADRIANIS Besa X
2 3 1 0 Thorai X
2 3+ 0 Eitea 10
1 1 $1+ 3- o j3+ Eroiadai 10?
MAIS Kolonai 10
4 3 4 t1+ 1 215 Krioa 10?
15+ 9+ 23" 19+ t5+ 15" [8+] 2+ [11+] 24+ 5 28 6-1 Pallene 10
9 [1+]? 1+ 1 5+ 5 2 2 1+ Semachidai 10
1 Ergadeis b
?1+ Leukopyrab
1 1l-V 1 1 Phyrrhinesioi
14 4*? City x
12 2 Coast X
24 32 Inland 10
ON
0\
0 r-i
a-
C-) m
0 a)
o 0 0o C\ cu
om N
~~~~~~~~~a)~~) _4 0
Is CJ 0
Cr- OJ o CM
'-0 t-
. ,- o
?QI "v
1O-1 C~~~~~~~~~bO 0%
a
OJ
04
11- 04
01 0o OJ
a o C\
a)
0 I Ml a) ko 0 E
O
Former *2 Trittys Deme 0 O0 Ml 0o De
o0 =I ?1
Phyle
Cr)
H I CMP4| O 0\
0 n C4
O OJ CU0 ON- CU CU 0 _
I-
0l k CMs
O H
S{ no H
1\ L
EI a) ,r 0 r-t 0
C4 _ n Cj
O a Tl 0 \0 0- r OJ
cO
Om P4t- P
H 0 M
H H
M 0CO
0 oen =1
Former t
oo-
Trittys Deme 0o
_
I
H
N
3?
0H
C I t1 CtI
ON
C| C\ Hr|
HH _- Cr)
n
:a|
Phyle
13 12 {t
TOTAL DEMES
1 H ? 0
X co g fi?-i
e ir\ -of ^ H
o
H '1 *O +>i n
O-^ ao 0
Cc
C)0
ti| or')0~ CO 0 0H b.-O
041 0 0 0 03 ^
t>- 0 CY
N o- 0
I C
I 0o CY)
CVn) 0\ C u-0 - 0 n
OJ
CU 4H H H Ho
H
r-I N N
jQ _ *?i^f^J{E}( 0 ?
031 0 0 to CV) C
__ t-o
El)
E^(M tN- c^- a\o0 _o a ^r-< o<0
0o V4 s - s c- H-t H- -a)co -
cm a)
0 o 00 C
CJ r-r 34 ar-) 0? OJC4r-i < <00 r-I
Cu C\ CUH Cu H HH C- C\l p4HrCU
C, -H
'4
H H H H H H H4) H H
0
H H H t- I H H H C'0H
?y
Former '4
O? a? 0c H| H| HI~~~~~~~~~~
M|M
H|t |
HW| 1M H||
HH M W [M|
I| H||
Phyle
0
Trittys Deme
TOTAL COUNCILLORS
TOTAL DEMES
'
.E - - 'X X 7-
CZ
O.0 I
c
~ J:
6Jk.", ^ '5 ,,,Oi l.
.,\ .I : .%
"\",.g",
"
4-'
p /
L^^~~~~~~~" ' 5,
(: .
.li\J
r n-,- e
p a
j1..$
11.
'ii,"',
2
I
~
I7
-1
1? I.
PHYLE
I j :I
\
2
1 1%
7 ERCHIA
3
11
LOWER
PAIANIA KONTHYLE
KONTHYLE
2 KIKYNNA ?
I
5 SPHETTOS
ANGELE 2
PROSPALTA
/ -/
V- .: \
4 THORAI
0 5 km.
Scale: ca __ .. ,
__a
ATTICA
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
CITY TRITTYES i, ii, iii,... X
COAST TRITTYES I, , JII,... X
INLAND TRITTYES 1,2, 3,...10
Bouleutic quotas are shown within the circles.
Demes of the same trittys are joined by lines.
NOTE: The location of the following demes is not known and no attempt has been made to place them on
MAP 2
I
.,5 sq 4 I,/ ic
.
f
..
- ''
-.'C
':'=i?
^ V'-r" jG 59PHE
\C7RHINOUTTA? / -UHAMNOUS 6
^
.
2?OIO aS,, ..5 J'X,1^
p?. ' -
^ SEMACHIDAI TIKORYN
!''....:~' . . . .... 10
v-' IPLOTHEIA
EONO
\ ^*-* /,; * *^*^ .*(i)7 ! . ^^ ' ?MAR
ACHAR NA NTfAI?
'"\
, ~ *T M..L ::. AIONID PJS XN
E" (
.... e / l IDAI? DR LN
KERAMEIN
?AOUS- PI--3 . OS I
HERMOS 2 6? PNLYA
CHOLAOS TICS TEITHRAS 2 RASIAI
N
ANKY
LE :::<% > KTY
,,TP
.. ='NA? ?.' =Dee - sit;
-LEKLE
COAGETTOS \E 2 STEIRA
K? R OTHORI
LO R,
VI
HYt1 AVL
FAN 3 7 E RCHI A
6
KEAES /W
LOWER<
1 P L MYRRHI
r,/gg V611\ g/ ANKYLE
\ATPIDAIENO IN AIXTRTNE 0
- - -- -' -
\ \_// J s~~~~KEPHALE 2AP EIRADIOTAI'E
2 IRADAJ KY
_L x|
ATHENS
... E CITYTR.TTYES 1 i, . I,.. X .
R Aants &
E:ehheis
anionis Aieis Loni s A 3kLEa
m:ntiUPPEi ekropHpohotis
-
KRMIO
ON AI XONE65) ANAGYROUSS~^?NU
5^LA^^-PRA^ ?DAI
--KOBON
AGRYLE H HREARRHIOI
..OUTADA... . . .. :POTAMS .
.....A?l.......
R , ~ "(
IAANKYLE [
COAST
KOILE TRITTYEAS?
~
KO
DALLYT
Y
R
^^-///^F ^^ DIOMEIA 2 ^ PEPouleutic
YLEOKU&
R
quotas are shown within the circles. "'
INOS
E' , ,^ - t
P
< '";~......"'
;
"
-
'U)TRIKORYN SEMACHIDAI/
/
(TRIKORYNT
II
K , TK"
\ IA| 1 PALLFN.. 6 . 4. \ t
K/ / P(1 '
"lliiI LO-THE
STIADAINON^U
OLNEUONYM 0AION \I
VIII y*2?
J^ )\ - (^\3ES _
-EE /3NIDAI ^ RIO
e^ EOUTAHOKID~ IAU
1j X J ^- ? AEPRI R D
. 1 , KIKYNNA^?'
G-
\AHE7 HERMOS ^ ..,.o, ^^ \. A^
~/ L 2 V
1
'^\^^^@i^DAiPHAW~ON^ HEIY
)11E(2PH \
2?K
InA OF \i A A 6? IN3r
/?THEJ~MA^KO,S
~
KO2NT3~L EV
R IAI I
NOE . TH-o u E E
5) \ ^(^ 1AYHIDAI?
MELAOUS I, / OA 4 () A\
ALIMOUS *2 \\ ANGELE( S
VKALRORYDALSTON OS)J
K!1 o 2
11s\
>OIME.AU~ ( Demes transferred to
DemetriasI
`_ SRAPHENI
UONY N D
3O 5
OUI /
ix ) A
LOWER
KONTHYLE
\v AIXpAIN
N LM tOAI NKDA?EAO
2 i
^ oe, n o i c.
.-,,^ IKYNNA
THMON \ \ M
-T\
~AIXONEMON 5 IS T THR
ATHENS RE RGANiATIONNAYTO
UUPPER &
vi ,AN LE!
eO
~ONM Deme ;ranf-red o De ket ias
1 +1
/ ^^ ^^ ANKYLE . ^= A
transferred
DemesntigonisKL to/E/ 4 \
((OLLYTOS'i^'^K, j^/^ *ffllLoWER