Sikolohiyang Pilipino
INTRODUCTION;
This understanding of utang na loob illustrates that it may be both conditional
and unconditional in nature. It is unconditional in the sense that doing good behaviors
to others does not require something in return that may be equivalent or perceived
to equal the demonstrated good behaviors (Dancel, 2005). One of the distinct features
of the country Philippine's characteristics is to show gratitude, where it is known to many
Filipinos of the so-called "utang na loob" which means upholding a debt of goodwill.
This notion is experienced when help is offered, it becomes a beneficiary of a sort that
can be done by offering out of goodness (goodwill).
It comes from various ways on how this "utang na loob" is done either in a form
of repayment that is not immediate or possible to be inherited and repaid in the next
generations that have utang na loob to someone related. For instance, one of the
relative's family helped one of the children to finish their studies and can repay them as
they get a job. Through this situation, if one of the benefactors is decreased due to their
help, an individual in return should repay their help which happens to be the qualities of
Filipino culture which is utang na loob.
The Filipino character strength of utang na loob: Exploring contextual
associations with gratitude International Journal of Research Studies in Psychology
15 grateful feelings toward the benefactor are used as bases in reciprocating the favor
received. On the other hand, Alspach (2009) asserted that reciprocity in gratitude
can be done to other individuals, like a surrogate, representative, or anyone who may
be found suitable for this purpose. Emmons & Shelton, (2002) identified the reciprocity-
gratitude link as permanent faithfulness and obligation. Based on the studies presenting
utang na loob and gratitude being similar in a multitude of ways, this study aimed to
further understand these similarities. “Exploring contextual associations with
gratitude” was used instead of “gratitude in perspective” to emphasize that the goal of
the paper was to put forward that though sweeping associations are made between
utang na loob and gratitude, there are nuances that should be acknowledged
because the dimensions of understanding it within the context of Filipino interpersonal
dynamics is different from generalizations Filipinos make when gratitude is concerned.
And because the works regarding utang na loob had been philosophically argued in
relation to gratitude, there seems to be a need to revisit and/or to provide new empirical
evidence that will support this claim. Hence, this research provides an updated
evidence and empirical argumentation with regard to the association between the two
constructs. This study aimed to examine the contexts that overlap and may exist
between the two constructs especially in terms of reciprocity. Also, the investigation
aimed to provide empirical support in the possible differences in the levels of
understanding the two constructs taking into account the context by which they
appeared to be different.
Example; “Wala kang utang na loob!” (What an ingrate!”) someone on the TV would
shout. What usually follows is the cracking sound of a slap, or a dramatic exit followed
by a door being slammed. We’ve pretty much grown familiar with scenes like this,
having seen them on television and movies one too many times that it’s pretty much
cliche now. A plot point, a twist, sometimes even an extended arc - the concept of utang
na loob is so familiar and ingrained in our culture that seeing it on mainstream media
doesn’t even raise an eyebrow for us anymore.
Even though it is hard-wired into the Filipino mentality, it is difficult to define it in a
single sweep that is simple to understand for those who have not grown up in our
society. A study published in a journal by Charles Kaut1 in 1961 attempted to do so,
defining 'utang na loob' first as its literal translation "primary obligation debt," and then
as a whole - "a system of contractual obligation," encompassing an individual's
integration into society, their security in the group they belonged to, and a pattern of
positive and negative behavioral patterns defined by control - usually by the person or
group to whom the favor is owed.
While owing money from a bank, person, or organization is by no means a walk
in the park, having an ‘utang na loob’ in our culture is more complex and taxing. A
monetary debt would be quantified, payment terms clearly laid out, and an individual -
as long as they comply with the terms agreed - knows exactly how much is expected of
them to repay and when the monetary obligation is expected to be fulfilled. Owing a
favor is a whole new ballgame in our culture because as earlier mentioned, it involves
control and sometimes an invisible hold over someone’s head. While it is usually
pointed out how Filipinos are much too lenient of past mistakes during election time,
where politicians get voted to power over and over despite their misgivings, the same
cannot be said in the utang na loob spectrum. In this department, forgiveness or
forgetting is unheard of and the invisible interest rate from these favors sometimes gets
so high that the expectation to repay these obligations transcends generations
"…the word pakikisama is used not as its literal meaning, but as an implied order to play
along with her conditions as she was providing for him. In his sister’s eyes, he was
indebted to her, and his submission to her control (and the expectation to clean up after
her) was repayment for having a roof over his head for free - a clause written in fine
print he didn’t realize he had signed up for.
Pinoys who move abroad are not spared from this system. As moving would
usually be initiated (funded, even) by family or friends who have already settled in a
foreign city, the process of helping out is usually regarded as an utang na loob. While
not as dramatic as what we see on television, the toxic side of having a debt of
obligation is felt by most of us still from those who have helped out, the experiences
ranging from awkward to unpleasant, leaving us wondering if the debt will ever be
considered repaid.
Conclusion;
In our community, and especially in our family's culture, the value " Utang na
loob" has been a very essential value. Even if not everyone who offers assistance
expects something in return straight soon. It's nice that at the end of the day, when we
are the ones who need aid, they're there and prepared to return you for the kindness
you've shown them. It was in our nature as Filipinos to repay our parents' labor and
sacrifices.
And also we are giving credits to them for allowing us to go to school and find a
better job . We constantly say, "Ma, Pa, ako naman po babawi." It is extremely
customary for us Filipinos to return our parents' sacrifices since they are the root of what
we are today. For us, it's an obligation to provide a helping hand to someone to whom
we owe a debt because it would be a disgrace or difficult for us to refuse someone who
has done us a favor, and we would consider that person to be an example of the utang
na loob in other words.
Someone has previously comforted me through my low moments, in my
experience. During that moment, I was completely alone and had no one to vent to.
From all of the help I've received, that is the most remarkable aid I can think of. And up
until now, all I've wanted is for my debt to her to be paid in money, but it's not possible.
It's as if I'll be indebted to her forever because she told me that if I succeed, I should
focus on my success and forget about her, but if I fail, she told me that I can come back
to her at any time and she'll make sure that the next time I fall, it won't be as difficult.
References;
Emmons, R. A., & Shelton, C. M. (2002). Gratitude and the science of positive
psychology.
Dancel, F. (2005). Utang na loob: A philosophical analysis. In R. Gripaldo (Ed.), Filipino
cultural traits (pp. 109-128). US: Council for Research in Values and Philosophy.
1 Kaut, Charles. “Utang Na Loob: A System of Contractual Obligation among
Tagalogs.” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, vol. 17, no. 3, 1961, pp. 256–272.
JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/3629045. Accessed 8 May 2021.
