6

YOUNG WORKERS'
OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY
CATHERINE LOUGHLIN AND MICHAEL R. FRONE
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It is important. . . that work experiences be structured in ways to pro-

tect the health of youth and optimize their chance to become healthy
and successful adults. (Wegman & Davis, 1999, p. 580)

Young people are participating in the paid labor force at unprece-

dented rates (Loughlin & Barling, 2001). This increased participation can
be explained in part by expanding opportunities in the service sector of the
economy and the rise in nonstandard employment (both of which tend to
favor young workers). However, given that hallmarks of adolescence
include identity development and the striving for autonomy and achieve-
ment (Adams, Montemayor, & Gullota, 1996; Feldman & Elliott, 1990;
Vondracek, 1994), it is not surprising that many young people seek entry
into the paid labor force at this time. Occupational researchers are now rec-
ognizing this and interest is growing in the work characteristics and devel-
opmental outcomes of young people's paid employment (see Frone, 1999;
Institute of Medicine, 1998; Loughlin & Barling, 1998, 1999). One devel-
opmentally significant health outcome from paid employment is work-
related injury.
Despite the importance of workplace safety among young workers, our
understanding of it is underdeveloped (Frone, 1998; Institute of Medicine,
1998). This lack of knowledge is puzzling because when nonfatal injury

107

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The Psychology of Workplace Safety, edited by J. Barling and M. R. Frone
Copyright © 2004 American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.
 rates at work are examined across the life span, young workers (ages 15—24)
typically represent the age group with the highest rate of risk (see the fol-
lowing section for more detail). Moreover, as Layne, Castillo, Stout, and
Cutlip (1994) have pointed out, "adolescent occupational injuries can be
prevented only once hazards have been identified and age-specific interven-
tion strategies have been developed and incorporated into . . . safety and
training programs" (p. 660). We therefore have three goals in writing this
chapter. First, we briefly summarize what is known about the prevalence of
workplace injuries among young workers, as well as the risk factors associ-
ated with these injuries. Second, we summarize several areas of research on
general risk taking among adolescents and on safety behaviors among
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employed adults in an effort to highlight unexplored ways to expand

research on workplace injuries among young workers. Third, we highlight
implications for safety management and training to improve workplace
safety for young workers based on work injury research conducted to date
and on general research looking at adolescent risk taking.

WORKPLACE INJURIES AMONG YOUNG WORKERS

Prevalence of Workplace Injuries

Occupational health researchers in the United States, Canada, and

Europe have highlighted a consistent trend showing that the prevalence of
nonfatal occupational injuries decreases with increasing age (e.g., Castillo,
1999; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2001; Dupre,
2000; Human Resources Development Canada [HRDC], 2000; Kraus, 1985;
National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health [NIOSH], 1995,
1997). In other words, adolescent workers are at a higher risk of experienc-
ing an injury at work than adult workers are. As for absolute levels of
workplace injuries, approximately 60,000 young workers are involved in
lost-time injuries on the job each year in Canada (HRDC, 2000). In the
United States, it was estimated that 64,100 workers ages 14 to 17 were seen
in hospital emergency departments for work-related injuries in 1992 (Layne
et al., 1994). However, because only about one third of work injuries are
treated in hospital emergency departments, the National Institute for Occu-
pational Safety and Health (NIOSH) estimates that about 200,000 adoles-
cents are injured on the job each year (Institute of Medicine, 1998). Miller
and Waehrer (1998) estimated that in 1993 there were 371,000 teenagers

Although workers at the other end of the age distribution are also vulnerable to injury at work, older
workers tend to compensate for their reduced physical capacity by being more safety conscious on the
job (Ringenbach & Jacobs, 1995). This, in conjunction with their greater on-the-job experience (Tsang,
1992), tends to lead to safety outcomes better than those for young workers.

J 08 LOL/GHLIN AND FRONE

 injured in the United States, with incurred costs of $5 billion. In Britain,
depending on the occupations considered, it is estimated that from 20% to 35%
of employed adolescents are injured at work (Hobbs & McKechnie, 1997).
The rate and cost of adolescent injuries is particularly surprising
when one considers that most adolescents are concentrated in occupa-
tions not traditionally considered dangerous. For example, more than 50%
of youth work injuries occur in restaurants and grocery stores (Institute of
Medicine, 1998; NIOSH, 1997). Typical injuries include lacerations,
strains and sprains, contusions, burns, and fractures (Institute of Medi-
cine, 1998; NIOSH, 1997).
Despite the research conducted to date, several issues make it difficult
to estimate the absolute prevalence of injuries to employed youth and the
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specific types of injuries experienced by them. First, definitions of what

constitutes a work injury (e.g., any injury, any lost-time injury, injuries
resulting in three or more lost workdays) can vary widely across studies.
Second, definitions of what constitutes employment differ across studies,
especially as they relate to informal employment (e.g., baby-sitting, lawn
cutting). Third, many studies use samples that fail to adequately cover the
population of employed youth and fail to cover all potential injuries expe-
rienced by adolescents. Fourth, official records may underestimate the
number of adolescent work injuries because many injuries either go unre-
ported or are undocumented (Conway & Svenson, 1998; Parker, Carl,
French, & Martin, 1994; Veazie, Landen, Bender, & Amandus, 1994). For
example, Parker et al. (1994) estimated that during a 12-month period,
two thirds of adolescent work injuries were not reported to the Minnesota
Department of Labor and Industry. Finally, self-reports of workplace inju-
ries may suffer from underreporting due to recall errors (Landen & Hen-
dricks, 1995). Collectively, these limitations are likely creating published
prevalence estimates that are underestimates. Nonetheless, even with a fair
amount of potential underestimation, the research reviewed earlier sug-
gests that workplace injuries among adolescent workers are a serious prob-
lem that crosses national boundaries. Occupational health researchers
therefore need to understand more fully the factors that increase young
workers' risk of being injured at work.

Risk Factors for Workplace Injuries

After examining the literature on work injuries among adolescents

and adults, Frone (1998) identified five general categories of risk factors that
have received some attention: demographics, personality, employment
characteristics, emotional and physical health, and substance use. In the
following subsections we discuss research exploring the link between each
category of risk factors to work injuries among young workers.

YOUNG WORKERS' OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY 109

 Demographics
Researchers have consistently documented that adolescent males are
more likely to be injured at work than adolescent females (e.g., Belville,
Pollack, Godbold, & Landrigan, 1993; Brooks, Davis, & Gallagher, 1993;
Frone, 1998; Layne et al, 1994; NIOSH, 1997; Schober, Handke, Halperin,
Moll, & Thun, 1988). However, little research has attempted to explain
this gender difference. One possible explanation is that adolescent males
are more likely to engage in risky behaviors than adolescent females
(Brynes, Miller, & Schafer, 1999). However, Dunn, Runyon, Cohen, and
Schulman (1998) speculated that the higher rates of work injuries among
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adolescent males is due to their job experiences, exposure to work-related

hazards, and employers' expectations for male workers rather than to their
risk-taking behavior. Only one study has attempted to explain gender differ-
ences in work injuries among adolescents. Frone (1998) explored 20 possi-
ble mediating variables, ranging from personality characteristics, work
characteristics, and physical and emotional health to substance use. He
found that a significant gender difference in work injuries became nonsig-
nificant after controlling for exposure to hazardous work environments and
on-the-job substance use and impairment. In other words, adolescent males
may be more likely to be injured at work compared to adolescent females
because they are more likely to work in a hazardous work environment and
are more likely to engage in on-the-job substance use. Thus, both the work
experiences and risky behavior of adolescent males may increase their like-
lihood of experiencing a work injury compared to adolescent females.
As noted earlier, when looking across a wide span of age groups (e.g.,
ranging from 14 to 65 years old) for employed persons, age is negatively
related to work injuries (e.g., Castillo, 1999; CDC, 2001; Dupre, 2000;
HRDC, 2000; Kraus, 1985; NIOSH, 1995, 1997). However, when studies
are restricted to the narrower age range defining adolescence, findings show
that age is positively related to work injuries (e.g., Banco, Lapidus, & Brad-
dock, 1992; Belville et al., 1993; Brooks et al., 1993; NIOSH, 1997).
Although no research has explicitly tried to explain this positive relation, it
is consistent with labor laws that generally allow adolescents access to
increasingly risky jobs with increasing age.
Higher socioeconomic status, as indicated by income, education, or
occupational status, is known to be associated with better health outcomes
(e.g., Adler et al., 1994) and fewer occupational injuries among adults (e.g.,
Cubbin, LeClere, & Smith, 2000). In contrast, other researchers have failed
to find a relation between socioeconomic status and injury incidence among
young workers (Anderson et al., 1994; Williams, Currie, Wright, Elton, &
Beattie, 1996).
For certain types of injuries, physical stature is an important risk fac-
tor. For example, Parker et al. (1994) assessed adolescents' physical stature

I ]0 LOUGHLIN AND FRONE

 by both body weight and body mass. After controlling for age, both mea-
sures of stature revealed that small workers were more likely than large
workers to experience back injuries while lifting.

Personality
Personality has been implicated as a potentially important risk factor
for work injuries among adolescents (NIOSH, 1997). It seems plausible that
adolescents with certain personality traits may have a higher risk of work
injuries because they are more careless, reckless, or distractible. A number
of specific personality characteristics have been suggested as risk factors for
work injuries. Sensation seeking represents "the need for varied, novel, and
complex sensations and experiences and the willingness to take physical
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and social risks for the sake of such experiences" (Zuckerman, 1979a, p. 10).
Compared with those low on sensation seeking, those high on sensation
seeking report less anxiety when faced with risks, and they appraise novel
situations as less risky and more pleasurable (Zuckerman, 1979b). This sug-
gests that adolescents high in sensation seeking may be more likely to cut
corners and ignore safety rules and regulations, thereby increasing the risk
of work injury. Negative affectivity refers to the chronic experience of nega-
tive emotional states and a lack of emotional stability that may lead to
lapses in attention or to higher levels of distractibility, thereby increasing
the risk of work injury. Rebelliousness represents the extent to which individ-
uals are frustrated and defiant when they are exposed to regulations, cannot
freely govern their behavior, or cannot initiate independent decisions (e.g.,
McDermott, 1988). It seems likely that rebellious adolescents may con-
sciously ignore rules and regulations regarding health and safety. Such
behavior would increase the likelihood of experiencing injuries at work.
Impulsivity represents the propensity to get things done quickly and to act
suddenly with little forethought for the consequences of one's behavior
(Plutchik & van Pragg, 1995). Therefore, impulsive employees may rush to
complete a task without adequate consideration of safe operating proce-
dures, resulting in increased risk of injury.
There is much evidence showing that a number of personality
dimensions are related to risk-related behaviors among adolescents, such
as dangerous driving practices, drinking and driving, alcohol use, sex
without contraception, and illicit drug use (Arnett, 1992; Harre, 2000;
Jonah, 1997; Stanford, Greve, Boudreaux, Mathias, & Brumbelow,
1996). Moreover, there is some evidence among adults that personality
is predictive of work injuries (e.g., Cooper & Sutherland, 1987; Iverson
& Erwin, 1997; Sutherland & Cooper, 1991). However, we are aware of
only one study that explored the relation between personality and work
injuries among employed adolescents. Frone (1998) reported that higher
levels of negative affectivity were related to being injured at work in a

YOUNG WORKERS' OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY / II

 sample of employed adolescents, though there was no multivariate rela-
tion between rebelliousness and impulsivity with work injuries. Clearly,
more research needs to explore the relation between personality charac-
teristics and work injuries among adolescents before any firm conclu-
sions can be reached.

Employment Characteristics
Employment characteristics represent a fundamental set of risk fac-
tors for understanding the etiology of work injuries. The most obvious
dimension is exposure to physical hazards, such as working with dangerous
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equipment or chemicals, exposure to extreme temperatures and noise, and

unsafe work conditions. Hayes-Lundy et al. (1991) found that grease
burns among adolescents were the result of working in proximity to dan-
gerous equipment (e.g., grills and fryers), without protective equipment
(e.g., cleaning grill without gloves), and under unsafe conditions (e.g.,
slipping on wet or greasy floors). Drawing on past research with adult
employees, Frone (1998) explored the relation of exposure to physical
hazards, supervisor monitoring, workload, job boredom, role ambiguity,
interpersonal conflict with supervisors and coworkers, work-school con-
flict, and job satisfaction to work injuries. When these risk factors were
examined simultaneously, and after controlling for gender, age, and sev-
eral personality characteristics, Frone (1998) found that exposure to phys-
ical hazards, heavy workloads, and job boredom were major predictors of
work injuries among employed adolescents. In addition, there was a mar-
ginally significant relation showing that supervisor monitoring was related
to lower levels of injuries. The size of the relation between supervisor
monitoring and work injuries may have been underestimated in this study
because a general measure was used that assessed overall monitoring of
task performance. A more specific measure (i.e., assessing supervisor mon-
itoring of compliance with policies and procedures regarding job safety)
may reveal a more robust relation in future research (as some research
now suggests; Barling, Loughlin, & Kelloway, 2002). In terms of heavy
workloads, Barling et al. (2002) also found that heavy workloads were
negatively related to safety outcomes for young workers. In addition, these
researchers found that management's leadership on the job concerning
safety was related to safety outcomes for young workers in a variety of jobs.
When managers were role models in terms of safety, when they inspired
their workers to work safely, when they challenged young people to think
creatively about safety, and when they took a personal interest in their
employees' well-being, including their physical safety, safety-related out-
comes were higher. These findings have interesting implications for work-
place safety interventions that go beyond ergonomic design or regulatory
approaches (as we discuss shortly).

112 LOUGHLIN AND FRONE

 Emotional and Physical Health
Overall, emotional and physical health are two factors that may influ-
ence the safety of individuals at work. Regarding emotional health, prior
research among adults has found that high levels of depression adversely
affect an individual's ability to process information (e.g., Sullivan & Con-
way, 1989) and interfere with both general role functioning (e.g., Broad-
head, Blazer, George, & Tse, 1990; Wells et al., 1989) and job performance
(e.g., Martin, Blum, Beach, & Roman, 1996). Consistent with these general
findings, prior research supports a positive relation between depression and
work injuries among adults (Cooper & Sutherland, 1987; Holcom, Lehman,
& Simpson, 1993; Zwerling et al., 1996). Poor physical health may also be
associated with fatigue and may interfere with one's ability to concentrate
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at work. However, the results of two studies that have examined the rela-
tion between overall physical health and work injuries among adults are
inconsistent. Savery and Wooden (1994) failed to find a relation, whereas
Zwerling et al. (1996) did find some support for a positive relation.
In the only study to explore the relation of emotional and physical
health to work injuries among adolescents, Frone (1998) found significant
positive correlations relating both depression and poor physical health to
work injuries among adolescents. However, when examined simultaneously,
and after controlling for demographic, personality, and employment charac-
teristics, only poor physical health remained predictive of work injuries.
Because much of the research on links between emotional and physi-
cal health and safety outcomes has been correlational, the causal ordering of
these relationships must also be questioned. It is plausible to suggest that
injuries may also be predictive of both emotional and physical health, and
future research would benefit from addressing these relationships from a
longitudinal perspective.

Substance Use
Past research has generally failed to support a consistent relation
between substance use and work injuries among adults (e.g., Dawson, 1994;
Feinauer, 1990; Macdonald, 1995, 1997). This is likely the result of failing
to differentiate between overall (i.e., context-free) and on-the-job (i.e.,
context-specific) substance use. Almost all prior studies have relied on mea-
sures of overall substance use. These measures mainly assess the use of and
impairment from psychoactive substances outside the workplace and out-
side an individual's hours of employment. Dawson (1994) noted that, by
including extraneous (i.e., non-work-related) occasions of use, measures of
overall use are likely to underestimate the size of the relation between sub-
stance use and work injuries. In other words, if work injuries are partially
the result of psychomotor and cognitive impairment while an individual is

YOUNG WORKERS' OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY J 13

 at work, measures of on-the-job substance use should be more predictive of
work injuries than measures of overall substance use.
Frone (1998) examined the relation of both overall and on-the-job
substance use (alcohol and marijuana) to work injuries among adolescents.
He found that when examined simultaneously, and after controlling for
demographic, personality, employment, and health characteristics, on-the-
job substance use was positively related to work injuries among adolescents.
In contrast, supporting Dawson's (1994) concern regarding the representa-
tion of non-work-related occasions of substance use, the measure of overall
substance use was unrelated to work injuries.
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NEW DIRECTIONS FOR WORKPLACE SAFETY RESEARCH

AMONG YOUNG WORKERS

As demonstrated earlier in this chapter, very little empirical research

has attempted to identify the risk factors for work injuries among younger
workers. Without this knowledge, the development of sound prevention
efforts is greatly impaired. More research attention is needed on the risk fac-
tors that have been identified. However, in this section, we would like to
highlight new avenues for future research on the risk factors for young
workers' work injuries. Toward this end, we draw on two areas of research
activity. First, we draw on the growing area of research on safety climate as a
risk for work injuries among adults (and preliminary research among young
workers). Second, we draw on the large research literature exploring various
risk-related behaviors among young people, such as dangerous driving, seat-
belt use, motorcycle accidents, engaging in unprotected sex, illegal drug use,
and general delinquency. On the basis of this research, we present several
psychological processes that may increase the risk of workplace injury
among young workers. Although care must be exercised in making broad
generalizations, emerging knowledge from research on adolescent risk tak-
ing in other areas may provide directions for future research and plausible
interventions related to workplace safety among young workers. For exam-
ple, a great deal of research has focused on dangerous driving among youth.
Because motor-vehicle-related injury is one of the leading causes of work-
place injury among youth (Castillo, 1999), it seems reasonable to assume
that useful lessons may be gleaned from this general literature.

Workplace Safety Climate

Workplace safety climate refers to perceptions of enacted policies

regarding workplace safety that inform employees of the kinds of behaviors
that are expected, rewarded, and supported at work (Hofmann & Stetzer,

I14 LOUGHLIN AND FRONE

 1998; Neal, Griffin, & Hart, 2000; Zohar, 2003). Workplace safety climates
that support and reward safe working behavior are positively related to
higher levels of employee safety performance (e.g., Griffin & Neal, 2000;
Neal, Griffin, & Hart, 2000) and lower levels of injuries (e.g., Zohar, 2000).
Young workers in organizations with a safety climate that does not value
and reward safe working behavior will likely have lower levels of safety per-
formance and higher levels of injuries. Although little systematic research
has been conducted on safety climates in jobs held by young workers, a
study by Zakocs, Runyan, Schulman, Dunn, and Evensen (1998) suggests
that adolescents often receive inadequate safety training and work for man-
agers who do not value and reward safe working behavior. Further, recent
research by Barling et al. (2002) suggests that safety climate as well as man-
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agement's attitudes toward safety are indeed related to safety outcomes

among young workers. Because of the potential for constructive interven-
tions in the workplace, much research is needed in this area to explore links
between workplace safety climates and young people's injuries, particularly
longitudinal research that can directly address issues related to causality.

Perceptions of Relative Invulnerability

Adolescents, as well as adults, demonstrate a tendency to underesti-

mate their risk of injury relative to their peers (Harre, 2000; Quadrel, Fis-
choff, & Davis, 1993). This tendency has also been referred to as
"unrealistic optimism" (Weinstein, 1980), and it appears to be particularly
pronounced among young male drivers (Harre, 2000). For example, a study
showed that relative to older males, younger males perceive themselves as
having a lower probability of being in an accident than their peers (Finn &
Bragg, 1987). Much of this research stems from Elkind's (1967) concept of
egocentrism, whereby adolescents feel that they themselves are protected
from harm but that their peers are not protected. Research on condom use
among college students (Thompson, Anderson, Freedman, & Swan, 1996)
also supports adolescents' perceptions of invulnerability. It would be inter-
esting to explore the relation of perceptions regarding relative risk for work
injuries to workplace safety behaviors and injuries. One would expect that
lower levels of perceived relative risk would be related to lower levels of
safety performance and higher levels of injuries at work.

Hazard Perception
Hazard perception represents an individual's ability to correctly gauge
the "objective" level of hazard in a particular situation. In terms of driving
behavior, evidence suggests that when compared to experienced drivers,
inexperienced drivers demonstrate a poorer ability to assess hazards, and
that this difference is greater among men than women (Harre, 2000). There

YOUNG WORKERS' OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY 115

 is evidence that inexperienced drivers scan a smaller range of the environ-
ment and do so less frequently, perceive hazards less holistically, and detect
hazards less quickly (i.e., hazard perception latency) when compared to
experienced drivers. By extension, differences among adolescents in the
ability to assess hazards in the work environment quickly and accurately
may be related to being injured at work.

Risk Perception
Risk perception refers to the "subjective" perception of risk in a partic-
ular situation (Deery, 1999). Individual differences in risk perception have
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been linked to safe driving behaviors and driving accidents (Deery, 1999).
To the extent that adolescents differ in their perception of subjective risk
for a specific workplace hazard, they are likely to differ in their level of cau-
tion and in the likelihood of experiencing a workplace accident or injury.
Given the potential for interventions related to this characteristic, it would
be worthwhile to explore whether these findings could be generalized to the
case of young workers' injuries.

Self'Assessment of Skill
Self-assessment of skill represents a person's estimation of his or her
ability to navigate the environment (Deery, 1999). The accuracy of this
assessment is an important part of the safety equation. Overconfidence is a
strong source of bias in evaluating risk and has been related to unsafe driv-
ing behavior. Although no research has looked at the role of overconfidence
in work injuries, one might expect that adolescents who overestimate their
skills and abilities may be more likely to take risks and become injured at
work.

Acceptance of Risk as a Cost

Research suggests that, relative to older workers, youth have a higher
level of risk acceptance, or risk threshold (Deery, 1999). In studies designed
to examine motivational models of behavior, results indicate that young
drivers may be prepared to accept the risks of dangerous driving in order
achieve other goals (Harre, 2000). Moreover, in a study of female university
students ages 18 to 23, Shapiro, Siegel, Scovill, and Hays (1998) found that
the post hoc justifications used for a wide range of risk-related behaviors
were primarily purposeful, that is, used to achieve a personal goal (e.g., to
meet people) or to fulfill a personal need (e.g., to relieve stress). It has been
argued that youth risk behaviors are "functional, purposive, instrumental,
and goal-directed" and that these goals are consistent with normal psycho-
social development (Jessor, 1992, p. 378). It is easy to see how goals such as
gaining peer acceptance, establishing autonomy from parents, coping with

116 LOUGHLIN AND FRONE

 anxiety, or marking transition into adulthood may lead to risk behaviors—
including reckless driving, illegal drug use, or unprotected sexual activity—
that enable the achievement of those goals (Jessor, 1992). By extension,
one might speculate that unsafe work behaviors may be motivated by the
desire to appear more productive, obtain supervisor approval, obtain peer
approval, or gain other work-related rewards.

SAFETY MANAGEMENT AND TRAINING

AMONG EMPLOYED YOUTH

Young workers are entering the workforce at the same time as they are
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undergoing significant developmental changes from a psychological, social,

and career perspective. Our discussion of both identified and plausible risk
factors suggests certain safety interventions with regard to young people in
the workplace. We will now discuss these interventions in turn.
With respect to gender differences, the majority of young worker inju-
ries occur among male adolescents. This pattern suggests that interventions
targeting male adolescents' safety behavior are critical. Frone (1998) found
that the excess risk of injury for male adolescents compared to female ado-
lescents was due to male adolescents' higher exposure to dangerous equip-
ment and their elevated propensity to be impaired by alcohol or drugs at
work. Thus, better training in terms of the use of dangerous equipment and
understanding the dangers of working under the influence of psychoactive
substances are certainly needed. It should also be noted that a few studies on
general female risk-taking behavior suggest that this may be less of an exclu-
sively male activity than is commonly believed (e.g., Shapiro et al., 1998).
The possibility exists that we are not detecting the kind of injuries likely to
occur among female adolescents at work. This could occur because of the
nature of the work in which they are more likely to be engaged (e.g., domes-
tic) or the kinds of injuries they are more likely to experience (e.g., strain-
type injuries that are less likely to force them into an emergency room for
treatment). These possibilities should be investigated in future research.
In terms of the work environment, past research found that exposure
to physical hazards, heavy workloads, and boredom were related to an ele-
vated risk of being injured at work among adolescents (Frone, 1998). Young
workers need to be trained to work with dangerous equipment and protect
themselves from other hazardous work conditions. The workloads that ado-
lescents have to manage need to be tailored to their cognitive and physical
capacities if they are to avoid injuries at work. Finally, young workers' jobs
should have a reasonable, and developmentally appropriate, amount of task
variety and responsibility. Such job enrichment is likely to decrease the risk
of injuries by decreasing job boredom and inattention.

YOUNG WORKERS' OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY 117

 Programs to reduce injuries at work should target the promotion of
healthy lifestyle behaviors that address physical activity and alcohol and
drug consumption. Frone (1998) found that adolescents reporting poor phys-
ical health and on-the-job substance use were more likely than other adoles-
cents to report being injured at work. The promotion of healthy lifestyle
behaviors must begin early in a person's life. However, because of the general
importance of overall health for all areas of achievement, including work,
employers should work with schools and other social institutions to promote
positive physical and mental health among young people. It is in the self-
interest of employers to do so because having a labor pool that is physically
and mentally healthy decreases the likelihood of injuries, increases role per-
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formance, and minimizes health care and other financial costs.

Past workplace safety climate research among adults (e.g., Zohar,
2003) indicates that employers need to unambiguously promote and reward
workplace safety if they want to reduce work injuries among employed ado-
lescents. One component of promoting workplace safety is assuring that all
employees get adequate safety training. In one study of employed adoles-
cents, Zakocs et al. (1998) found that most (95%) adolescents wanted
safety training before beginning their job. However, only 55% received
training to avoid injury and only 53% received training to deal with an
angry customer. In addition, the adolescents felt that when safety training
was received, it was of low quality and their managers did not value safety.
This study suggests that to reduce work injuries among adolescents, more
attention needs to be paid to promoting a strong and positive safety climate.
Preliminary research among young workers (Barling et al., 2002) would sup-
port management interventions in this regard.
The tendency for adolescents to perceive that they are relatively
invulnerable compared to their peers suggests that a media campaign could
portray peers acting in a safe manner rather than a reckless manner, illus-
trating that most young workers act safely most of the time. The campaign
could also describe the precautions that young workers can take to modify
high-risk behaviors (Harre, 2000). Still, given limited support for the effi-
cacy of education campaigns in changing behavior, peer group support for
safer behavior may be more effective. Risk reduction programs may need to
"directly address peer norms concerning certain behaviors in order to
increase effectiveness" (Madray & van Hulst, 2000, p. 209). Changes in this
regard may be as straightforward as adopting new peer norms (e.g., similar to
"don't let a friend drive drunk" campaigns). Group interactive training ses-
sions may be useful for addressing reduced perception of risk in the environ-
ment. This format allows young workers to analyze the hazards of specific
conditions and avoid risky behaviors and decisions by choosing alternative
courses of action (Harre, 2000). In terms of the workplace, this presents a
particular challenge because until one is familiar with an environment it is

118 LOUGHLIN AND FRONE

 difficult to judge its inherent risks. With little exception, young workers are
constantly moving in and out of the labor market relative to the adult
worker. They are involved in frequently changing jobs, negotiating fluid
work schedules, and responding to changing employer demands and labor
market conditions (Wegman & Davis, 1999). In a North Carolina study,
researchers (Dunn et al., 1998) found that 67% of teens (ages 14-17) had
already worked in two or more locations during their short occupational
careers. The transient nature of the youth labor market is likely to make
employers reluctant to make the necessary investments in training. One
possible remedy to this problem is to provide this training in "work safe"
programs in schools where all young people have access to this form of
training. However, recent findings underscore the importance of manage-
Copyright American Psychological Association. Not for further distribution.

ment's leadership on the job in terms of safety (e.g., Barling et al., 2002).
Thus, one might question the ultimate impact of training interventions if
they are not supported in the workplace.
Interestingly, in terms of self-assessed overestimation of skill, Deery
(1999) cited research suggesting that skill-based training related to safety
behavior may actually increase young workers' risk. There is some evidence
that skill-based training emphasizing an individual's limitations results in a
better match between expected and actual performance of a task. Our dis-
cussion of young workers' acceptance of risk as a cost suggested that youth
risk behavior is instrumental and goal directed. The challenges for occupa-
tional psychologists in this regard are to anticipate both the general goals
(e.g., peer acceptance) and vocational goals (e.g., job promotion) of young
workers and to provide a means for them to achieve these goals without
compromising their health and safety. For example, if risky work habits are
undertaken in order to impress supervisors, then the means for earning
approval should be targeted. Supervisors might praise young workers, indi-
cating their satisfaction when safety procedures are closely followed, or
develop a system that publicly recognizes safe work behaviors. Preliminary
research suggests that praise and recognition will have the most positive
effect on injury-related outcomes (Barling et al., 2002). Finally, it should be
noted that reducing the perceived value of engaging in unsafe practices may
influence behavior to a greater degree than increasing fear of punishment
(Lehto, James, & Foley, 1994).

SUMMARY

Injury at work is a common experience among adolescent employees

that transcends national boundaries. The risk factors reviewed here indicate
that both personal factors and workplace factors play roles in youth work
injuries. Because young workers typically lack control in the workplace and

YOUNG WORKERS' OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY 119

 are less likely to have union representation than adults (Gallagher, 1999),
they will be at a disadvantage when it comes to improving their safety at
work. Therefore, unless enough parents, employers, and policymakers
become concerned about the prevalence of work injuries among young
people, it will be difficult to gain the momentum necessary to motivate
change in the workplace. To some extent, every society has precisely the
accident rate it is willing to accept. When one thinks of societal norms
about seat-belt use or smoking not so long ago, we see that collective will
can be a powerful force for change. Ultimately, the development of a safe
workplace through employee education, job design, and a positive safety cli-
mate is in the interests of young workers, their employers, and society as a
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whole.

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