In: Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. XLI No. 1-2, ed. by Wubneh, M., Rahmato, D., Pankhurst, A.

(2008). Addis Ababa

The Role of Ïdïrs in Neighbourhood Upgrading in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Elias Yitbarek*

1. Introduction

Efforts have been made by NGOs, Governments and Community-Based Organizations

(CBOs) to upgrade slum1 areas, particularly in the cities of developing countries. In many of these
cities, the challenge still remains as the process of rapid urbanization continues to negatively affect
the resource allocation and provision of services. According to UN-Habitat, in 2001, 924 million
people (31.6 %) lived in slums and it is projected that in the next 30 years the number of slum
dwellers will be about 2 billion (UN-Habitat, 2003). In Addis Ababa, it is estimated that 80% of the
population are living in slums and 85% of the housing stock is believed to be located in slum areas.

The lessons learned from the slum clearances of the 50s and 60s were the backdrop for
initiating various slum upgrading programs including self-help housing, which was advocated by
architects such as John F. C. Turner2. In the mid-1970s, the concept was widely adopted by the
World Bank (Werlin, 1999) and it was promoted in the form of in-situ settlement upgrading in
existing slums or in providing sites and services in unoccupied areas The key lessons learned from
the experiences of the 70s were that slum dwellers are not part of the problem but part of the
solution.

This paper analyzes the role of a coalition of burial associations (ïdïrs) in slum upgrading. In
agreement to Turner’s theory and the experience of the 70s the ïdïr members residing in slum areas

* Ph.D, Assistant Professor, Department of Architecture, Addis Ababa University.

1
‘Slum’ is an imprecise concept that has different meaning to different groups. Western concept of slum dwellers makes distinction
between those that aspire to better themselves and fulfill social norms and those that reject the accepted social values. The former
merit assistance while that latter do not. This dichotomy parallels the classification often made to slum areas as ‘slums of hope’ and
‘slums of despair”. In developing countries slums may refer to lower quality housing and are used interchangeably with,
spontaneouse settlements, shanty houses, squatter settlements, ‘informal’/non-formal settlements and low-income housing (UN-
Habitat 2003). It has now been re-introduced in the development discussion, as dwellers themselves prefer to be referred as ‘slum
dwellers’, for example, as in a ‘federation of slum dwellers’ (See also d’ Cruz & Satterthwaite, 2005:7 and Hassan et al, 2005:18). In
the context of Ethiopia it signifies physically deteriorated neighbourhoods inhabited by relatively poor households, rather than the
classic slums of despair.
2
John Turner was a British architect who worked in slums and squater settlements of Peru. He advocated the idea of
building housing to suit oneself rather than constructing mass housing advocated by many western organizations.

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were found to be part of the solution by mobilizing themselves into a coalition interested in
neighbourhood upgrading. The study is based on a case study of a coalition of ïdïrs known as Täsfa
Mahbärawi Lmataqäf Mahbär (Täsfa Social and Development Association) located in Addis Ababa.
The paper draws from the author’s PhD thesis. The data was gathered during two periods of
fieldwork in 2004 and 2006. It was gathered largely through a qualitative survey method that relied
on both secondary and primary sources- semi structured interviews, informal discussions and
observations.

2. The Tesfa Social and Development Association (TSDA)

The Täsfa Social and Development Association (TSDA), is a coalition of 26 ïdïrs in Addis
Ababa established with the aim of improving the poor living conditions of its members. Ïdïr, which
is basically a burial association, is found in many towns in Ethiopia. Out of the many types of ïdïrs
(based on ethnicity, sex, age, work place and residence) the most dominant is community ïdïr, also
called, yäsäfär ïdïr or yäkäbäle ïdïr. It is formed by households living in the same neighbourhood
(säfär or käbäle)3. Members are expected to pay their dues, attend meetings and participate in
burials by accompanying the coffin, extending emotional support to the bereaved and offering food
and drink to mourners. It also extends material assistance including tent (for temporary shelter),
tables, chairs, and kitchen utensils. Culturally, there is a general belief that the more a funeral is
attended by as many people as possible the more the status and respect attributed to the deceased and
bereaved. Therefore, it is not uncommon for families to belong to more than one ïdïr. In their present
form, community ïdïrs usually have by-laws governing their activities. The by-laws generally
include the purpose of the association, titles and duties of officers, membership fee, frequency of
contribution and fines for non-compliance with rules and regulations. In addition, the by-laws state
that the ïdïr is non-political and non-religious.

The first attempt to engage ïdïrs in activities beyond their primary function of providing
support to families of the deceased was made by the Imperial government in the late 1950s. The
strategy was to coordinate the activities of ïdïrs through established associations comprising a group
of ïdïrs. According to Mekuria (1976), the model centres took another direction following the failed
coup of 1966 against the Emperor in which, allegedly, the leader of Mächa Tuläma ïdïr used the

3
Kebele is the smallest administrative unit (local government).

2
association for political motives. Since then, ïdïrs have been expected to be non-political and open to
all individuals irrespective of age, sex, ethnicity and religion (Fekadu 1976, Pankhurst 2003).
During the period (1974-1991) of the socialist government, according to Pankhurst (2003),
ïdïrs were generally viewed as reactionary forces incompatible to the communist ideology and the
government’s administrative structure. Following the fall of the socialist, military government in
1991, there has been a growing interest on the part of some NGOs and the government to transform
the activity of ïdïrs beyond their main burial function. Currently, in Addis Ababa, out of a total of
4007, ïdïrs, 962 (24%) participate in some kind of development efforts (Tenagne 2003).

3. TSDA’s formation and activities

TSDA is located in the Kolfe-Qäranyo sub-city of Addis Ababa.4 Kolfe-Qäranyo sub-city

covers an estimated area of 6,510.4 hectare out of Addis Ababa’s total area of 54,000ha. According
to the Addis Ababa City Administration Urban Management Institute (2005), the Kolfe-Qäranyo
sub-city has a population of 281,119, or 9.54% of Addis Ababa’s population. The number of
households in the sub-city is about 55,000. More than 4000 household of this sub-city belong to 26
ïdïrs, which are members of TSDA. The survey also indicated that a majority of the housing in the
sub-city are classified as slums.

Ïdïrs are often caught in a dilemma regarding their role as community-based organizations.
On one hand, ïdïrs are more and more criticised for not being involved in development efforts, and
on the other, they are cautioned not to stretch and indulge themselves in development works, lest
they end up performing neither their traditional task nor community development initiatives. The
argument for the first critique is that they are the most genuine, voluntary and independent
associations; hence their involvement in development would result in achieving ownership and
continuity. The argument for the second critique is that they do not have the capacity, both human
and financial, to undertake and manage community development. The concern is, even if they
develop capacity, they will be replicating formal NGOs and this role could be at the cost of
sacrificing their traditional burial function and losing their flexibility.

4
Addis Ababa is divided into ten sub-city administrations each having about ten käbäles under its jurisdiction.

3
 In recent years the formation of coalition of ïdïrs for the purpose of community development
is highly encouraged. The objective is to keep the autonomy and independence of member ïdïrs
while maintaining their primary burial function and also allowing them to enjoy the benefits of
carrying out development efforts. To this effect there has been a growing interest on the part of
NGOs, the government and some ïdïrs in forming ïdïr coalitions. The self-initiated Kolfe area
coalition of ïdïrs (TSDA), the ACORD (an NGO)-initiated coalition of ïdïrs of Akaki and Ferensai
legasion, and government-initiated coalition of ïdïrs in some sub-cities can be cited as examples. In
the succeeding sections the case of Tesfa Social and Development Association (TSDA) will be
covered.

TSDA was initially formed with the vision of tackling poverty and assisting members of ïdïrs
who could not afford the monthly due because of old age or lack of income. Prior to the
establishment of TSDA, members who could not pay their dues were forced to lose their
membership. In such circumstances, if a family member died, families of the deceased would be
forced to beg on the streets in order to cover burial expenses. Having seen many such unfortunate
situations and being mindful of the role that ïdïrs could play in community development, a few ïdïr
leaders came up with the idea of forming a coalition. Following consultation with their constituent
members, TSDA was formed in 2000.

As of May 2005, TSDA had twenty-six member ïdïrs with more than 4000 households
comprising a population of about 29,0005. Each ïdïr member pays a membership fee of 200 Birr and
additional 1 Birr for the coalition based on its membership. 6 In most ïdïrs, a member pays a monthly
due of 11 Birr out of which 10 Birr is collected by the ïdïr and 1Birr is due to TSDA.

Generally, ïdïrs secure their legal personality by registering with the municipality. This legal
registration permits them to hold meetings and run their day-to-day activities, but it does not enable
them to function as NGOs. For example, they cannot solicit money from external sources to carry
out upgrading functions. NGOs secure their legal status only after they register with the Ministry of
Justice. In June 2000, TSDA registered with the municipality of Addis Ababa, and in March 2002
with the Ministry of Justice (Voice of Tesfa, 2002). TSDA’s registration with the Ministry of Justice
was a major turning point as it enabled TSDA to function as an NGO.

5
Source: TSDA’s Planning and Programming office
6
The exchange rate of USD 1 is about 13.00 Birr

4
4. TSDA’s administrative structure and its relationship with member ïdïrs

TSDA is run by an executive body (referred to as Board of Directors) made up of elected

officials of individual ïdïrs who, in turn, are responsible to all members of the constituent ïdïr
(General Assembly). The administrative structure is based on a simple concept that the coalition
should be run by ïdïr leaders that would have dual responsibilities. Thus, the leaders of member
ïdïrs would be simultaneously a member of TSDA’s Board of Directors. This dual structure was
found to be effective as the link between the grassroots, who are members of individual ïdïrs, and
TSDA was easily facilitated.

General Assembly
(All members of constituent ïdïrs)

Board of Directors
(Ïdïrs leaders)

Management committee
(Selected voluntary ïdïr leaders and
individual members)

Project coordinator

Fig 1. Administrative structure at the initial stage of TSDA

Source: Interview and Voice of Täsfa 7 (2002).

As the number of member ïdïrs started to grow it became administratively unwieldy to have
all the leaders of member ïdïrs on the Board. At the same time, the exclusion of some leaders from
the Board created a gap in the communication link. Therefore, a Council, composed of all the leaders
of individual ïdïrs, was introduced to serve as a buffer between the General Assembly and the Board
of Directors (See Fig 2). The grassroots convey their voice through the ïdïr leaders who may be
members of the Council and /or members of the Board of Directors.

7
Newsletter of TSDA

5
 In the past, ïdïr leaders were elected on the basis of social status, community acceptance, age
and leadership ability. According to Tenagne (2003:7), currently one’s level of education, the length
of duration in the community, administrative experience and willingness to serve are being added as
important criteria in addition to the traditional factors. Many of the key TSDA leaders are ex-army
officers with extensive experience in mobilizing and managing large groups of people. In addition,
some of them are retirees with secured private income, which has enabled them to utilize their
resources and free-time to the welfare of the organization.

General Assembly

Council

Auditors
Board of directors

Manager

Legal Advisors
service
Management
committee

Finance Administration Public Planning and Social and

Relation Programming Development
Fig. 2. Current administrative structure of TSDA
Source: Extracted from the interview with the head of Täsfa’s Planning and Programming Office

5. TSDA’s development activities

Many NGOs in Addis Ababa, such as the Agency for Cooperation and Research in
Development (ACORD), Mary Joy Development and Support Organization, Hiwot HIV/AIDS
Prevention Organization, CARE Ethiopia, HelpAge Ethiopia, Hope for African Children Initiative
(HACI), Concern and DKT Ethiopia have been working in partnership with ïdïrs in various areas of
development. Currently, there is an increase in the number of national NGOs interested in
collaboration with ïdïrs.

6
 The campaign against the spread of HIV/AIDS is the most notable intervention area that has
enhanced the collaboration between NGOs and TSDA. Slum areas have limited access to health
facilities which has made them prone to increased deaths of HIV/AIDS victims. The high mortality
rate from HIV/AIDS has directly affected ïdïrs, as they have to pay to every bereaved family a sum
amounting to 550 Bïr. This unfortunate circumstance has led to a sharp decrease to the financial
capital of ïdïrs. To alleviate the problem, in addition to increasing members’ monthly contribution,
ïdïrs are getting interested in collaboration on development efforts focused in the prevention of
HIV/AIDS (Akalewold, 2003; Tenagne, 2003).

In particular, NGOs such as ACORD Ethiopia, CARE Ethiopia, HelpAge Ethiopia and HACI
have been closely working with TSDA. In partnership with HelpAge, TSDA has initiated several
projects worth over 500,000 Bir. The projects include the physical upgrading of 51 houses for the
elderly (See Fig. 3 & 4), a loan of 500 Bïr to 75 destitute elderly for an income generating revolving
fund, grant fund to 25 children of the elderly, eye cataract operations for 136 elderly and regular
provision of uniforms and school equipment for 90 orphans. Table-1 presents a detailed listing of the
various projects.

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Fig. 3: Floor plan of TSDA built houses

Fig. 4: Picture of TSDA built houses. Floor plan indicated above

8
Table 1: Täsfa’s activities

Project components Type of activity

HIV AIDS prevention Sensitising 5400 members of 26 ïdïrs of the need of community care for
and support orphaned and vulnerable children and HIV/AIDS affected families

Training and workshops of awareness creation for 26 ïdïr leaders and

other community representatives

Psychological and social support for 50 grandparents in charge of

orphaned and vulnerable children

Education for 50 orphans and vulnerable children

Training for 50 home-based facilitators,

Training for 30 peer educators

Support for 35 HIV/AIDS victims

Strengthening anti HIV/AIDS counsels in 5 käbäle

Housing Upgrading of 50 houses for grandparents with orphaned children

Upgrading of 5 houses for households considered the poorest of the poor

Construction of 5 new housing units for relocated poor households

Micro credit and Establishing saving and credit bank
income generation
Providing seed money for 49 grandparent - headed households

Skill training for 800 orphans and helping them secure jobs
Health Eye cataract operation for some elderly persons
Direct handouts Regular provision of clothing and school materials for 105 orphans

Regular provision of school material for 400 orphans

Source: Extracted from the information given by Täsfa’s administrator (2006).

6. Summary and Conclusions

At present, TSDA and other ïdïr coalitions, initiated by NGOs and the government, are involved in
neighbourhood development programs that includes slum upgrading, saving and credit schemes,
construction of infrastructure, and fighting HIV-AIDS. Coalition of ïdïrs provide the above services
while maintaining their autonomy, identity, independence and the flexibility to provide traditional
functions. By registering as NGOs, they have the legal power to enter into partnership with other
NGOS in their effort to promote development in their neighbourhood. Poverty, the increase in deaths
of HIV/AIDS victims and the need for dignified burials were some of the key factors that pushed ïdïr
coalitions to participate in community development and collaborative programs with NGOs.

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Members had to respond to the call of TSDA in its efforts of community development. They were
afraid of the risk of expulsion from ïdïr membership and suffering social alienation and finally
undignified burial ceremonies should they fall on hard times. These factors have helped TSDA run
its functions with relative ease. Thus, one can conclude that culture has played a major role in
motivating individuals to participate in ïdïrs, and through that, in development. Within a short period
of time, membership in TSDA reached 26 and the coalition leaders were able to win the confidence
of the constituent members of individual ïdïrs. This was largely due to the fact that the coalition was
self initiated without outside interference, and the quality of leadership was sound. Therefore, based
on this case, one can draw three important lessons that are critical in institution building: the
importance of the integrity and capacity of leadership, the need for autonomy and independence and
the role of culture, in this case burial function.

Ïdïr coalitions, once established, are driven by their own internal dynamics. Since they are
member-led organizations, their activities remain continuous and they are relatively easier to assume
ownership of development projects. Despite these positive elements, one has to be cautious in
initiating a coalition of ïdïr from outside, particularly those initiated by the government. Idïrs are
sceptical towards initiatives coming from the government, lest they are co-opted or exploited in the
pretext of development partnership. The scepticism is largely born out of the history of the
relationship between governments and ïdïrs. The role of the government should, thus, be to create an
enabling environment, namely: easier legal procedures, facilitating acquisition of land for
development, and minimizing bureaucratic hurdles. Similarly, NGOs can play a critical role in
promoting partnership with ïdïr coalitions without creating a sense of dependency.

One of the major challenges of slum upgrading is the lack of capacity to expand the scale of
operation or coverage of programs. The work of NGOs, the government and TSDA, so far, has been
a patchwork of limited coverage. Compared to NGO-sponsored or government-initiated upgrading
efforts, ïdïr coalitions have greater opportunity to work on a larger scale because the coalitions are
based on already existing institutions, which are found through out the city. The strategy to achieve a
large scale of operation, however, should not be based solely on interest. For example, if the
membership of TSDA remains open, more and more ïdïrs will be interested in joining. However, this
could have its own drawback. If the membership of ïdïrs under TSDA is not limited both in terms of
spatial coverage and neighbourhood cohesiveness, then its management capacity could be
challenged. Besides, the wider the area covered and the more the membership attracted, the more the

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risk that TSDA may lose its intimacy and the trust of its membership; because the confidence in the
leadership of the coalition is built on the personal neighbourliness among the leaders and inhabitants.

The establishment of as many manageable coalitions as possible can lead to a horizontal

network of coalitions sharing experiences from each other. Existing coalitions, such as TSDA, may
serve as pilot projects from which others can learn. TSDA has been organizing workshops and
seminars for like-minded ïdïrs to this effect. It should be noted, however, that the establishment of a
network of coalitions that are agents of change and not merely participating in development is only
one component for large scale upgrading. There are additional components such as political will,
clarity of purpose, institutional organization and financial readiness of city government that should
be in place. Provided, these components are in place, the transformation of ïdïrs into upgrading
actors, through the creation of coalitions, could be a viable option for city-wide neighbourhood
upgrading.

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