Alija Izetbegovic and The War in Bosnia

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Alija Izetbegovic and the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina
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Dražen Pehar
Alija Izetbegović i rat u Bosni i Hercegovini
Alija Izetbegović and the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina
dvojezično izdanje/a bilingual edition
Dražen Pehar
Alija Izetbegović
i rat u Bosni i Hercegovini
Alija Izetbegović
and the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina
[1. izdanje]
Izdavač:
HKD NAPREDAK
Glavna podružnica Mostar
Za izdavača:
Miroslav Palameta
Recenzenti:
Dr. sc. Mladen Ančić
Dr. sc. Ivo Lučić
Prijelom i dizajn naslovnice:

CAKUMPAKUM
Servis za grafički prijelom knjiga
[www.cakumpakum.net]
Tisak:
[Tisak dovršen u listopadu 2011.]
© Dražen Pehar, 2011.

-------------------------------------------------
CIP - Katalogizacija u publikaciji
Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka
Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo
32:929 Izetbegović A.
323(497.6)”1992/1995”
94(497.6)”1992/1995”
PEHAR, Dražen
Alija Izetbegović : i rat u Bosni i Hercegovini
= Alija Izetbegović : and the war in
Bosnia-Herzegovina / Dražen Pehar. - 1. izd. -
Mostar : HKD Napredak, 2011. - 211 str. : ilustr.
; 22 cm
Tekst na hrv. i engl. jeziku. - Bibliografija:

str. 204 209 ; bibliografske i druge bilješke uz
tekst.
ISBN 978-9958-841-05-7
COBISS.BH-ID 19074310
-------------------------------------------------
Dražen Pehar
Alija Izetbegović
i rat u Bosni i Hercegovini
Alija Izetbegović
and the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina
HKD NAPREDAK
Glavna podružnica Mostar
Mostar, 2011.
Sadržaj
Content
Naputak čitatelju.............................................................................11
An advice to the reader............................................................... 109
Alija Izetbegović i rat u Bosni i Hercegovini....................15

Alija Izetbegović and the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina 113
Epistemološke pretpostavke ogleda...........................................22

Epistemological assumptions of the essay..............................120
Srbi kao nacisti, država kao naredbodavac –

– 10. siječanj 1992.......................................................................... 29
Serbs as Nazis, the state as a command-giver –
– January 10 1992.........................................................................128
Izetbegovićeva strateška politička vjerovanja..........................38

Izetbegović’s strategic political beliefs.................................... 138
Preliminarni rezime.......................................................................62
A preliminary summary............................................................. 165
Veleposlanik Zimmermann kao rato-tvorac?..........................67

Ambassador Zimmermann as a war-maker?........................ 170
Dediskurzacija.................................................................................83
Dediscoursation............................................................................187

Dražen Pehar
Zaključak..........................................................................................92
(hipoteza o metafizičko-traumatskom sindromu zatočeništva)
Conclusion.....................................................................................197
(a hypothesis on a metaphysical-traumatic syndrome of incarceration)
Bibliografske reference................................................................100
References......................................................................................206
Sažetak............................................................................................106
Summary........................................................................................ 212

Isječak iz sarajevskog tjednika
BH DANI od 7. 3. 2008. godine
Volio bih da me upamte kao čovjeka
koji je narod BiH uvijek imao na srcu.
Alija Izetbegović
Naputak čitatelju
O
va je knjiga nastala kao plod moga dugogodišnjeg
bavljenja političkim djelovanjem i diskursom
Alije Izetbegovića, neupitnog ratnog i poslijerat-
nog lidera bosansko-hercegovačkih Bošnjaka-Muslimana.
U knjizi nastojim objasniti glavna svojstva Izetbegovićeva
političkog diskursa i posljedice tih svojstava u realnom po-
litičkom djelovanju, imajući u vidu prije svega dva kriterija:
kriterij znanstvene upotrebljivosti tog objašnjenja, u okviru
teorije rata i mira, i posebice teorije uzroka rata; te kriterij
političke upotrebljivosti u smislu objašnjenja koje bi moglo
doprinijeti formuliranju jasnih i adekvatnih politika unutar
tako-zvanog bosansko-hercegovačkog političkog krajolika,
politika koje bi bile i odgovornije prema Drugome i sadr-
žavale mirotvorni potencijal u većem stupnju nego što je to
danas slučaj.
Nastojao sam ne napisati knjigu koja bi bila isključivo
historiografskog karaktera. Knjiga, koja je sada pred čitate-
ljem, zamišljena je kao interdisciplinarna analiza koja na-
stoji neke odluke donesene u nedavnoj prošlosti pretvoriti
u pouku za buduće generacije. Također, glavno usmjerenje
knjige jest prema Izetbegovićevim političkim vjerovanjima i
prema njegovu stilu komuniciranja koji odražava jedan im-
plicitni etički odnos prema diskursu, odnosno prema ljud-
skome biću kao korisniku jezika. Za analizu ta dva ključna
činitelja ne postoje neki unaprijed zadani recepti. Postoje
određene metodologije, kao što je, primjerice, ‘analiza sa-
11
Dražen Pehar
držaja’, no nastojao sam te metodologije ovdje ne upotre-

bljavati upravo stoga što bi time sama knjiga za čitatelja
postala manje transparentna. Glede svih epistemoloških
pretpostavki, koje leže u osnovi moje analize, čitatelj jasnu
sliku o tim pretpostavkama može dobiti čitanjem kratkoga
poglavlja o epistemološkim pretpostavkama ogleda. Čita-
teljima, koje te pretpostavke ili nešto suhoparnija teorija ne
zanimaju, sugeriram da to poglavlje preskoče.
Čitatelj bi također trebao biti svjestan da moja analiza
proizlazi i iz jednoga važnog etičkog impulsa, ne samo iz
mojih teorijskih ili političkih interesa i usmjerenja. Naime,
već mnogo me godina zanima što se zapravo desilo sa mo-
jim glasom za nezavisnost Bosne i Hercegovine, glasom
kojeg sam dao tijekom referenduma, koncem veljače i po-
četkom ožujka 1992. godine. Taj moj glas nije bio glas za
početak rata u Bosni i Hercegovini, u to sam siguran; no,
on je nekako iskorišten na jedan način koji je izravno vodio
do oružanoga sukoba. Iako ta eksploatacija jednoga glasa,
ili možda čak nekoliko miliona glasova, nije moja odgovor-
nost, dijelom me i danas peče savjest zbog te eksploata-
cije, jer moj je glas, kojega sam ja prvo dao, eksploatiran.
Ta ‘etika skrbi o sebi’ (epimeleia heautoy, na starogrčkome,
ili cura sui, na latinskome), o kojoj detaljnije piše Michel
Foucault u Hermeneutici sebstva, velikim je djelom su-od-
govorna za nastanak ove knjige. Ona je također odgovorna
za moju odluku da u knjizi kažem nešto više o ‘alternativ-
nim tokovima povijesti’, o ‘propuštenim šansama u povije-
snome smislu.’ Nadam se da će taj aspekt knjige, prezenti-
ran u samome Zaključku, barem na neke čitatelje djelovati
katarktički.
Čitatelj bi također trebao biti svjestan činjenice da je
knjiga organizirana tako kako je organizirana sa dobrim
12
razlogom; na umu sam imao upravo čitatelja koji treba s

relativnom lakoćom proći kroz cijelo djelo. Stoga knjigu
započinjem jednom povijesnom epizodom, jednom sjed-
nicom nekadašnjeg Predsjedništva Republike Bosne i
Hercegovine. Detaljnu analizu političkih vjerovanja Alije
Izetbegovića čitatelj će pronaći u narednom poglavlju
koje jest nešto teorijski zahtjevnije i duže. No, čitatelj će se
zasigurno od toga poglavlja odmoriti čitajući poglavlje o
jednome zagonetnom sastanku između posljednjeg ame-
ričkog Veleposlanika u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, Zimmermanna, s
jedne strane, i Izetbegovića, s druge. Za one koje posebno
zanima uloga međunarodne zajednice, ili Europske Unije
ili SAD, u Bosni i Hercegovini, ili međunarodni odnosi i
međunarodna politika općenito, čitanje cijele knjige moglo
bi zapravo započeti čitanjem poglavlja o Zimmermannu.
Posljednje poglavlje, o Dediskurzaciji, nastalo je tako
što sam se pozornije i detaljnije usmjerio na jednu po-
sebnu crtu Alije Izetbegovića, kao komunikatora, crtu koju
sam mogao objasniti samo tako što sam u grubim crtama
formulirao jedan inovativan dodatak suvremenoj teoriji
uzroka rata. Dakle, za analitičare političke komunikacije,
kao i za one koje najviše zanima sama teorija rata, ili teo-
rija uzroka rata u znanstvenome smislu, to poglavlje moglo
bi biti najzanimljivije. Također, čitatelju sugeriram da ne
čita sve dijelove Zaključka kao neku vrstu osigurane, 100%
pouzdane teze. Naime, pred sam kraj Zaključka prezenti-
ram i jednu hipotezu, dajem svojoj znanstvenoj imaginaciji
punu slobodu, ali tu hipotezu, iako ona zvuči na prvi po-
gled uvjerljivo, ne podupirem jednoznačnim empirijskim
podacima. Također, budući da u Zaključku govorim i o
Islamu, čitatelj bi unaprijed morao shvatiti da ne govorim o
Islamu općenito, nego o „Islamu“ Alije Izetbegovića. Apso-
13
Dražen Pehar
lutno sam siguran da se mnogi Muslimani ne slažu sa tom

verzijom Islama, iako se mnogi, moram priznati, slažu. No,
ovu temu vrlo rado prepuštam sljedbenicima Kur’ana, od-
nosno Islama.
Na koncu, ozbiljnih, po ambiciji znanstvenih, teorijskih
studija posvećenih Aliji Izetbegoviću neshvatljivo je malo,
toliko malo da nam je za prebrojavanje istih dovoljna jedna
ruka. Postoji jedna studija, na engleskome, veličine knjige.
Riječ je o magistarskoj tezi obranjenoj 2009. na Sveučili-
štu Missouri-Saint Loius (SAD): autor Jason Carson „‘A
leader despite himself?’ An analysis of the statesmanship
of Alija Izetbegović, 1990-2000 (‘Lider usprkos samome
sebi?’ Analiza državništva Alije Izetbegovića, 1990-2000).
O Izetbegoviću su oglede također objavili Bat Ye’or, Alan J.
Kuperman (koji je pročitao englesku verziju knjige koju či-
tatelj drži u rukama), i John Schindler. To je uglavnom sve,
ukoliko ne računamo možebitne psihološke profile Alije
Izetbegovića, koje su strane obavještajne službe sačinile
za vlastite potrebe, ili naručene, dobro plaćene, i ekstre-
mno pristrane ‘karakterologije’ poput one Bernard-Henri
Lévya. U tome smislu, nadam se da će ova knjiga djelovati
kao inspiracija i potaknuti znanstvenike na plodotvorno i
inovativno istraživanje različitih aspekata Izetbegovićevog
političkog mišljenja, komuniciranja, i djelovanja.
Doc. dr. sc. Dražen Pehar

(Mostar, kolovoz 2011.)
14
Alija Izetbegović i rat

u Bosni i Hercegovini
P
itanje uzroka rata u Bosni i Hercegovini, petnaest
godina nakon njegova završetka, još uvijek generira
intenzivnu i uglavnom izrazito neplodnu polari-
zaciju mišljenja kako među običnim ljudima tako i među
znanstvenicima, uključujući i povjesničare, pravnike, poli-
tologe i teoretičare međunarodnih odnosa. Pitanje karak-
tera samoga rata, ‘rat međunarodne agresije’ ili ‘građanski
rat’, kao i pitanje ne samo njegovog početka nego i dovr-
šetka, ne tretiraju se kao znanstvena pitanja koja traže su-
kladno znanstvenim standardima utemeljene odgovore,
nego uglavnom, uz rijetke izuzetke (primjerice, Lučić 2007),
kao pozivi da se ova ili ona strana na ovaj ili onaj način le-
gitimira u političkome smislu (što je jasno zamijećeno u
Hayden 2003, str. 34-35). Predvidljivo, u Republici Srpskoj
rijetko ćete naći nekoga tko bi javno zanijekao ‘činjenicu’
da je rat u Bosni i Hercegovini bio za srpsku stranu obram-
beni rat, odnosno, da su se Srbi u Bosni i Hercegovini mo-
rali izboriti za svoj entitet kako bi muslimansko-bošnjačkoj
strani onemogućili majorizaciju, nadglasavanje, i domina-
ciju koja je, u očima bosansko-hercegovačkih Srba, sličila
onoj iz otomanskoga razdoblja bosansko-hercegovačke
povijesti.
Lako je razumjeti zašto su ljudi skloni prebacivanju
krivnje na druge, pogotovo na suprotstavljenu stranu. Nije
ugodno prihvatiti činjenicu da zlo ponekad dolazi od ‘naše’
strane. Također, lako je razumjeti zašto su ljudi skloni
15
Dražen Pehar
izrazito pojednostavljenim analizama ne samo rata nego

i društvenih pojava općenito. Lakše je o svijetu razmišljati
kao o, u moralnom smislu, jednostavnom problemu, mje-
stu gdje se čisto dobro bori sa čistim zlom. Pred moralno
kompleksnim i zahtjevnim situacijama često smo skloni
zatvoriti oči i naprosto zanijekati njihovo postojanje; takve
situacije traže dugotrajno i posvećeno promišljanje koje,
osim što uzrokuje značajan napor, rijetko vodi apsolutno
osiguranom i izvjesnom rezultatu. Osim toga, glede same
bosansko-hercegovačke političke scene, postojala je i još
uvijek postoji sklonost da se o srpskoj strani razmišlja kao
o glavnom krivcu za izbijanje rata na osnovi sljedeće dvije
premise: Srpska je strana općenito ocrtana kao strana koja
je sustavno kršila zakone (i norme) ratovanja, uključujući
Ženevske konvencije; i srpska je strana, tijekom najvećeg
dijela ratnog razdoblja, bila apsolutno superiorna u smislu
raspolaganja ogromnom vojnom infrastrukturom i nao-
ružanjem. No, te dvije teze nemaju implikacije koje im se
obično prešutno pripisuju. Ne postoji apriorna nužnost
da strana, koja je u vojnom smislu najjača, bude glavni ili
jedini krivac za početak nekoga rata. Također, ne postoji
apriorna nužnost da strana, koja se najgore ponaša tijekom
rata, u smislu kršenja pravnih i etičkih normi ratovanja,
bude i krivac za početak samoga rata. Pitanje motivacije
neke strane za rat bitno se razlikuje od pitanja njezine spo-
sobnosti u vojnome smislu. Također, pitanje civiliziranog
načina vođenja samoga rata bitno se razlikuje od pitanja
započinjanja samoga rata. Ništa ne jamči unaprijed da će
strana, koja prva ‘poteže obarač’, ujedno biti najgora u smi-
slu kršenja normi ratovanja i počinjenja zločina prema ili
civilnom stanovništvu ili ratnim zarobljenicima.
To ne znači da se ja, kao autor, slažem sa tom tezom; također, za moj argu-
ment apsolutno je irelevantno da li se ja slažem, ili ne, s tom tezom.
16
Također, postoji sklonost da se dopusti gledištu o uzro-

cima rata u Bosni i Hercegovini da potpadne pod utjecaj
površnih psiholoških mehanizama u još jednome smislu –
naime, stav o uzrocima rata nastoji se prilagoditi pogrešnoj
pretpostavci da pripadnici naroda, koji se općenito uzima
kao najveća žrtva rata, također posjeduju apriorno pravo
na iskazivanje istina o tome ratu. Naravno, žalosno je da je
bilo tko bio realnom žrtvom nekog sukoba, u Bosni i Her-
cegovini posebno je žalosno da je muslimansko-bošnjački
narod pretrpio tolike žrtve. No, te činjenice ne mogu ni-
kada poslužiti kao osnova za formiranje uvjerljive, histori-
ografski i epistemološki odgovorne slike o samim uzrocima
rata. Žrtvi nikada ne pripada posebno ili ekskluzivno pravo
da s autoritetom govori o počecima i posebno uzrocima
rata. Žrtva stoji na kraju, ne na početku lanca uzroka. No,
ljudi su neskloni činiti nešto što bi se moglo protumačiti
kao ‘dodavanje soli na ranu’, odnosno, kritiku stavova žr-
tve smatraju nepristojnom. To samo po sebi ne bi značilo
mnogo kada ne bi često vodilo jednoj iracionalnosti – na-
ime, nerijetko smo skloni ne proturječiti žrtvinim opisima
zbilje isključivo zbog toga što ne želimo dodatno uvrijediti
žrtvu. To je i besmisleno i, u intelektualnom smislu, neod-
govorno. Tko može imati koristi od kultiviranja zablude,
zablude koja nastavlja vršiti utjecaj jedino zbog toga što
bi negiranje te zablude predstavljalo dodatnu uvredu za
onoga koji ili jest žrtva ili govori u ime žrtava? Primjerice,
u jednom nedavno objavljenom ogledu Gale Stokes nastoji
dokazati da je srpska optužba protiv Alije Izetbegovića, op-
Naravno, to ne bi trebalo biti shvaćeno kao da implicira da ostale etničke

skupine nisu pretrpjele usporedive i užasne gubitke, ubojstva, torturu, i slično;
također, trebamo imati na umu da uopće nije jasno kako bi se nekakvo detaljnije
i preciznije ‘komparativno mjerenje stupnja podnošenja žrtve’ trebalo izvesti.
17
Dražen Pehar
tužba prema kojoj je on islamski fundamentalist, bila neu-

temeljena; da je Izetbegović bio umjereni Musliman, prije
glas modernizacije negoli radikalnog islama (Stokes 2010,
str. 92-96). Ta Stokesova obrana Izetbegovića površna je i
neutemeljena. No, važnije, ideologija njenog pod-teksta
savršeno je jasna: riječ je upravo o jednoj vrsti američke ‘zle
savjesti,’ savjesti zbog Srebrenice i ostalih mjesta počinje-
nja masovnih zločina; nije riječ o objektivnom i odgovor-
nom opisu povijesne zbilje, nego o prilagodbi znanstvene
perspektive glasu ‘žrtve,’ prilagodbi koja svoj korijen ima u
gore opisanom, iracionalnom psihološkom mehanizmu.
Bez uvijanja i okolišanja, ovaj ogled nastoji dokazati da
je, u usporedbi s ključnim predstavnicima, i pregovaračima
u ime, srpskog i hrvatskog naroda, uključujući one iz Bo-
sne i Hercegovine, muslimansko-bošnjačka elita, posebice
Alija Izetbegović kao njen glavni predstavnik i kao neupitni
i ratni i poslijeratni lider bosansko-hercegovačkih Musli-
mana-Bošnjaka, podjednako odgovorna, ili su-odgovorna,
za početak rata u Bosni i Hercegovini. Kada govorimo o
nečijoj krivnji ili su-odgovornosti za početak rata, onda
taj govor može biti manje ili više precizan. Primjerice, o
Izetbegovićevoj krivnji i odgovornosti za početak oruža-
Stokes (2010, str. 95), između ostaloga, dokazuje Izetbegovićevu umjerenost

i modernost na temelju navodne činjenice da Izetbegović tijekom 1991. nije
„iskoristio priliku“ za stvaranje „islamske republike“ (koja bi, po Stokesu, ostala
unutar Veće Jugoslavije, nakon slovenskog i hrvatskog proglašenja neovisno-
sti) onda kada mu se ta prilika „ukazala“ (!)
Ova teza nije niti dovoljno obrazložena niti dovoljno raširena u društvenim
znanostima, iako je već odavno postala dijelom svijesti barem nekih karikatu-
rista! Primjerice, jedna od karikatura Hasana Fazlića, ratnog ilustratora Oslo-
bođenja, prikazuje tri seljaka, sa tri kape tipične za tri bosansko-hercegovačka
naroda, u poderanoj odjeći, kako očito izmoreni i ojađeni kleče. Između njih
je pobijena bijela zastava primirja, a oni sjede na okrvavljenom tepihu u obliku
Bosne i Hercegovine. Jedan pita ‘Ko nas gurnu u ovo???’, a u drugom oblačiću
stoji (ilustratorov) odgovor ‘Mi!!!’ (Fazlić 1993, poleđina knjige)
18
nog sukoba mogli bismo govoriti u smislu podjednakog

posjedovanja nekog inherentnog zla, ili u smislu prihva-
ćanja izrazito religijski obojene nacionalističke ideologije.
No, ovaj se ogled nastoji oduprijeti takvim, nedovoljno ja-
snim i nepreciznim načinima izražavanja. Pitanje o neči-
joj odgovornosti za izbijanje oružanog sukoba, preciznim
terminima koji dopuštaju znanstvenu elaboraciju, može se
postaviti isključivo na sljedeći način: Da li je dotični djelat-
nik, u ovome slučaju Alija Izetbegović, u političkoj situaciji
koja nosi obilježje duboko kritične, a u kojoj situaciji do-
tičnome jest bio ponuđen mir u obliku kompromisa, ipak
iskazao preferencu za maksimalnim zadovoljenjem svog
interesa, ili interesa skupine za koju smatra da ju legiti-
mno predstavlja, pa onda svjesno i namjerno donio odluku
da do takvoga zadovoljenja pokuša doći oslanjajući se na
sredstva oružanoga sukoba, to jest, putem nasilja? Isto se
pitanje može postaviti u donekle modificiranom obliku:
Da li je dotični djelatnik, u ovome slučaju Izetbegović, op-
ćenito, tijekom jednog dužeg razdoblja političke povijesti,
dovoljno često pokazivao sklonost da političke probleme
riješi pregovorima, kroz traženje neke diplomatske i kom-
promisne formule koja bi u podjednakoj mjeri zadovoljila
interese svih strana, odnosno, u podjednakoj mjeri ostavila
strane i djelomice nezadovoljenima (što je cijena koju pla-
ćamo za svaki kompromis)?
Nakon što proučimo političke stavove i strategije Alije
Izetbegovića, shvatit ćemo da je odgovor na prvo pitanje
potvrdan, a na drugo odrečan. Osim toga, tvrdnja da Alija
Izetbegović nije dovoljno često pokazivao sklonost rješava-
nju političkih problema aktivnim ili samo-iniciranim pre-
govorima, zapravo je, mjereno njegovim realnim politič-
kim mišljenjem i djelovanjem, slaba; postoji značajna em-
19
Dražen Pehar
pirijska evidencija koja podupire mnogo snažniju tezu da

je Izetbegović, onda kada je i pokušavao pregovarati, dje-
lovao na partnere, odnosno sugovornike, tako da su poto-
nji stjecali intenzivno, i opravdano, vjerovanje da problemi
koji nastaju u komunikaciji, ili političkom partnerstvu ili
naprosto političkom koegzistiranju, sa njim najvjerojatnije
neće biti rješivi kroz uporabu jezika, kroz pregovaranje i
razmjenu riječi, nego kroz uporabu nasilnih, destruktivnih,
ne-jezičnih, i povremeno smrtonosnih, sredstava. Drugim
riječima, Izetbegović je na svoje sugovornike djelovao kao
generator ‘de-diskurzacije.’ To je jedna od, u teorijskome
smislu, najplodonosnijih hipoteza koje možemo dobiti
kroz analizu Izetbegovićeve uloge u počecima rata u Bosni
i Hercegovini jer fenomen se dediskurzacije, unatoč nje-
govom lako dokazivom značaju za donošenje odluke za
rat, uopće ne spominje u standardnoj literaturi posvećenoj
temi ‘uzroka rata i mira.’
Nestrpljivi čitatelj ovdje bi mogao pomisliti na jednu po-
znatu činjenicu, i na temelju nje bi mogao odlučiti prestati
čitati ovaj tekst. Riječ je o poznatoj činjenici – na početku
rata u Bosni i Hercegovini, oružana sila kojom je raspola-
gao Izetbegović bila je slaba i zanemariva. Dakle, u smislu
kapaciteta sredstava za nasilno nametanje svojega stava ili
interesa, kapaciteta realnih vojnih efektiva, Izetbegović je
u Bosni i Hercegovini bio najslabija strana. Zar je moguće
da je najslabija strana svjesno išla u oružani sukob? Zar
nije najslabija strana upravo ona koja bi trebala biti najviše
sklona pregovorima i kompromisu? Postoje vrlo jasni i em-
pirijski provjerljivi odgovori na ova pitanja. Da, u slučaju
Bosne i Hercegovine, i najslabija je strana također svjesno
išla u oružani sukob, i najslabija je strana bila nesklona
pregovorima i kompromisu, zbog nekih činjenica koje će
20
biti objašnjene u nastavku ovoga ogleda. Zasada, dat ćemo

samo jedan preliminarni, tanki sloj odgovora: naime, odba-
cujući model pregovaranja i racionalno kontrolirane raz-
mjene čisto verbalnih poruka, slaba strana može svjesno
ući u oružani sukob ukoliko posjeduje za sebe pozitivnu
sliku svoje ne trenutne, nego projicirane oružane moći, i to
moći projicirane u relativno blisku budućnost.
Time su glavne konture ovoga ogleda uglavnom ocrtane.
Prije nego se posvetim izlaganju dokaza za moje tvrdnje,
smatram važnim objasniti i epistemološke pretpostavke
ovog ogleda, neke općenitije perspektive o ratu i miru, kao
i historiografiji rata i mira, koje će kroz ovaj ogled dobiti
usputnu i posrednu potvrdu.
21
Dražen Pehar
Epistemološke
pretpostavke ogleda
Č
etiri su ključne pretpostavke ovoga ogleda u epi-
stemološkom smislu. Prvo, ogled je pisan u duhu
izrazitog neslaganja sa tako-zvanom ‘postmoderni-
stičkom historiografijom’ (branjenom u White 1973, 1990,
i Jenkins 2003). Smatram neprihvatljivom i nedokazivom
tvrdnju da je moć, napose moć ideologije, onaj faktor koji
određuje važenje ili nevaženje određenih slika o našoj po-
vijesnoj prošlosti (Jenkins 2003, str. 29-30). Također, sma-
tram i nedokazivom i logički neispravnom tezu da se, za
svaki uvjerljiv opis jednog dijela političke prošlosti, može
formulirati podjednako uvjerljiv, no prethodnome suprot-
stavljen, opis istoga dijela prošlosti. Drugim riječima, za
mene je tipična postmodernistička teza, da imamo i slo-
bodu i dužnost formuliranja mnogobrojnih alternativnih i
međusobno neuskladivih pogleda na prošlost (White 1990,
posebno str. 42-47), ne samo empirijski neutemeljena nego
je i logički apsurdna. To stoga što, i u povijesnim, kao i u pri-
rodnim i ostalim društvenim, znanostima, vrijedi logičko
načelo bivalancije: ili je istinita tvrdnja A, ili je istinita njena
negacija. Nemoguće je da i tvrdnja A i njena negacija budu
istovremeno istinite. Dodatno, postmodernistička histori-
ografija pokazuje još jednu crtu koja ju čini ne samo teorij-
ski manjkavom i nego i etički dubioznom. White je pred-
ložio da se, na navodni nedostatak empirijskih standarda
u historiografiji, reagira tako što će se teorije procjenjivati
isključivo prema njihovom etičkom učinku (White 1973,
str. 432-433); ideja je otprilike sljedeća: ne znamo da li je
22
istinit povijesni opis A, ili povijesni opis B; no znamo da ti

opisi proizvode različite etičke efekte. Primjerice, opis A bi
nas činio, na neki način, u većoj mjeri moralno ispravnima,
primjerice, sklonijima nenasilju i mirotvorstvu. Ta je ideja
bizarna: naime, ne samo da je nedokazano da historiogra-
fija zbilja pati od nedostatka empirijskih standarda, nego je
nemoguće procjenjivati teorije sukladno njihovom etičkom
učinku, prethodno ih lišavajući njihove ključne etičke oso-
bine, istinoljubivosti. Drugo, nelogično je a là White vje-
rovati da historiografija ne može zadovoljiti precizne em-
pirijske standarde, a da može zadovoljiti neke, uglavnom
manje precizne i ne-jednoznačne, etičke standarde. Treće,
taj prijedlog moralnog procjenjivanja alternativnih teorija
povijesti samo dodatno produbljuje konflikt između teo-
rija, čini taj konflikt nerješivim, jer historiografi, ukoliko se
ne slažu oko empirijskih standarda, zasigurno se neće slo-
žiti niti oko standarda etičkoga procjenjivanja. Dakle, ovaj
je ogled pisan pod pretpostavkom neprihvaćanja postmo-
dernističkog pristupa, i prihvaćanja onoga što bismo mogli
nazvati ‘zdravo-razumska, realistička filozofija povijesti’:
primjerice, politička povijest može se opisati i objasniti,
neke su teorije te povijesti adekvatne, uvjerljive, i poštene,
a neke su neadekvatne, neuvjerljive i nepoštene; dodatno,
temeljni standardi pod kojima operira analitičar povijesti,
ili historiograf, identični su standardima pod kojima ope-
riraju svi znanstvenici – riječ je o standardima empirijske
adekvatnosti, koherentnosti, epistemološke plodotvor-
nosti, jednostavnosti, i ekonomičnosti, kao i uskladivosti
s ostalim vodećim teorijama u bliskim i srodnim discipli-
nama (kao što su psihologija, sociologija, antropologija
itd.) (vidi, primjerice, Suganami 1996).
Postmodernistički pristup ima mnogo više zagovornika u političkoj teoriji i
teoriji međunarodnih odnosa nego u povijesnim znanostima; zapravo, realni
utjecaj toga pristupa na povijesno istraživanje skoro je zanemariv.
23
Dražen Pehar
Drugo, teorija rata unutar koje ovaj ogled operira po-

čiva na premisama predloženim od strane prije svega T.
Hobbesa (Hobbes 1994) i C. von Clausewitza (Clausewitz
1997). I Hobbes i Clausewitz inzistirali su na jednoj jedno-
stavnoj činjenici: između razdoblja mira i razdoblja rata,
u političkome smislu, postoji kontinuitet. Uzroci rata mo-
raju, metaforički govoreći, biti sabrani tijekom razdoblja
mira koje prethodi ratu. To ne znači da se, za razumijeva-
nje uzroka rata u historiografskom smislu, moramo ogra-
ničavati isključivo na podatke koji nedvosmisleno spadaju
u razdoblje mira. Naime, logično je pretpostaviti da se neki
stavovi, koji su prešutno prihvaćeni prije izbijanja oruža-
nog sukoba, javno iskazuju tek za vrijeme sukoba, ili čak
nakon njegova okončanja. U tome smislu, ne postoji neko
metodološko ograničenje koje kaže da se, za vrijeme for-
muliranja hipoteza i teorija, moramo isključivo fokusirati
na razdoblje pred izbijanje rata. No, kada razumijevamo
uzroke rata, možda i na temelju stavova iskazanih, ili po-
jašnjenih, tek nakon izbijanja rata, mi razumijevamo jednu
strukturu za koju moramo moći na uvjerljiv način pokazati
da je postojala i u pred-ratnom razdoblju. I Hobbes i Clau-
sewitz sugeriraju nam da je teorijski produktivno prihvatiti
sliku u kojoj pred-ratno razdoblje mira predstavlja jednu
osebujnu formu rata, ali u kojoj se i samo ratno razdoblje
može produktivno teoretizirati kao povremeno stvaranje
stanja krhkoga mira, kao razdoblje ‘interludija’ u kojem se
tu i tamo javlja fenomen ‘susreta umova’ (tzv. mind-mee-
ting).
Tako je Hobbes slavno definirao rat kroz slikovitu me-
taforu nepogodnog i neugodnog vremena koje se ne može
reducirati na dva ili tri pljuska kiše, nego predstavlja ‘sklo-
nost’ (inclination) ‘nepogodnim vremenskim prilikama’
24
tijekom vremena u kojemu ne postoji garancija da će biti

drugačije (Hobbes 1994, str. 76). Drugim riječima, za Ho-
bbesa, nesigurni, neosigurani i nestabilni mir u bitnome se
ne razlikuje od rata. Clausewitz je, u Prvoj i Osmoj Knjizi
svog legendarnog djela O ratu, rat opisao kao „naprosto
nastavak politike drugim sredstvima“ (Clausewitz 1997,
str. 22, i str. 357-358). Naglasio je da se, u usporedbi s raz-
dobljem mira, za vrijeme rata ne mijenja logika nego samo
gramatika jezika koji se koristi (Clausewitz 1997, str. 358).
Drugim riječima, politički akteri i tijekom rata nastoje
postići one političke ciljeve kojima streme tijekom mira,
no, tijekom rata bivaju korištena drugačija, ‘nepametna’ i
nasilna sredstva. Važno je također naglasiti da je, unutar
‘Hobbes-Clausewitz’ perspektive, mir zdravo-razumski
shvaćen kao stanje superiorno stanju rata i u etičkom i u
političkom i u epistemološkome smislu.
Treće, ovaj se ogled djelomice oslanja i na strategiju

koju je Foucault slavno opisao kao ‘problematizaciju’ (Fo-
ucault 1984). Riječ je tome da se, između ostaloga, pokaže
da iz određenih (političkih) stavova ne slijede nužno odre-
đena (politička) djelovanja. Problematizacija je jedna vrsta
igre misli, dokaz da je misao zbilja slobodna, u smislu da
se, u svijetlu određenih političkih stavova, mogu slobodno
izabrati neki od više predloženih ili zamišljenih modusa
djelovanja. ‘Moglo se izabrati drugačije,’ što također im-
plicira da je moguće da je bila potrebna neka radikalnija
modifikacija psihološke strukture donositelja odluke, kako
bi se drugačije izabralo, – to je ideja-vodilja Foucaultove
strategije problematizacije. Bez te ideje-vodilje, ideja slo-
bode mišljenja naprosto nema smisla. Za razliku od Fo-
ucaulta, Alija je Izetbegović u više navrata opisao proces
25
Dražen Pehar
otpočinjanja , pa i završavanja, rata u Bosni i Hercegovini

kao ‘prirodnu katastrofu’, kao proces koji je morao i mogao
ići isključivo u smjeru u kojem je išao. Izetbegović se pri
tome često pozivao na ‘antičke tragedije’ u kojima akteri
slijede sudbinu koja im je predodređena (Izetbegović 1996,
str. 30; 1998, str. 94, i str. 186-189). I novija povijest Bosne
i Hercegovine za Izetbegovića je predstavljala uprizorenje
antičke tragedije.
Jedna od glavnih pretpostavki ovoga ogleda glasi da to
naprosto nije istina. Slobodni, i kreativni, ljudi slobodno
odlučuju i uvijek mogu odlučiti i drugačije. Točno je da
ponekad pravimo greške pod dojmom da se na drugačiji
način „u ovoj situaciji“ ne može reagirati. No, gledano re-
trospektivno, uvijek se može lako dokazati da se radilo o po-
grešnome dojmu. Prepoznavanje vlastite pogreške djeluje
također ozdravljujuće u moralnome smislu. Ukoliko smo
spremni priznati vlastitu pogrešku, spremni smo prihvatiti
i misao da se moglo odlučiti i drugačije, a također i misao
da u budućnosti ne bismo smjeli ponavljati iste pogreške.
Dakle, strategija ‘problematizacije’ može polučiti neke ko-
risne političke učinke. Ona bi nam mogla pomoći da, kroz
intenzivno i reflektivno suočavanje s prošlošću, posebice sa
prošlim šansama koje su propustili drugi, zauzmemo zdra-
viji stav u odnosu na našu političku budućnost.
Djilas (1996), iako nudi odmjerenu i nepristranu analizu političkih odnosa u

Bosni i Hercegovini pred početak rata, također (str. 25) govori o ratu u Bosni
i Hercegovini kao nužnosti, kao neizbježnoj posljedici sukoba načelno nepo-
mirljivih političkih stavova; u svijetlu te hipoteze nemoguće je objasniti pri-
hvaćanje Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma za Bosnu i Hercegovinu koncem
1995.
Zanimljivo je da je Alija Izetbegović, usprkos tome što je na pitanje o uzro-
cima rata u Bosni i Hercegovini uvijek davao isti odgovor (‘Krivi su drugi.’ i
‘Rat se nije mogao izbjeći’), osjećao neku opsesivnu unutarnju potrebu da sebi
često i opetovano postavlja isto pitanje „Je li se rat mogao izbjeći?“. Primjerice,
26
Četvrto, ovaj ogled nastoji ne povrijediti jedno temeljno

načelo interpretiranja ljudskoga ponašanja, kako verbalnog
tako i ne-verbalnog; naime, riječ je o ‘načelu milosrđa’ kako
ga je formulirao i branio jedan od najutjecajnijih američkih
filozofa dvadesetoga stoljeća, Donald Davidson (Davidson
1982, 1984; vidi također Evnine 1991, str. 101-114). To na-
čelo od nas traži da ljude nastojimo razumjeti kao, prije
svega, racionalne djelatnike koji djeluju pod standardima
racionalnosti, pa se to načelo također naziva ‘načelom ra-
cionalnosti’ ili, u nekim verzijama, ‘humanosti’. Ljudsko se
djelovanje može razumjeti kao zbirni rezultat kombiniranja
nekih želja i nekih vjerovanja. Razumjeti to djelovanje znači
razumjeti način na koji određena vjerovanja, kombinirana
sa određenim željama, vode do rezultata koji predstavljaju
ispunjenje dotičnih želja, i to upravo iz perspektive samoga
djelatnika. To implicira najmanje četiri pretpostavke: pret-
postavku dovoljne unutarnje koherentnosti vjerovanja,
dovoljne unutarnje koherentnosti želja, pretpostavku rele-
vantnosti dotičnih želja za dotična vjerovanja, i obratno,
te pretpostavku razumljivosti samih djelovanja u svijetlu
realno kombiniranih želja i vjerovanja.
Važno je razumjeti da načelo milosrđa ne implicira za-
htjev da djelatnik, odnosno, ljudsko biće, bude apsolutno i
savršeno racionalan. Ono implicira zahtjev jedino i isklju-
čivo razumljivosti, odnosno dovoljne racionalnosti – nečija
djelovanja moraju biti razumljiva u svijetlu i želja i vjerova-
nja koja je taj netko zbilja prihvatio, a te želje i vjerovanja
na pitanje „Kad se osvrnete na dane izbijanja rata u Bosni, što biste – sadašnjim
iskustvom – učinili drugačije?“, u intervjuu za Tjednik 28. srpnja 1998., on od-
govara sljedećim, za njega tipičnim riječima: „Ne bih ništa bitno drugačije ura-
dio, jer ne bih mogao. Ipak, često sebi postavljam to pitanje. Ono se prije svega
tiče dvije kapitalne stvari: rata i mira. Da li se rat mogao izbjeći, a kad je do rata
već došlo, da li je trebalo prihvatiti ovakav mir“ (Izetbegović 1998, str. 94).
27
Dražen Pehar
moraju biti shvatljivi i, iz neke perspektive, prihvatljivi (Za

teoretiziranje uzroka rata, koje izričito nastoji poštovati na-
čelo milosrđa, ili racionalnosti, vidi Dessler 1994 i Fearon
1995). Stoga se ovo načelo može bez problema primjenji-
vati u istome dahu sa strategijom ‘problematizacije.’ Naime,
potonja strategija počiva na ideji da iz određenih političkih
stavova ne slijede nužno određena politička djelovanja. Na-
čelo milosrđa samo tome dodaje da određena politička dje-
lovanja moraju nam biti razumljiva (ne i nužna!) u svijetlu
određenih, realno zastupanih političkih stavova. Načelo je
milosrđa neobično važno – iako je riječ o načelu za koje ne
postoji pandan u prirodnim znanostima, na njega se mo-
ramo oslanjati zbog toga što prema ljudskim bićima ne mo-
žemo zauzeti čisto znanstveni stav, stav hladnog i distan-
ciranog promatranja, nego moramo računati i sa moguć-
nošću suradnje i razgovora. Ne prihvatiti načelo milosrđa
znači široko otvoriti vrata dehumanizaciji onih o kojima
govorimo, odnosno, onih o kojima nastojimo donijeti znan-
stveno utemeljen, ali i moralno odgovoran, sud. Stoga, ovaj
ogled djeluje pod jednim imperativom koji je ujedno i etički
i teorijski: da o Izetbegovićevom djelovanju, ili odlučivanju,
ne donosimo sud, posebno ne moralnu ili političku kritiku,
prije nego što nam je ono postalo uistinu razumljivo u svi-
jetlu Izetbegovićevih političkih projekata i vjerovanja; tek
nakon toga možemo sebi dopustiti da u svijetlu strategije
‘problematizacije’, za Izetbegovića, zamislimo propuštene,
alternativne, moduse političkog djelovanja.
28
Srbi kao nacisti, država

kao naredbodavac –
– 10. siječanj 1992.
D
o 10. siječnja 1992. godine postalo je jasno da se
Bosna i Hercegovina nalazi u dubokoj ustavnoj i
političkoj krizi. Konsenzus oko temeljnih normi
ustavnog i političkog uređenja ‘Jugoslavije u malom,’ bilo je
jasno svakom nepristranom promatraču, do početka 1992.
godine bio je razbijen. Neugodne scene, poput one od 14.
listopada 1991., kada su predstavnici bosansko-hercego-
vačkih Srba napustili zasjedanje Skupštine Socijalističke
Republike BiH, zbog bošnjačko-hrvatskog prijedloga Me-
moranduma o suverenosti BiH, a Karadžić pred kamerama
najavio mogućnost rata, označile su period u kojem je po-
stalo posve očigledno da se Bosna i Hercegovina nalazi u
pred-ratnom razdoblju (vidi Lučić 2007). Politički interesi
ključnih aktera, i konflikti između tih interesa, bili su do
siječnja 1992. jasno profilirani i prezentirani. Dok je Izetbe-
gović, zajedno sa hrvatskim predstavnicima, uz povremena
trvenja i trzavice, djelovao u cilju proglašenja suverenosti
i neovisnosti Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i njenog međuna-
rodnog priznanja, predstavnici su se Srba jasno opirali tom
djelovanju, izražavajući kao svoj ključni interes ostanak u
Jugoslaviji, odnosno, u najgorem slučaju, unutarnju tran-
sformaciju Bosne i Hercegovine sukladno njenom etno-na-
cionalnom ustrojstvu, transformaciju koja bi onemogućila
nekom pojedinačnom narodu da majorizira ostale, ili da o
pitanjima bitnima za Bosnu i Hercegovinu odlučuje sam ili
na štetu drugih naroda. Nakon ‘mjere’ jedne strane, dola-
29
Dražen Pehar
zila je ‘protumjera’ druge. Na unilateralne poteze odgova-

rano je novim unilateralnim potezima. Vrlo predvidljivo,
predstavnici su bosansko-hercegovačkih Srba, okupljeni
u Srpskoj skupštini, 09. siječnja 1992. donijeli Deklaraciju
o stvaranju „Republike srpskog naroda Bosne i Hercego-
vine.“
Deseti siječanj 1992. predstavlja izuzetno bitan datum u
povijesti Bosne i Hercegovine. Naime, pod danim okolno-
stima, bilo je jasno da se uzavrela politička situacija može
razriješiti samo na dva načina: ili snažnom i posve iskre-
nom odlukom da se problemi riješe pregovorima, poštujući
načelo konsenzusa, u duhu kompromisa; ili ratom, odno-
sno, upotrebom oružane sile, dakle, nasiljem. 10. siječanj
bitan je datum zbog toga što je već tada postalo posve jasno
da Alija Izetbegović zapravo odbacuje prvu opciju, opciju
zaustavljanja unilateralnih poteza, to jest, opciju ulaska u
pregovore na osnovi jednakovrijednih i jednakopravnih
početnih pozicija, pregovore kojima bi se nastojalo doći
do neke kompromisne formulacije. Zapravo, 10. siječanj
pokazuje da je rat već počeo, odnosno da su se svi ključni
uzroci rata ‘sabrali.’ Na temelju čega to možemo vidjeti? 10.
siječnja 1992. održana je 50. sjednica Predsjedništva Soci-
jalističke Republike BiH, kojom je predsjedavao Izetbego-
vić, a koja je kao jedinu točku dnevnoga reda imala Odluku
srpske skupštine o proglašenju Republike srpskog naroda
BiH (Transkript sjednice u NSF 2006a, str. 79-89). Sjednici
su prisustvovali i članovi Predsjedništva Socijalističke Re-
publike BiH iz reda srpskoga naroda, Biljana Plavšić i Ni-
kola Koljević, što je sjednicu činilo također, barem u po-
tencijalnom smislu, mjestom na kojem se mogla isprobati,
ili barem dati u orisu, opcija ‘pregovaranja.’ No, događa se
nešto drugo.
30
Pojednostavljeno govoreći, Alija Izetbegović drži lekciju

predstavnicima bosansko-hercegovačkih Srba. Uvredljivim
tonom, i sa pozicije nadmoćnoga aktera, on iskazuje jedan
jedini konkretni interes na toj sjednici – da uvjeri Pred-
sjedništvo BiH, uz neminovno otuđivanje predstavnika
srpskog naroda, kako je odluku Srpske skupštine potrebno
proglasiti protuustavnom, u smislu političke kvalifikacije.
Kako je Izetbegović naglasio, na toj sjednici „mi polemi-
šemo sa odlukom Skupštine“ (NSF 2006a, str. 81). Vrlo kra-
tak uvodnik dao je Ejup Ganić, Bošnjak koji je u Predsjed-
ništvo Republike BiH ušao kao predstavnik ‘ostalih’, jasno
naglašavajući da „mi [Predsjedništvo] se moramo ograditi
od ove odluke. Sada postoje dvije republike. Postoji Bosna
i Hercegovina i kako vi smatrate postoji neka druga repu-
blika. Znate ne može jedan čovjek imati dva imena“ (NSF
ibid.) Nakon ovoga kratkog uvoda, dolazi Izetbegovića ‘ba-
ražna paljba’ po predstavnicima srpskoga naroda.
Prije svega, Izetbegović smatra da bi, u normalnoj dr-
žavi, sudionici Srpske skupštine bili poslani u zatvor. On
to otvoreno kaže: „Normalno bi svaka država jutros na
ovakav akt podigla vojsku, pohapsila ljude, itd. Mi to ne
možemo raditi, ali i ne radimo to. Možda i ne bih ko zna.
Ali, prije svega, polazim od jedne činjenice, da mi to i ne
možemo uraditi. Ali je u Francuskoj to normalno, pa bi ti
ljudi bili pohapšeni svi“ (NSF 2006a, str. 83) Drugim rije-
čima, Izetbegović počinje svoje izlaganje tako što predstav-
nike srpskoga naroda obilježuje kao kriminalce, zločince,
neprijatelje države. On im zapravo vrlo izravno i otvoreno
prijeti – parafrazirajući, on im zapravo upućuje sljedeću
poruku „protiv vas, najbolje je primijeniti sredstva državne
prisile;“ i „sa vama, opcija pregovaranja nije moguća.“ No,
još je zanimljivije uočiti jednu bitnu činjenicu: kada Izetbe-
31
Dražen Pehar
gović govori o državi, to za njega znači jednu jednostavnu

stvar, stvar koju je politološka teorija odavno diskreditirala;
naime, on državu poima isključivo kao ‘naredbodavno’ ti-
jelo. To se vidi u jednome kratkom pasusu, Izetbegovićevoj
usputnoj opasci koja prethodi njegovoj usporedbi Bosne i
Hercegovine s Francuskom: „Predlažem da pozovemo or-
gane, da vrše svoju dužnost, da funkcionišu, koga treba da
slušaju, šta sad trebaju da rade. Postoje dvije republike, dva
tijela koja naređuju“ (NSF ibid.) Zapravo, zanimljivo je pri-
mijetiti da se Izetbegović, dugogodišnji zatvorenik u državi
nastaloj na premisama marksizma, time potpisuje upravo
pod marksističku teoriju države, države kao instrumenta
moći kojim jedna skupina ljudi djeluje na drugu skupinu
(usporedi i Eriksen, Stjernfelt 2004, str.162-163).
Drugo, Izetbegović eksplicite odriče srpskoj Skupštini
pravo da odlučuje o nekoj posebnoj Srpskoj republici u Bo-
sni i Hercegovini. On naglašava da u Bosni i Hercegovini
Srbi uživaju sva prava koja su im potrebna. Njima, on tvrdi,
ne pripada pravo da prekrajaju državu Bosnu i Hercego-
vinu ili da ostavljaju ostale narode, posebno muslimansko-
bošnjački, „bez države zato da biste vi živjeli u komotnoj
velikoj državi“ (NSF 2006a, str. 85). Drugim riječima, u od-
luci Srpske skupštine Izetbegović već vidi stvaranje tako-
zvane „Velike Srbije.“ On iskreno vjeruje da je odluka Srp-
ske skupštine već razorila Bosnu i Hercegovinu, i da je za
sve Srbe u Bosni i Hercegovini i krnjoj Jugoslaviji osigurala
zajednički politički prostor. Naravno, to je u tome trenutku
daleko od istine. No, Izetbegović ‘negativnost’ odluke Srp-
ske skupštine napuhuje do maksimuma. U jednome tre-
nutku on kaže: „Pokušavaju nam demontirati krov nad
glavom, da bi imali veliku kuću. Da bi velika država bila.
Mi treba da ostanemo potpuno bez države. Mi ne možemo
32
imati ni malu državu“ (NSF 2006a, str. 84). To dovoljno ja-

sno indicira da je Izetbegović potez Srpske skupštine doži-
vio kao jednu vrstu užasne nepravde, kao nešto preko čega
nije moguće preći, kao već ‘casus belli’ (povod za rat). On
otvoreno kaže da ne vidi nikakve razloge zbog kojih bi Srbi
trebali da čine to što čine (NSF 2006a, str. 85). To također
znači da se on u tom trenutku ne osjeća sposobnim pripi-
sati srpskim predstavnicima čak niti ‘minimalnu racional-
nost.’ (On čak kaže: „možda smo suviše blizu događaja, pa
ne možemo da procjenimo“, NSF ibid.)
Stoga, posve predvidljivo, Izetbegović sada prijeti ratom.
Zapravo, za njega je rat već počeo, on tada već ratuje pro-
tiv Srba rabeći riječi koje, za sve strane podjednako, znače
i potiču jedan ubrzani proces udaljavanja od mogućnosti
mira. „Vi možete glavu spašavati, sve dok vam neko ne kaže
da je pognete. Ponosan čovjek sve može, ali pognuti glavu
ne mogu, makar ostao bez glave. Poget glavu nećemo, ma-
kar ostali bez nje. Svakom je drag život. Ako treba da se
tučemo, pa i to ćemo. Ako smo do toga došli ovdje“ (NSF
2006a, str. 83). U istome duhu, Izetbegović povlači jasnu
analogiju između predstavnika Srba i nacista: „Mnogi pa-
metni ljudi su stajali iza nacističkih stvari, pa su se kasnije
stidili toga. Jer nisu na vrijeme shvatili da se neke stvari ne
mogu raditi“ (NSF 2006a, str. 85).
Do sada je, dakle, očevidno da 10. siječnja 1992. Izetbe-
gović iskazuje tri stava i, protiv srpskih predstavnika, defi-
nira tri interesa: a) stav o nepovredivoj državnosti Bosne i
Hercegovine kao instrumenta ‘naredbodavca’; b) stav koji
odluku Srpske skupštine interpretira kao ‘stvaranje Velike
Srbije’ i uništavanje ‘naše’ države, kao apsolutno nepra-
vedno, iracionalno, nacističko širenje/preuređivanje vlasti-
tog ‘stambenog prostora’ (koje uništava ‘naš’ prostor); c) stav
33
Dražen Pehar
o tom preuređivanju kao nečemu zbog čega vrijedi otpočeti

rat, odnosno, Izetbegovićevim rječnikom, nečemu što ‘od
nas’ traži da pognemo glavu, a ‘mi’ to nećemo „makar ostali
bez nje.“ Zanimljivo je vidjeti kako članovi Predsjedništva iz
reda srpskog naroda reagiraju na Izetbegovićeve optužbe,
napade, i prijetnje ratom. I Nikola Koljević i Biljana Plavšić
pozivaju na razum, naglašavaju poželjnost pregovaranja,
i Izetbegovića nastoje upozoriti na neke činjenice. Tako
Plavšićeva naglašava da su i Srbi u Bosni i Hercegovini mo-
rali nekoliko puta naprosto ‘pognuti glavu’ (NSF 2006a, str.
85). Ona također dodaje da, kada govorimo o Deklaraciji
Srpske skupštine od 09. siječnja 1992., moramo govoriti
samo o bosansko-hercegovačkim Srbima. Radi se o njiho-
voj odluci i ta se odluka tiče samo njih (NSF 2006a, str. 86).
Naravno, radilo se o proglašenju Republike srpskog naroda
Bosne i Hercegovine. No, Izetbegović uopće ne primjećuje
ključne poante iskaza Plavšićeve. On ih niti nastoji pobiti
niti Plavšićevoj daje za pravo. On sa tim iskazima naprosto
ne komunicira. Nadalje, Koljević čak priznaje da je odluka
Srpske skupštine protu-ustavna; ali on dodaje, „da li je u
redu, to je druga stvar“ (NSF 2006a, str. 87). On također
upućuje na poželjnost pregovaranja: „Mislim da možemo
doprinijeti miru, ako kažemo, nastali konflikti, jeste proti-
vustavno, biće razriješeni na razgovorima o Bosni između
tri stranke, ne mora ni tri nacionalne zajednice, jer ste vi
to shvatili kao neko podmetanje, to nije podmetanje, nego
realitet…“ (NSF ibid.)
Izetbegović ove pozive, kako na razum tako i na pre-
govaranje, vrlo eksplicitno odbija tijekom ove sjednice
Predsjedništva. Prvo, on u jednome trenutku čak načelno
dovodi u pitanje reprezentativnost srpskih predstavnika i
Srpske skupštine. On sugerira da potonji ne predstavljaju
34
stvarne interese i zahtjeve srpskog naroda (NSF 2006a str.

86). Dapače, on smatra da on sam treba srpskom narodu
ponuditi nešto što taj narod, po Izetbegovićevom mišlje-
nju, ne bi trebao odbiti. Naravno, riječ je o referendumu za
neovisnost Bosne i Hercegovine. „Mislim da ću biti prinu-
đen ovih dana da ponudim srpskom narodu i svima nama
da izađemo pa da kažemo, umjesto čeličnim kuglicama,
kažemo gumenim. Da kažemo šta hoćemo, tj. glasanjem.
Nisam siguran da srpski narod stoji iza ovakvih stvari. Jed-
nostavno ne mogu da zamislim da stoji iza toga. Preispiti-
vao sam se više puta“ (NSF 2006a, str. 85-86). Drugim rije-
čima, Izetbegović vrlo jasno kaže što misli o pregovorima
između predstavnika naroda – ti su pregovori za njega u
tom trenutku ‘mrtvorođenče.’ Kao jedinu legitimnu metodu
rješavanja problema on predlaže samo jedno: glas javnosti,
odnosno, preciznije, većinsko glasanje. Glede samih unu-
tarnjih razlika među stajalištima bosansko-hercegovačkih
stranaka i predstavnika naroda, Izetbetović te razlike ko-
risti na način na koji ih vjerojatno nikada nije koristio neki
političar, ili pregovarač, prije njega; on te razlike koristi kao
načelni argument protiv pregovaranja. On otvoreno i jasno
kaže da same razlike dokazuju da su šanse međusobnog
uvjeravanja vrlo male (NSF 2006a, str. 84). Dakle, i šanse
su za uspješne pregovore, prema Izetbegovićevom mišlje-
nju, vrlo male; prema tome, ukoliko su pregovori unaprijed
shvaćeni kao nužno neplodotvorni, s pregovorima je bolje
ne otpočinjati. Idemo na referendum – to je Izetbegovićeva
jasna i konačna poruka sa 50. sjednice Predsjedništva So-
cijalističke Republike BiH. „To su različita gledišta [‘srpska’
Izetbegović je taj pseudo-argument, da početna distanca između pregovarač-
kih pozicija indicira da pregovori neće biti uspješni i da to znači da ne vrijedi
raspravljati ili pregovarati, koristio u mnogim situacijama – vidi Izetbegović
(2005, str. 129), Komšić (2006, str. 228), NSF (2007a, str. 121-122).
35
Dražen Pehar
i Izetbegovićeva]. Mi imamo razloga da vodimo razgovore

kad imamo neke šanse da jedni druge u nešto ubjedimo.
Naš je stav ovakav, vaš taj. U Bosni je demokratija, mogu
ljudi sazvati Konferenciju za štampu, saslušat će ljude,
objaviti to sve itd. Narod može da cijeni, čemu sve vodi, da
li su to ispravni putevi ili nisu. Sve ide na ocjenu javnosti.
Javnost može da procjenjuje na osnovu razloga koje ćemo
mi iznijeti“ (Izetbegovićeve riječi, NSF ibid.)
Nažalost, Izetbegović je tada možda namjerno zabora-
vio na realnu mogućnost da ‘glas većine’ ne reflektira raci-
onalnu procjenu razloga, nego prije uske i sebične interese
pojedinačnih naroda i njihovih predstavnika. Bilo kako
bilo, očevidno je da Izetbegović, počevši najkasnije od 10.
siječnja 1992., pitanje i mogućnost referenduma koristi kao
ključno političko oružje u borbi protiv predstavnika srp-
skoga naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini.
Zaključimo: do 10. siječnja 1992. za Izetbegovića je rat u
Bosni i Hercegovini, u psihološkome smislu, već započeo.
On s predstavnicima srpske strane ne pregovara o mogu-
ćem kompromisu; on ih nastoji kazniti, održati im lekciju;
on u njima vidi kriminalce, naciste, iracionalne i duboko
nepravedne ‘preuređivače zajedničkog stambenog pro-
stora,’ tobožnje a ne stvarne predstavnike srpskog naroda.
Njegov je cilj ili odmah poništiti odluke Srpske skupštine,
ili uskoro stvoriti situaciju u kojoj će te odluke biti poni-
štene. Na pozive na razum, kao i na iskazane želje za pre-
govaranjem na osnovama jednakopravnosti, on uopće ne
Znakovito je i da, 25. veljače 1992., nakon povratka sa Lisabonskih prego-

vora, sve izraženije zastupanje stava o potrebi ‘konfederalizacije’ (ili ‘kantoni-
zacije’ ili ‘etničke regionalizacije’) Bosne i Hercegovine, od strane predstavnika
bosansko-hercegovačkih Hrvata, Izetbegović opisuje kao „nož pod grlom“
(Hećimović 2008, str. 32).
36
reagira. On već tada prekida normalnu, ljudsku komuni-

kaciju između (dojučerašnjih) političkih partnera, odbija
odgovornost izravnog suočavanja s problemima i rada na
njihovom rješavanju, odgovornost koja mu pripada po sili
mandata, i vidi u referendumskom izjašnjavanju jedino
sredstvo razrješenja političke krize. Je li se radilo o nekoj
vrsti Izetbegovićeve privremene neuračunljivosti na dan
10. siječanj 1992., u smislu da su ga predstavnici bosan-
sko-hercegovačkih Srba ‘izludili’? Mogu li se njegovi iskazi
i strategije uopće tumačiti u svijetlu načela milosrđa? Jesu
li ti iskazi i strategije barem iz neke perspektive razumljivi,
čak i ako nisu savršeno racionalni, i još važnije, je li riječ
o dugotrajnim iskazima, vjerovanjima, i strategijama; iska-
zima, vjerovanjima i strategijama unutar jednog osmišlje-
nog, dugoročnog i ustrajnog projekta?
37
Dražen Pehar
Izetbegovićeva strateška
politička vjerovanja
J
edini način da se pronađe odgovor na prethodna pita-
nja sastoji se u detaljnom upoznavanju sa cjelokupnim
opusom Alije Izetbegovića. Jedina smislena metodo-
loška uputa glasi da moramo identificirati one stavove u
Izetbegovićevom opusu koji se, prvo, ponavljaju u istom
ili blago modificiranom obliku, i, drugo, koji predstavljaju
jednu vrstu Izetbegovićeve političke teorije u svijetlu koje
je moguće objasniti njegove specifične političke stavove i
interese, kao i njegovo političko djelovanje u smislu jedne
dugotrajne političke strategije. Ja u ovome poglavlju dije-
lim cjelokupnu Izetbegovićevu političku filozofiju na šest
poglavlja koja su od središnjeg značaja za pitanje političkog
odlučivanja u kritičnim situacijama i razdobljima, odluči-
vanja za rat, ili za mir: 1. sila i pregovaranje; 2. rat i mir; 3.
država i suverenost; 4. Islam; 5. povijest i predviđanje bu-
dućnosti; 6. antinomičnost političkih pojava i procesa.
1. Sila i pregovaranje: Za Izetbegovića, sila je uvijek

superioran faktor u odnosu na pregovaranje. Dakle, nije
pregovaranje ono koje može definirati glavne konture po-
litičke zbilje; ono uvijek ‘kasni’ u odnosu na silu, i zapravo
predstavlja samo ili potvrdu ili instrument realnih odnosa
sile u realnom političkom prostoru. Također, samo prego-
varanje nema smisla sve dok neka sila, ili odnosi sile, ne
natjeraju strane da približe svoje stavove; opet, sila se po-
kazuje primarnom, a pregovaranje sekundarnim. Mnoš-
38
tvo je Izetbegovićevih rečenica, iz i predratnog i ratnog i

poslijeratnog razdoblja, kojima se može potkrijepiti tako
karakterizirano Izetbegovićevo strateško političko vjerova-
nje o značaju sile i (slabim) potencijalima pregovaračkog
procesa kao takvog. Primjerice, na sjednici Predsjedniš-
tva Republike BiH od 28. siječnja 1994., Izetbegović kaže
sljedeće: „Mi dajemo različite stavove. I spolja mi dolaze
prigovori – konačno recite gospodo Bosanci šta hoćete?
Recite, hoćemo ovo, da mi znamo. Jer jedan od nas kaže
jedno, drugo drugo, treći treće, ministar inostranih po-
slova izjavljuje četvrto. Ne znaju ljudi šta hoćemo. Sad, pa-
zite, a šta mi hoćemo? U toj formuli šta hoćemo nedostaje
– naš stav zaista varira. A znate zbog čega? Varira zavisno
od toga imamo li oružje, nemamo li oružje. Ako imamo
oružje rezultat je cijela Bosna. Ako metnem da je oružje
ravno nuli, onda moramo prihvatiti nešto drugo“ (NSF
2007b, str. 67). Također, u svojoj autobiografiji Izetbegović
otvoreno kaže da mu je pregovaranje predstavljalo najteži
posao u životu zbog toga što ‘pregovarati znači odlučivati’
(Izetbegović 2005, str. 279). Nadalje, prisjećajući se svojih
pregovaračkih strategija, sve do Daytona, priznao je da
uglavnom nije pronalazio načina da formulira konstruk-
tivnu, pro-aktivnu diplomatsko-pregovaračku inicijativu.
Njegovo se pregovaranje uglavnom svodilo na, kako je sam
ironično naglasio, na ‘Njet-stav’,10 stav odbijanja i odbaciva-
nja (Izetbegović 1998, str.194).
Opet, prisjećajući se u veljači 1998. svojih pregovora sa
Karadžićem, koji se obnavljaju počevši od prosinca 1992.,
on je naglasio da je pregovore prihvatio kako bi kupio vri-
jeme, kako bi odgodio uništenje i „Bosne i svoga naroda“
(Izetbegović 1999, str. 19). Drugim riječima, pregovori nisu,
10 Prema ruskom ‘nyet’ („ne“), što indicira i rusko-sovjetsku-komunističku
tvrdoću i nepopustljivost.
39
Dražen Pehar
u Izetbegovićevom umu, usmjereni na postizanje kompro-

misa ili na rješavanje političkih problema verbalnim sred-
stvima. On ih nije zamislio kao nešto što može inherentno
uspjeti, nego kao nešto što prividno traje samo onoliko
dugo dok se, drugim, ne pregovaračkim sredstvima, ne
postignu ciljevi koji su definirani neovisno o pregovorima
i na koje pregovori ne mogu izvršiti bitan utjecaj. Dakle,
doživljavao ih je kao taktički manevar, kao kupovanje vre-
mena za nešto drugo; to ‘nešto drugo’ nije bilo samo ‘spa-
šavanje Bosne’, nego prije svega intenzivan rad na ilegalnoj
nabavci naoružanja za Armiju Republike BiH i lobiranje za
podizanje embarga na uvoz oružja u Bosnu i Hercegovinu.
Izetbegović je višekratno, pred međunarodnim diploma-
tima i predstavnicima, objašnjavao da je njemu, odnosno
njegovoj vojsci, oružje potrebno kako bi se postigao ‘balans
između snaga na terenu’, balans koji jedini može dovesti do
pravednog ili kompromisnog mira (Izetbegović 2004, str.
232). Ponovno, odnos sila shvaćen je kao preduvjet prego-
varanja, čak i kao jamac uspjeha u pregovorima (vidi i NSF
2006b, str. 264-265).
2. Rat i mir: Za Izetbegovića rat nikada nije predstav-

ljao tako-zvanu posljednju opciju, nešto što treba, svim si-
lama, nastojati izbjeći, odnosno, na što se možemo osloniti
samo ukoliko su iscrpljena sva sredstva diplomacije, pre-
govaranja, i mirnog rješavanja sukoba. Prijetio je ratom u
istoj mjeri kao i Karadžić. Daleko prije početka oružanog
sukoba u Bosni i Hercegovini, Izetbegović je rat sebi pred-
stavio kao jedinu alternativu potpunoj suverenosti Bosne
i Hercegovine (Lućić 2007, str. 193), za koju je suverenost
ipak 10. studenog 1996. priznao da je, u konceptualnom
smislu, u Bosni i Hercegovini nemoguća (Izetbegović 1997,
40
str. 261). Drugim riječima, ukoliko se netko suprotstavi ideji

i politici potpuno suverene Bosne i Hercegovine, dobit će
rat, tvrdi Izetbegović tijekom 1991. Osim toga, za Izetbe-
govića rat i mir značili su nejasne kategorije i stanja koja
se neprestano prelijevaju jedno u drugo. Nakon Daytona,
primjerice, Izetbegović više puta kaže da se rat nastavlja
drugim sredstvima (Izetbegović 1996, str. 130; 1998, str.
31). Drugim riječima, Izetbegović nije prihvatio Hobbes-
Clausewitz perspektivu o miru kao stanju superiornom u
odnosu na stanje rata. Navest ćemo nekoliko izjava koje po-
tvrđuju takvu filozofiju rata i mira: „Muslimanima oružje
nije strana stvar pa već mjesec dana prežvakujem u sebi tu
riječ. Činilo mi se da nekoj gospodi u Zagrebu ili Beogradu
treba staviti do znanja da do podjele Bosne neće baš lahko
doći, te da će Muslimani braniti oružjem Bosnu, ako bude
trebalo“ (Izetbegović 2004, str. 74 – intervju za Oslobođe-
nje, rujan 1990).
Tijekom samoga rata Izetbegović je često kombinirao
narativ o ratu kao „obrani ideje“ (multikulturalizma, tole-
rancije, suživota) s narativom o ratu kao „obrani svog djela
teritorije“ (Izetbegović 1995a, str. 47), ovisno o okolno-
stima. Naravno, sam je rat, u Izetbegovićevim izjavama, bio
predstavljen kao sukob „dobra i zla“ (Izetbegović 1995a, str.
40). Takve su izjave predvidljive. One imaju propagandnu
korist u smislu da osobe-borce, koji svoj život stavljaju na
kocku, nastoje uvjeriti kako to ima smisla, kako to nekuda
vodi i nečemu služi. Međutim, Izetbegović je tijekom rata
dao i dvije izjave koje se ne mogu shvatiti kao puka sredstva
propagande, ili grupne ad hoc psihoterapije. Naime, jed-
nom je prilikom u prosincu 1994. izjavio sljedeće: „Mi ko-
načno postajemo narod i stvaramo svoju državu. Svi narodi
su to ostvarili u krvi, historija ništa ne poklanja i ne donosi
41
Dražen Pehar
‘na tanjuru.’ Naš narod ne može biti izuzetak“ (Izetbegović

1995a, str. 129). To znači da su ratovanje i stvaranje države,
pa čak i postajanje narodom, inherentno povezani. Prolije-
vanje je krvi nužnost koja se ne može izbjeći u situacijama
kada neki narod postaje narodom, i stvara svoju državu.
Ono je zapravo jedini način da se narodnost i državnost
steknu. Drugo, 25. svibnja 1994, na konvenciji SDA Izetbe-
gović kaže, između ostaloga, sljedeće: „I čeka nas, ako Bog
da, mir. Ne može odmah sad, ali uskoro. I spremite se, do-
bro se spremite za taj mir. Naš Pejgamber je, kad se vra-
tio iz jedne teške bitke, rekao da ide iz male bitke u veliku
bitku. I zaista, ono što nas čeka kad se zaključi mir, neće
biti nimalo lahko. Bojim se da ćemo često pomisliti na one
dane kad je bio samo rat. Kažu, kad je bolestan, čovjek ima
samo jednu želju – da ozdravi, a kada ozdravi – onda se
javi stotinu želja i ponekad bude nesretniji nego kad je bio
u krevetu. Slično je sa narodom koji ratuje…“ (Izetbegović
1995a, str. 47).
No, da su za Izetbegovića rat i mir relativne kategorije,
odnosno da je za njega uvijek bilo dovoljno razloga da si sta-
nje mira predoči kao stanje rata, najbolje se vidi iz njegovih
opisa post-Daytonske Bosne i Hercegovine kao države u
kojoj se rat nastavlja drugim sredstvima. On se prema Bo-
sni i Hercegovini u poslijeratnom razdoblju odnosio u duhu
ratničkog mentaliteta, i to je dovoljna indicija da se i prema
predratnoj Bosni i Hercegovini, koja je, u smislu političke
kulture, odnosa, i interesa, zapravo vrlo slična poslijerat-
noj, odnosio u istome duhu. Na izuzetno plastičan način
on je, tijekom jednog predavanja na Tribini Vijeća bošnjač-
kih intelektualaca 29. studenog 1997., objasnio u čemu se
sastoji ratna narav post-Daytonskog mira: kako je rekao, u
samome Daytonskom Ustavu za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, tom
42
nosećem stubu Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma, vodi se

jedan rat koji je „nečujan ali opasan“, rat između člana 1
Daytonskog Ustava („Bosna i Hercegovina nastavlja svoje
pravno postojanje kao međunarodno priznata država…sa
svim pravima države i u svojim međunarodno priznatim
granicama.“) i članova koji omogućuju blokadu institucija,
to jest članova o entitetskom glasovanju i entitetskom vetu
zbog zaštite vitalnih nacionalnih interesa. Izetbegović za-
ključuje: „Ovo dobro i zlo u tom ugovoru vode tihi rat i
sudbina Bosne zavisi od ishoda tog nečujnog, ali opasnog
rata“ (Izetbegović 1998, str. 192).
3. Država i suverenost: Vidjeli smo da je na sjednici

Predsjedništva Bosne i Hercegovine od 10. siječnja 1992.
Izetbegović državu pojmio kao ‘naredbodavca.’ Premda je
takvo poimanje politološki neispravno, ono je Izetbegovića
usmjeravalo ka vrlo određenim političkim strategijama i
djelovanjima. No, moramo također imati na umu da se ta-
kvo poimanje kod Izetbegovića postupno izgradilo, a pod
utjecajem rata u Bosni i Hercegovini ono se, zapravo, u
bitnome modificiralo. Posve je bjelodano da Izetbegović, u
razdoblju nakon Daytona, prestaje biti sklon javnom i uče-
stalom zagovaranju onih ideja koje je branio na početku
rata u Bosni i Hercegovini, i zbog kojih je na koncu svjesno
i otvoreno prihvatio ratnu opciju. To znači da je jedna od
opcija, koju je Dayton ako ne porazio, onda na srednji rok
znatno otežao njezinu materijalizaciju, također, opcija koju
je Izetbegović povezao sa samim casus belli, ona Bosne i
Hercegovine kao države sa potpunom i nepodijeljenom
suverenošću. Drugim riječima, Daytonski je mirovni spo-
razum također ‘priveo’ Izetbegovića pameti.
43
Dražen Pehar
U razdoblju prije prvih slobodnih izbora u Bosni i Her-

cegovini, Izetbegović je iskazao jednu zanimljivu tvrdnju
za koju će kasniji događaji pokazati da je točna: „kako je
rečeno, niko nikada nije vladao Bosnom, samo je mislio da
njome vlada!“ (Izetbegović 2004, str. 78) To znači da pojam
jedinstvenog naredbodavca, u Bosni i Hercegovini, napro-
sto nema smisla. Točno je da je Izetbegović u istome razdo-
blju iskazivao stav da će se Muslimani boriti oružjem protiv
podijele Bosne, što implicira figuru koja ne samo misli da
vlada Bosnom, nego i njome zbilja vlada. No, Izetbegovi-
ćevi se stavovi tijekom 1991. sve više usmjeravaju prema
ideji Bosne i Hercegovine kao nečega što ne može biti po-
dijeljeno, kao države koja uživa punu i nepodijeljenu suve-
renost na svakom komadiću svoje teritorije. Rečenica o ne-
mogućnosti vladanja Bosnom i Hercegovinom u kasnijem
se razdoblju ne ponavlja. Dakle, Izetbegović javno ratuje
zbog nepodijeljene suverenosti Bosne i Hercegovine. I bit
će potrebna dva rata, i sa bosansko-hercegovačkim Srbima
i sa bosansko-hercegovačkim Hrvatima, da bi Izetbegović
stekao uvjerenje da u Bosni i Hercegovini nije moguća pot-
puna suverenost, da ona mora biti dijeljena, i da je Bosnu
i Hercegovinu moguće organizirati isključivo kao decen-
traliziranu, ili federaliziranu, složenu državnu zajednicu u
kojoj će pojedini nacionalni identiteti biti prepoznatljivi i
u njenome ustavno-teritorijalnom ustroju. Kako je Izetbe-
gović u jednom intervju od 10. studenog 1996. naglasio:
„Već sam rekao da smo u Bosni, takvoj kakva jest, prisiljeni
da biramo između podjele teritorija i podjele vlasti ili, da
budem precizniji: ili puna vlast u podijeljenoj Bosni, dakle,
na dijelu teritorija, ili podijeljena vlast u cjelovitoj Bosni.
Opcija pune bošnjačke vlasti u cjelovitoj Bosni ne postoji.
Ovo kažem da našem narodu bude lakše kada sluša i gleda
ova natezanja oko podjele resora u Vladi BiH i Vladi Fede-
44
racije. Dakle, ne radi se o nekim našim ustupcima i kom-

promisima, radi se o podjeli vlasti koja se u Bosni ne može
izbjeći“ (Izetbetović 1997, str. 261).
Nakon te tri faze Izetbegovićeva odnosa prema ideji dr-
žavnosti i suverenosti Bosne i Hercegovine (nemogućnost
stvarnog vladanja Bosnom; nužnost nepodijeljene suvere-
nosti i jedinstvene vlasti; podijeljena suverenost), dolazi i
četvrta, ona u kojoj se javlja Visoki Predstavnik kao jedin-
stveni, ali međunarodni, dakle, eksteritorijalni suveren u
Bosni i Hercegovini. Izetbegović će podržati Visokog Pred-
stavnika kao onoga koji prirodno radi u korist Bosne, što
odgovara Bošnjacima (Izetbegović 1999, str. 92). To što je
riječ o strancu, koji vlada na način protektora i diktatora, i
institucije bosansko-hercegovačke demokracije pretvara u
farsu,11 Izetbegoviću je značilo samo cijenu koja mora biti
plaćena za postojanje jednoga glasa koji predstavlja Bosnu
i Hercegovinu. ‘Bolje rob Visokog Predstavnika, koji za-
stupa jedinstvenu Bosnu i Hercegovinu, nego rob srpskih
blokada u bosansko-hercegovačkim institucijama’ – to je
bio Izetbegovićev stav prema surogatu, simulakrumu bo-
sansko-hercegovačke suverenosti otjelovljenom u liku
međunarodnog protektora. To nam pak kazuje nešto i o
trećoj fazi Izetbegovićeva odnosa prema suverenosti Bo-
sne i Hercegovine. Naime, on jest prihvatio podijeljenu
suverenost, no, također prihvatio je Daytonski sporazum
kao nešto što mu ostavlja dovoljno otvorenog prostora da
11 Kako je Halid Genjac, visoki dužnosnik SDA, jednom prilikom naglasio:
‘Posao’ je Visokoga Predstavnika da donosi autentično tumačenje Daytonskog
Sporazuma; domaće strane, i stranke, upravo zbog toga, mogu se osjećati slo-
bodno da se međusobno sukobljavaju oko tumačenja, odnosno, da uopće ne
nastoje razgovarati, međusobno komunicirati, o problemima post-Daytonske
Bosne i Hercegovine; dakle, i Visoki Predstavnik djeluje kao jedna vrsta ‘ge-
neratora dediskurzacije’ u Bosni i Hercegovini (Vidi i nedavnu izjavu Carla
Bildta, u sličnome duhu, u Nezavisne novine, 28.01.2011., str. 3).
45
Dražen Pehar
se angažira na obnovi nepodijeljene suverenosti. Drugim

riječima, za Izetbegovića je Daytonski sporazum projici-
rao koncept nepodijeljene suverenosti kao nečega što je
privremeno suspendirano, ali se u budućnosti, na temelju
samoga Daytonskog sporazuma, može obnoviti. Otuda i
priča o ratu odredbi unutar Daytonskog mirovnog spora-
zuma. Zanimljivo je da jedna od njegovih prvih reakcija na
Daytonsku definiciju bosansko-hercegovačkog Ustava glasi
da je, prihvaćanjem tog ustava, Srpska republika u Bosni
i Hercegovini pristala na svoju postupnu samo-negaciju
(Izetbegović 1996, str. 143-144). Također „širenje ingeren-
cija države,“ što ga višeznačne odredbe Daytonskog Ustava
za BiH pod određenim tumačenjem omogućuju, jedna je
od ključnih Izetbegovićevih strategija za obnovu drugoga
stadija bosansko-hercegovačke državnosti i suverenosti
(Vidi Kunić, Trnka 1998).
No, koji je to glavni faktor koji određuje evoluciju Izetbe-
govićevih stadija? Riječ je o ideji Bosne i Hercegovine kao
zemlje sa muslimanskom većinom. To znači da Izetbego-
vićevo postupno usmjeravanje prema ideji nepodijeljene
suverenosti ide korak u korak s njegovim postupnim, sve
više jednoznačnim prihvaćanjem ideje o Bosni i Hercego-
vini kao državi u kojoj postoji većina, i u kojoj je musliman-
ski narod, odnosno bošnjački, ta većina. No, valja odmah
primijetiti jednu stvar: ideja nekog većinskog naroda u BiH
naprosto je besmislena. No, pod nekim okolnostima, ne-
kome se može privremeno učiniti da bi ta ideja mogla imati
smisla. Glede samoga Izetbegovića, jasno je da 44% stanov-
nika neke države mogu predstavljati većinu samo pod dva
uvjeta: a) preostalo je stanovništvo podijeljeno po etničko-
nacionalnoj osnovi; b) preostalo stanovništvo ne može for-
mulirati zajednički skup interesa, ono je iznutra disonantno.
46
Zanimljivo je da je to, upravo zbog srpsko-hrvatskog rata

tijekom 1991. godine, upravo slučaj u Bosni i Hercegovini.
No, kako je uopće moguća država koja bi se temeljila na
44% svog stanovništva? Kako je moguća država u kojoj su
preostalih 55% toliko podijeljeni i nepomirljivi da ne mogu
formulirati neki zajednički interes? Izetbegović nije tražio
odgovore na ta pitanja. On je naprosto želio iskoristiti situ-
aciju, otuda njegova neutralnost u srpsko-hrvatskom ratu,
otuda njegova prevrtljivost glede ‘livanjskog pitanja’ (Lu-
čić 2007, str. 204) i Cutilheirovog plana;12 on je nastojao
maksimalizirati interes bošnjačko-muslimanske ‘većine,’
i samo je pod tom pretpostavkom njegovo istovremeno
pokretanje projekta ‘nedjeljive bosansko-hercegovačke su-
verenosti,’ i kultiviranje/širenje ideje o Bosni i Hercegovini
kao zemlji s muslimanskom većinom, razumljivo. Dakle,
priča o nepodijeljenoj suverenosti Bosne i Hercegovine,
posebno o projektu podijele te suverenosti kao ‘povodu za
rat,’ i priča o većinskom muslimanskom narodu u Bosni i
Hercegovini, dvije su strane istoga novčića.
Također je zanimljivo podrobnije opisati kontekst

Izetbegovićeva uvođenja narativa o ‘većinskome narodu’ u
bosansko-hercegovački predratni politički diskurs. Musli-
mani, Srbi i Hrvati bili su konstitutivni, odnosno, ustavo-
tvorni narodi Bosne i Hercegovine i prije rata, i kao takvi,
u političkome smislu, uživali su jednakopravnost. No, valja
imati na umu da je Izetbegović narativ o ‘muslimanskoj ve-
ćini’, narativ koji se proteže od konca 1990. sve do prosinca
12 Prema portugalskom diplomati Jose Cutilheiro; ovdje zadržavam portugal-

ski način sricanja njegovog prezimena; u navodima zadržavam način sricanja
za koji se odlučio autor: obično je to anglicizirani oblik ‘Cutiliero.’
47
Dražen Pehar
1995.,13 uveo i koristio prije svega kao političko oružje,

dakle, ne na temelju racionalnih obrazlaganja ili neke mo-
ralno-političke argumentacije. To se može lako dokazati:
Osnivačka programska deklaracija Stranke Demokratske
Akcije kaže sljedeće: „Definirajući demokraciju ne prven-
stveno kao vladu većine, nego kao vladu zakona, mi hoćemo
da istaknemo privrženost načelu potpune ravnopravnosti
velikih i malih naroda…i u tom smislu odbacujemo svaki
vid majorizacije“ (te rečenice sam Izetbegović navodi u
Izetbegović 1996, str. 70). Međutim, ta je deklaracija objav-
ljena pod fokusom na jedan drugačiji kontekst, kontekst
još uvijek postojeće Jugoslavije, i misaono je usmjerena na
taj kontekst. Ona je pisana u ime, i sa pozicije, bosansko-
hercegovačkih muslimana koji, u kontekstu tada još uvi-
jek postojeće SFRJ, uistinu jesu mali narod (ne i nevažan,
naravno). No, na prethodni se navod, u kontekstu same
Bosne i Hercegovine, prigodno zaboravlja, i Izetbegovićev
politički interes, bez ikakve moralno-političke argumen-
tacije, i bez ikakvog realnog ustavnog, ili ustavno-pravnog
oslonca, motivira promjenu njegova diskursa o ‘potpunoj
ravnopravnosti naroda,’ o ‘odbijanju svakog vida majoriza-
cije’, u diskurs o ‘Bosni i Hercegovini kao zemlji sa musli-
manskom većinom,’ većinom koja za sebe prisvaja i status
‘jamca opstanka Bosne i Hercegovine’ (intervju iz studenog
1990, preneseno u Izetbegović 2004, str. 96).
Također, priču o ‘većinskome narodu’ Izetbegović poči-
nje dodatno sparivati s tvrdnjom koja se, od konca 1990.,
te tijekom rata sve učestalije, iskazuje, naime tvrdnjom da
13 Čak u ožujku 1997., tijekom izlaganja na 9. Sjednici Glavnog odbora Stranke
Demokratske Akcije, Izetbegović kaže: „Mi nismo ovdje [u Bosni i Hercegovini]
velika većina,“ što još uvijek implicira diskurs većinskog naroda (navod prema
Izetbegović 1998, str. 34); za prethodne izjave o Bosni i Hercegovini kao ‘zemlji
s muslimanskom većinom’ vidi i Izetbegović (1996, str. 195), Izetbegović (1997,
str. 145), NSF (2007b, str. 124).
48
bosanski Srbi i Hrvati, koji „nisu većinski narodi,“ posje-

duju ‘rezervne’ domovine (Izetbegović, ibid.). Ta tvrdnja ne
samo da sugerira posebna prava muslimanskog naroda u
Bosni i Hercegovini, nego i sugerira projekciju pritajene ali
permanentne ne-lojalnosti u bosansko-srpski i bosansko-
hrvatski kolektivni identitet, i bosanske Srbe i Hrvate upu-
ćuje na ‘područja’ na kojima bi mogli uživati i ‘rezervna’
prava. Iskaz o ‘rezervnim domovinama’ ujedno sugerira
da bi, upravo zbog toga što bosanski Srbi i Hrvati, u od-
nosu na Muslimane, uživaju stanoviti ‘višak prava,’ Musli-
mani možda trebali uživati neki ‘višak prava’ u samoj Bosni
i Hercegovini, ili bi ne-muslimanski narodi trebali takvo
muslimansko uživanje ‘viška prava’ u BiH apriori priznati
kao legitimno, iako svi znamo da je to protu-ustavno.
Nesumnjivo je da su takve izjave uvele dodatne faktore
alijenacije u Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Kako se pripadnik jednog
„ne-većinskog“ naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini može osjećati
stabilno i sigurno, ako zna da mu je unaprijed pribrojen
‘višak prava’ na ‘rezervnu domovinu,’ zbog čega bi oni koji
nemaju ‘rezervnu domovinu’ mogli polagati posebna prava
na ‘svoju jedinu domovinu,’ tražiti ‘u svojoj jedinoj domo-
vini’ prava koja bi kompenzirala njihovo neposjedovanje
‘viška prava’ u ‘rezervnim domovinama’? Nesumnjivo je da
je Izetbegović sa pričom o ‘muslimanskoj većini,’ usprkos
njenoj vrlo jasnoj ideološkoj funkciji i pravno-politološkoj
neutemeljenosti, bio smrtno ozbiljan.14 Stoga su pripadnici
14 Primjerice, na sjednici Predsjedništva Republike BiH, održanoj 12. ožujka
1994. godine, na kojoj se raspravlja o hrvatsko-bošnjačkoj Federaciji BiH,
Izetbegović (NSF 2007b, str. 124) jasno i nedvosmisleno kaže sljedeće: „Što se
tiče naroda muslimanskog, on bi vjerovatno doživio šok time kad sad jedno-
stavno ne bi bio Musliman predsjednik. Dođe neko drugi na bosansku državu
[vjerojatno, „čelo bosanske države“] i ljudi osjećaju da je to, prije svega, musli-
manska država, a zatim država i Hrvata i Srba i svih drugih naroda. Tako to
većinski narod doživljava. Smatrao bi da je to predaja vlasti.“
49
Dražen Pehar
drugih naroda s pravom sumnjali, i još uvijek sumnjaju, u

Izetbegovićevu, ili Izetbegovićem inspiriranu, priču o ‘gra-
đanskoj’ Bosni i Hercegovini koja treba biti uređena prema
‘građanskom’ ključu. Ta je priča imala vrlo pojednostav-
ljeno značenje za Izetbegovića – ona je naprosto značila
‘jedan čovjek jedan glas’ i ‘odlučivanje prema volji većine.’ I
ona je bila nespojiva s činjenicom konstitutivnosti naroda,
kako prije rata tako i danas. Ukoliko su tri naroda konstitu-
tivna za BiH, svi su narodi konstitutivni. Dakle, svi narodi
uživaju jednako pravo političkog legitimiranja i reprezen-
tiranja, i to upravo u obliku kolektivnog prava. Iz ovoga
neposredno slijedi načelo paritetnog odlučivanja u središ-
njim tijelima vlasti, kako god tu vlast definirali. No, tijekom
cijeloga ratnog razdoblja, Izetbegović je, sukladno načelu
‘većinskog odlučivanja,’ zagovarao i načelo proporcional-
nog odlučivanja prema popisu stanovništva iz 1991. (vidi
i Komšić 2006, str. 396). On je, ako hoćemo biti stvarno
objektivni u historiografskom smislu, inzistirao na potvr-
đivanju barem minimalne superiornosti bošnjačko-musli-
manskog kolektivnog identiteta u odnosu na preostala dva
u Bosni i Hercegovini.
4. Islam: Čini se da je mali broj teoretičara razumio,

a još manji ozbiljno uzeo, Izetbegovićev središnji argu-
ment u njegovoj knjizi Islam između Istoka i Zapada
(Izetbegović 1995b). Primjerice, Noel Malcolm, utjecajni
britanski povjesničar, referira na knjigu kako bi podupro
svoju hipotezu da Izetbegović nije (bio) fundamentalist.
Malcolm prenosi Izetbegovićeve tople i pohvalne riječi o
anglosaksonskoj filozofiji, kulturi, i socijaldemokratskoj
tradiciji, i tumači ih kao dokaz teze da Izetbegović nije
fundamentalist (preneseno u sarajevski tjednik Start, 21.
listopad 2003, str. 21).
50
Naravno, ‘fundamentalist’ je riječ bogata ideološkim ko-

notacijama; i također, postoje i kršćanski i islamski funda-
mentalisti. Osobno ne bih koristio tu riječ kada je Izetbe-
gović u pitanju. Njegovo poimanje Islama sadrži neke ele-
mente fundamentalizma, u smislu ideologije prema kojoj
je jedna religija toliko superiorna u odnosu na ostale da bi
totalno i apsolutno širenje iste, čak i nasilnim sredstvima,
predstavljalo poželjan cilj. Naime, Izetbegović nedvosmi-
sleno vjeruje, i glavni argument knjige Islam između Istoka
i Zapada objašnjava i podupire tezu, da je Islam, kao svje-
tonazor, religija, stav prema životu, izrazito superioran u
odnosu na sve ostale ne samo religijske nego i filozofske,
etičke i političke alternative (Izetbegović 1995b, posebno
str. 19-21 i 204-213). To je naprosto ključna poruka njegove
knjige, i to nitko ne može poreći. Opravdava li to, samo po
sebi, upotrebu nasilja u odnosu na ostale religije ili svje-
tonazore, prema Izetbegovićevoj zamisli? Znači li to da bi
Islam trebao zavladati svijetom? Izetbegović je, naravno,
bio dovoljno inteligentan da ne predloži potvrdan odgovor
na prethodna pitanja. Takav odgovor učinio bi ga izravnim
zastupnikom islamskog fundamentalizma. No, omogućuje
li vjera u superiornost vlastite religije, filozofije, ili svjeto-
nazora, jednu vrstu ponižavajućeg stava prema Drugima,
čini li ona konflikt između zastupnika vlastite i drugih, ‘in-
feriornih’ religija vjerojatnim, i stvara li ona kod zagovor-
nika ‘superiorne Ideje’ osjećaj da je već pobijedio, i da eg-
zistencija drugih, ‘inferiornih’, nije toliko smislena koliko je
njegova? – da, odgovor je na sva ta pitanja potvrdan. Stoga,
najbolji i najuvjerljiviji atribut koji se može i mora pripisati
Izetbegoviću jest atribut ‘Islamo-supremaciste’ kao zastu-
pnika ideje da je intelektualna supremacija Islama u odnosu
na sve preostale religije i svjetonazore zajamčena.
51
Dražen Pehar
Zašto Izetbegović tvrdi da je Islam superioran? Prema

njemu, cijeli intelektualni kozmos može se podijeliti na dva
međusobno suprotstavljena načela, tezu i antitezu, koje
on naziva Načelo Zapada i Načelo Istoka; prvo načelo im-
plicira vjeru u materijalizam, primarnost neživog svijeta,
hedonizam, egoizam itd., dočim drugo načelo implicira
vjeru u potpunu religioznost, dušu, asketizam, altruizam,
itd. Kako se prema tim načelima odnosi Islam? Izetbegović
vjeruje da Islam predstavlja, u odnosu na ta dva načela, su-
periornu Sintezu koja inkorporira oba načela, ali ih ujedno
nadilazi u jednom hegelijanskom, dijalektičkom jedinstvu.
Dakle, za Izetbegovića Islam je i Istok i Zapad, i materija-
lizam i religioznost, i egoizam i altruizam…Islam je bipo-
laran, i stoga je superioran u odnosu na oba načela – on
je, zapravo, apsolutno superioran (Izetbegović ibid.). Osim
toga, Izetbegović smatra da se i neke druge intelektualne ili
filozofske pojave mogu tumačiti kao neke vrste sintetičkog
objedinjavanja načela Istoka i Zapada; primjerice, američki
pragmatizam, za Izetbegovića, predstavlja sintetičko jedin-
stvo, vrlo slično Islamu (Izetbegović 1995b, str. 255). Ali,
prema Izetbegoviću, trebali bismo reći da je upravo ono
što američki pragmatizam čini izuzetnim činjenica da se
na neki način približava Islamu. Drugim riječima, što god,
u povijesti, napreduje, prema Izetbegoviću napreduje u
smjeru Islama.
Dvije, za Izetbegovićevu filozofiju Islama, neugodne po-
sljedice slijede iz njegove analize. Prvo, on je, zbog svoje
odveć jednostavne sheme, prisiljen na pretjerana pojedno-
stavljivanja u opisima međuljudskih, međureligijskih, i me-
đunarodnih odnosa. Naravno da se neki elementi Islama
naprosto ne mogu tumačiti kao prisvajanja, primjerice,
52
elemenata hinduske ili kršćanske vjere. Prethodni se mogu

tumačiti samo kao radikalno proturječni, nespojivi s po-
tonjima. Drugo, za samu Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Izetbego-
vićeva filozofija implicira inherentnu superiornost pravih
sljedbenika Islama u odnosu na prave sljedbenike kršćan-
stva, ili na agnostike, ili ateiste. Ta se ideja superiornosti
ne mora nikada prevesti u političku realnost; no, ako ste,
slučajno, u startu odgojeni u duhu neke tradicije unutar
koje prijelaz na Islam ne predstavlja dopustivu opciju, imat
ćete osjećaj da ste, iz perspektive Izetbegovićeve filozofije
Islama, unaprijed doživljeni kao manje vrijedni, kao netko
tko ne može doživjeti, ili se izboriti za, onu vrstu progresa
koja je moguća za islamski svjetonazor i islamski pogled na
život. Naravno, i ideja da bi bosansko-hercegovačkim mu-
slimanima trebao, u političkome smislu, pripadati neki vi-
šak prava u Bosni i Hercegovini, pozivanje na prava ‘većin-
skog naroda,’ i slično, sada izgleda razumljivom. Također,
neugodni osjećaj što ga drugi doživljavaju u blizini ideologa
islamske superiornosti i supremacije, osjećaj da je, prema
tumačenju tog ideologa, najbolji dio njihovog identiteta
(primjerice, kao katolika ili agnostika) na najbolji način
inkorporiran upravo u predstavniku Islama (koji sadrži i
element katolicizma i još nešto dodatno, što ga a priori čini
višim i vrjednijim od katolika), a ne u njima samima, sada
postaje posve razumljiv. Iz kuta Izetbegovićeva Islamo-su-
premacizma postaju također razumljive njegove dvije ka-
rakterizacije rata u Bosni i Hercegovini, prema kojima je taj
rat također značio pozitivan događaj – taj je rat „ujedinio
muslimane svijeta,“ u solidarnosti sa muslimanima Bosne i
Hercegovine, više nego ikada prije (Izetbegović 1995a, str.
41); i taj je rat donio muslimansko-bošnjačkome narodu
„svjetsku afirmaciju“ (Izetbegović 1997, str. 57).
53
Dražen Pehar
5. Povijest i predviđanje budućnosti: Izetbegovićevo

poimanje povijesti izrazito je obilježeno, i određeno, nje-
govim stavom prema Islamu. Zapravo, on povijest proma-
tra kao nešto što nudi ključni test za središnju vrlinu islam-
skog morala, predanost. Dvije su ključne premise njegova
razumijevanja povijesti: 1. Povijest prikazuje i ostvaruje
igru jedne više sile koju pojedinačno ljudsko biće ne može
nikada u cijelosti razumjeti niti predvidjeti. „Niko ne zna
zašto baš tako historija teče. Ne osjećam se sposobnim da
otkrijem i shvatim razloge za kretanje historije. Bog je taj
koji ostvaruje neki svoj plan“ (Izetbegović 1996, str. 127).
Također, pojedinac predstavlja neku vrstu marionete kroz
koju viša povijesna sila ostvaruje svoj, uvijek skriveni naum.
Izetbegović stoga o ratu u Bosni i Hercegovini često govori
kao o neizbježnom „sudaru sa historijom.“ U jednome raz-
govoru sa francuskim filozofom Bernard Henry Levy-em,
Izetbegović kaže i sljedeće: „Tako je! Tako teče povijest! Ne
dopušta uvijek izbor! I kada nam zapovijedi – najvažnije
je da smo što više poslušni njezinoj zapovijedi…“ (Izetbe-
govićeve riječi Bernard Henry Levyu, Horizont 1997, str.
5). To znači da je Izetbegović, sukladno svojim islamskim
premisama, povijest shvatio deterministički („povijesni su
događaji u potpunosti predodređeni, a poviješću vlada viša
povijesna nužnost.“), ali je odbacio mogućnost ljudskog
shvaćanja tog determinizma; ljudi ne mogu predvidjeti taj
determinizam, i on njima načelno ne može biti razumljiv.
Jedino Bog ima uvid u razvoj povijesti naprosto stoga što
povijest teče po Božjem planu. 2. Jedino što pojedinac
može, u odnosu na povijest, učiniti jest da joj se preda.
„Pokoravanje Bogu“ jest jedino što pojedinac, ili skupina
pojedinaca, može učiniti u odnosu na povijest. Pojedinac
ostvaruje neki stupanj slobode kroz povijest, ali je zapravo
54
riječ o slobodi kao „slaganju sa sudbinom“ (Izetbegović

1995b, str. 265-267).
Dakle, pojedinac ne razumijeva povijest, niti može
predvidjeti njezine tendencije. On, ako i zauzima aktivan
odnos prema bilo čemu, može se samo nadati da je taj od-
nos u skladu sa skrivenim Božjim planom. On to nikada
ne može znati. I drugo, pojedinac može jedino pasivno ili
slušati ono što on doživljava kao naredbe povijesti, premda
ne može znati jesu li to uistinu naredbe povijesti, ili trpjeti
nepravdu u uvjerenju da može izdržati ulogu „heroja“ i
primiti na svoja leđa „ogromnost sudbine“ (Izetbegović
1995b, str. 265). Izetbetović je ovakvu sliku povijesti, kao
i jedino mogućeg odnosa prema povijesti, iskreno na-
zvao „pesimizmom“ koji je, po njemu, inherentan filozofiji
Islama kao „predavanja [u smislu podčinjavanja]“ (Izetbe-
gović 1995b, str. 266). Primijenjena na političke odnose,
posebno na probleme bosansko-hercegovačke politike i
‘državnosti’, ovakva filozofija povijesti vrlo nedvosmisleno
implicira da pojedinac može na te odnose samo reagirati.
On ih ne može niti predvidjeti, a niti aktivno usmjeriti u
nekom smjeru u uvjerenju da taj smjer jest najbolji i naj-
pravedniji smjer. Tvrditi drugačije za Izetbegovića bi zna-
čilo bogohuljenje.
No, takva filozofija povijesti također implicira vrlo otvo-
renu spremnost da se bilo trpi, bilo nanosi, ekstremna ne-
pravda. Naime, iz perspektive više sile, odnosno Božjega
plana, ‘ekstremna nepravda’ može značiti nešto i nužno i
smisleno. Upravo stoga, pravi musliman na nepravdu rea-
gira u duhu i pod parolom „predanosti.“ On o povijesti ne
razmišlja pro-aktivno, na način svojega zamišljanja vrijed-
nosti i traženja orijentacije u danom povijesnom kontekstu,
to jest, traženja onih povijesnih kontekstualnih faktora koji
55
Dražen Pehar
bi mu mogli pomoći da u potpunosti, ili barem djelomice,

realizira dotične vrijednosti. On o njoj razmišlja isključivo
reaktivno, na način zahtjeva povijesti, na koje on ne može
vršiti aktivan utjecaj, nego ih samo poslušati i slijediti; ti su
zahtjevi dio Božjeg plana, a ako se ispostavi da ga njegovo
slijeđenje tih zahtjeva dovodi u veliku nevolju, ili ga poni-
žava, ili mu nanosi veliku bol, patnju, i nepravdu, onda to sve
mora trpjeti sukladno islamskom moralu ‘predanosti.’ Dru-
gim riječima, ukoliko „njihovi“ zahtjevi kod „nas“ izazivaju
osjećaj da je rat povijesna nužnost, jedino što možemo uči-
niti jest pristati na ulogu instrumenta povijesne nužnosti; o
posljedicama ćemo razmišljati kasnije. Ukoliko nas zapadne
‘manji dio kolača’, ili ako budemo morali trpjeti nepravdu,
onda će to jedino značiti da moramo biti dobri muslimani
u smislu onih koji se ‘predaju’ naglim, nepredvidivim i ne-
savladivim naletima sudbine. „Makar svi pocrkali!“ – bila je
Izetbegovićeva česta izjava tijekom bosansko-hercegovač-
koga rata (Komšić 2006, str. 228; Haverić 2006, str. 175).
No, Izetbegović je često koristio i povijesne analogije, slike
prošle povijesti projicirane na povijesnu sadašnjost ili buduć-
nost. Što se same Bosne i Hercegovine tiče, često je njegovo
referiranje na suvremene ‘ustaše’ i ‘četnike’, što je impliciralo
da je muslimansko-bošnjački narod isključivo narod ‘parti-
zana’ i ‘anti-fašista.’ Također, srpsku je ‘agresiju’ često opisi-
vao terminima nacističke agresije na slobodne nacije Europe
i Sovjetski Savez (primjerice, Izetbegović 2004, str. 232). I
poslijeratnu je povijest Bosne i Hercegovine zamišljao kao
postupni proces ujedinjavanja dvije Njemačke, Istočne i Za-
padne, pri čemu je bošnjačkome, ili ponekad hrvatsko-boš-
njačkome, dijelu pripadala uloga Zapadne Njemačke čiji će
politički sustav nadživjeti sustav Istočne (Izetbegović 2004,
str. 333; 1996, str. 109). Znači li to da je on ipak protuslovio
56
svojoj islamskoj filozofiji povijesti, jer uporaba povijesnih

analogija implicira i određenu orijentaciju u sadašnjoj povi-
jesti političkih odnosa, i određenu projekciju buduće povije-
sti, pa samim tim i jedan pro-aktivni stav? Zapravo je odgo-
vor na to pitanje negativan. Jer on je koristio povijesne ana-
logije ili na način političkog oružja ili na način privremenog
psiho-terapijskog, ili propagandnog, sredstva. Dakle, on se
oslanjao ne na kognitivne aspekte ili implikacije povijesnih
analogija, nego na njihove emotivne konotacije ili njihovu
propagandnu vrijednost. Primjerice, uporaba povijesne ana-
logije nacizma sredstvo je propagande protiv bosansko-her-
cegovačkih Srba, odnosno, političko oružje koje bi trebalo
motivirati međunarodnu zajednicu na oružanu intervenciju,
ili znatniju pomoć snagama Armije Republike BiH. Uporaba
povijesne analogije Zapadne i Istočne Njemačke služi kao
sredstvo pojačavanja vlastitog samo-pouzdanja, odnosno,
bilo osjećaja da je ‘dobro’ na našoj strani bilo osjećaja da će,
na duži rok, mir donijeti ono što sam Izetbegović nije uspio
steći tijekom, i sredstvima, rata.
6. Antinomičnost političkih pojava i procesa: Opus

Alije Izetbegovića, što uključuje sve njegove i javne i manje
javne izjave, prožet je ogromnim brojem kontradikcija. On s
takvom diskurzivnom praksom, zbog koje bi svaki srednjoš-
kolac bio oboren na ispitu iz predmeta ‘Uvod u logiku’, čini
se, nije imao problema. Nije uopće teško priznati da je dis-
kurs mnogih političara također obilježen mnogim nekonzi-
stentnostima, no, to ne znači da time i oni i Alija Izetbegović
postaju razumljivima, a još manje nevinima i moralno neu-
pitnima. Primjeri su mnogobrojni. Navest ću samo neke.
Primjerice, pet sekundi prije svoje izjave o muslimanima
kao većinskome narodu u Bosni i Hercegovini, i garantu
57
Dražen Pehar
opstanka Bosne i Hercegovine, on daje sljedeću izjavu: “Bo-

sna i Hercegovina ne može ništa prihvatiti što i srpski narod
ne prihvati. U onome što će Bosna i Hercegovina prihvatiti
učestvovat će i srpski narod kao njen konstitutivni dio. U
suprotnom, postavlja se pitanje opstanka Republike. Najvje-
rojatnije ćemo tražiti kompromis. To, međutim, ne znači da
srpski narod može da ucijeni Bosnu i Hercegovinu, da zahti-
jeva da se provodi samo njegovo, jer Srbi nisu jedini narod
i morat će da povedu računa o tome šta hoće drugi građani
Republike. Zna se kako to pametni ljudi rješavaju: tu se traži
srednji izlaz koji zadovoljava nužni minimum interesa srp-
skog, muslimanskog, hrvatskog i drugih naroda koji ovdje
žive“ (Izetbegović 2004, str. 95 – intervju za Borbu u stude-
nom 1990). Ova izjava implicira jednakopravnost naroda i
potrebu pronalaženja kompromisa. Također, ona implicira
i priznanje statusa srpskoga naroda, zajedno s druga dva
naroda, kao preduvjeta postojanja Bosne i Hercegovine. U
osnovi ove kontradikcije stoji ona koja je poznatija i mnogo
češće diskutirana, kontradikcija između zagovaranja gra-
đanske Republike BiH, kao države svih njenih, nacionalno
neodređenih građana, na jednoj strani, i stalnog priznanja
činjenice, na drugoj strani, da je Bosna i Hercegovina država
u kojoj živi više naroda koji mogu imati bitno različite in-
terese, uz Izetbegovićev posebni i neugodni dodatak o po-
sebnome statusu muslimanskog naroda kao većinskog i po-
sebno vezanog za Bosnu i Hercegovinu u cjelini.
Drugo, premda je Izetbegović već naglasio da će musli-
mani oružjem braniti Bosnu, u smislu države s nepodije-
ljenom i nedjeljivom suverenosti, na 48. sjednici Predsjed-
ništva SR BiH, održanoj 20. prosinca 1991., Predsjedništvo
većinom glasova donosi odluku da se Europskoj Zajednici
uputi zahtjev za međunarodno priznanje neovisnosti Bo-
58
sne i Hercegovine, ali, u zaključku dodaje da je potrebno,

„s obzirom na višenacionalni sastav stanovništva u Repu-
blici…osigurati da hrvatski i srpski narod koji živi u Bosni
i Hercegovini ima specijalne veze sa svojim maticama – re-
publikama Hrvatskom i Srbijom“ (NSF 2006a, str. 72). Na-
ravno, ta ‘odredba’ o specijalnim paralelnim vezama, koja će
kasnije naći put do Daytonskog Ustava za Bosnu i Herce-
govinu, a implementaciji koje će se Izetbegović svim silama
opirati, implicira nužnost decentralizacije Bosne i Hercego-
vine, priznanje posebnih nacionalnih interesa Srba i Hrvata,
te je samim tim kompatibilna isključivo s tezom o nužnosti
podjele suverenosti Bosne i Hercegovine u nekome obliku,
kako iznutra tako i prema izvana.
Treće, njegove su izjave o prirodi bosansko-hercegovač-
kog rata također nevjerojatno često neuskladive i nekohe-
rentne. Ponekad je govorio da rat u Bosni predstavlja obranu
ideje (tolerancije, su-života, multi-etničnosti), a ponekad je
govorio da je prethodni govor zapravo laž, jer „zajednički ži-
vot je lijepa stvar, ali ja mislim da mogu slobodno reći da je
laž da naši vojnici ginu za to. Naime, ako je iko gajio iluzije o
zajedničkom životu, onda smo to bili mi. Ali, ne mogu se na
lažima zasnivati stvari i mi ne možemo našem narodu lagati.
Naš vojnik, gore, koji se muči u onom blatu, ne čini to da bi
zajednički živio, nego zato da bi odbranio ovaj toprak zemlje
koji hoće da mu otmu“ (Izetbegović 1995a, str. 47).
Četvrto, njegove ocjene mirovnih sporazuma za Bosnu
i Hercegovinu, sporazuma koje je uglavnom predložila me-
đunarodna zajednica, kao i njegovi bilateralni prijedlozi
za rješenje bosansko-hercegovačkog problema u ratnome
razdoblju, predstavljaju jedan pandemonijum u kojemu je
nemoguće prepoznati neki konzistentan, sebi neproturje-
čan stav. Prihvatio je, načelno već u rujnu 1995., Dayton-
59
Dražen Pehar
ski mirovni sporazum za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, odnosno

Daytonski Ustav, prema kojemu se Bosna i Hercegovina
sastoji od dva entiteta, u teritorijalnom omjeru 51% prema
49%, a u veljači 1992. odbacio je Cutilheirovu Izjavu o na-
čelima, prethodno ju prihvativši. Kolebao se oko prihva-
ćanja Vance-Owenovog mirovnog plana, početkom 1993.
godine (Glenny 1993, str. 225-230), plana o deset kantona
bez teritorijalne homogenizacije, ali se također kolebao
oko prihvaćanja, a možda je čak i bio spreman na prihvaća-
nje, Owen-Stoltenbergovog plana ‘Unije tri republike,’ kon-
cem 1993. godine (Izetbegović 2004, str. 317). Prije toga,
16. rujna 1993. potpisao je tajni sporazum sa Krajišnikom
koji je bosansko-hercegovačkim Srbima dao mogućnost
da se putem referenduma odluče o izdvajanju iz Bosne i
Hercegovine i pripoje Srbiji (Komšić 2006, str. 251). Me-
đutim, zanimljivo je i da je, nakon toga, na tajnim bilateral-
nim pregovorima s Tuđmanom, 12. siječnja 1994. u Bonnu,
Tuđmanu dao sljedeći prijedlog: da mu se omogući uvoz
naoružanja u BiH, nakon čega bi on, Izetbegović, vojno
porazio Srbe, bez uplitanja Hrvata, a onda pristao na reor-
ganizaciju cijele Bosne i Hercegovine na bazi paritetne po-
djele vlasti između Bošnjaka-Muslimana i Hrvata. Nakon
što je Tuđman odbio taj prijedlog, Izetbegović je Tuđmanu
ponudio zapadnu Hercegovinu, koja bi se pripojila Hrvat-
skoj, a onda da „nas [Bošnjake] ostavi na miru“ (Komšić
2006, str. 311-314).
Peto, mnogobrojne Izetbegovićeve kvalifikacije Dayton-
skog mirovnog sporazuma također su ispunjene mnogobroj-
nim kontradikcijama. Ponekad je on o tom sporazumu go-
vorio kao nužno nepravednom kompromisu između strana
koje nisu niti pobjednici niti gubitnici (Izetbegović 1997, str.
187), ponekad kao koliko-toliko pravednom (Izetbegović
60
1999, str. 110), ponekad kao o naprosto refleksu složene i vi-

šenacionalne prirode Bosne i Hercegovine (1997, str. 261),
a ponekad čak kao o pobjedi svoje politike, barem u embri-
onalnom obliku, budući da je Srpska Republika, pristajući
na Daytonski Ustav, pristala na samo-negaciju: naime, ona
se, nakon Daytona, može ili multi-kulturalizirati, demokra-
tizirati, i civilizirati, što znači da prestaje biti srpski ili protu-
bosanski entitet, ili se može samo-izolirati, stagnirati, i na
koncu samo-urušiti (Izetbegović 1996, str. 143).
Izetbegović je nedvojbeno bio svjestan svog masivnog
prihvaćanja kontradikcija. Ono je posve u skladu i s njego-
vim opisom Islama kao nečega što sintetizira suprotnosti.
Jer, ukoliko je Zapad teza, a Istok anti-teza, s logičke točke
gledišta između njih nije moguća sinteza. Ili je ispravna
teza, ili anti-teza. Po Izetbegoviću, Islam ipak stvara sin-
tezu, što ga čini, u logičkome smislu, čudom, nemogućom
zbiljom. Ovakva kvalifikacija Islama pronaći će put i do
Izetbegovićevog poimanja Bosne i Hercegovine. Prisjetimo
se: on često govori o Bosni kao čudu, o čudu bosanskog
otpora, o čudu preživljavanja Bosne i Hercegovine nakon
četverogodišnjeg rata, i tako dalje. Jedno njegovo gosto-
vanje na Francuskom Institutu za međunarodne odnose,
29. kolovoza 1995., može poslužiti kao slikovita ilustracija
njegove teze o antinomičnoj naravi političkih pojava i pro-
cesa. Nakon što je Izetbegović izjavio da Bog kroz povijest
ostvaruje „neki svoj plan,“ domaćin ga Instituta upozorava
na kontradikciju, jer Izetbegović je prije toga iskazao tezu
da narode predvodi neka skupina političara koja ostvaruje
možda svoj, ali definitivno ne Božji plan. Izetbegović otvo-
reno priznaje: „Da, prividno postoji kontradikcija. Svaki
važniji sud o životu uglavnom je kontradiktoran, bolje reći
antinomičan“ (Izetbegović 1996, str. 127).
61
Dražen Pehar
Preliminarni rezime
Z
a sada, aspekt ‘antinomičnog karaktera političkih
pojava i procesa,’ koji je za Izetbegovića očevidno
važan, ostavit ću po strani. Primijetit ćemo samo
da, držimo li se čvrsto ‘načela milosrđa’ kao epistemološke
premise za tumačenje psihologije političkih aktera, ovaj
je aspekt izrazito problematičan. No, smatram da postoji
način da se i taj aspekt objasni na racionalan način. To će
objašnjenje ipak morati sačekati poglavlje o dediskurzaciji.
Preostalih pak pet ‘poglavlja’, koja obuhvaćaju ključne
elemente Izetbegovićeve političke teorije, glavne grozdove
Izetbegovićevih strateških političkih vjerovanja, jasno do-
kazuju da ono što se dogodilo 10. siječnja 1992. godine, na
sjednici Predsjedništva Socijalističke Republike BiH, nije
predstavljalo Izetbegovićevu trenutnu i privremenu ‘neu-
računljivost.’ Svi iskazi, koje je on dao na toj sjednici, sa-
vršeno su kompatibilni s njegovim strateškim političkim
vjerovanjima. Njegovo razumijevanje rata i mira, sile i pre-
govaranja, Islama, države i suverenosti, i povijesti, tvori ja-
snu uzročnu strukturu među čijim je posljedicama i njegov
istup od 10. siječnja 1992., istup koji dokazuje njegovu spre-
mnost za rat, njegovu nespremnost za pregovore i kompro-
mise, njegovu nesklonost prihvaćanju i razumijevanju onih
s kojima bi trebao pregovarati. Taj istup također dokazuje
da, u jednome dubinskom smislu, njega ne zanima Bosna
i Hercegovina kao zajednica tri ravnopravna naroda čiji se
predstavnici moraju dogovoriti oko jednog novog, na ra-
62
cionalnim procjenama utemeljenog, ustavno-političkog

aranžmana; njega zanima Bosna i Hercegovina samo kao
topos u kojem će biti zadovoljeni njegovi interesi kao inte-
resi predstavnika naroda kojeg on realno predstavlja.
Važno je odmah naglasiti da Izetbegovićeva strateška
vjerovanja nisu posve iracionalna; pod nekim pretpostav-
kama, ona su vrlo razumljiva. Primjerice, i marksisti vje-
ruju u koncept države kao ‘naredbodavca’. Mnogi zastu-
pnici Real-politike, to jest, Realizma u tumačenju politič-
kih, posebno međunarodnih odnosa, zastupaju i ideju da je
sila/moć uvijek prvotna u odnosu na pregovaranje. Mnogi
utjecajni teoretičari, uključujući i Kissingera i Foucault-a,
smatrali su da je teorijski produktivno teoretizirati stanje
mira kao nastavak stanja rata ‘drugim sredstvima.’ Mnogi
politički teoretičari vjeruju da je ‘većinsko odlučivanje’
jedina opcija u politici, i mnogi posebno praktičari poli-
tike vjeruju u izrazitu superiornost svoje, ako ne religije,
onda ili ideologije ili svjetonazora, ili svog vrijednosnog su-
stava. I Lenjin je vjerovao u historijski determinizam, kao
i u ideju da neki pojedinci, ili skupine, ponekad dobivaju
ulogu instrumenta neke dublje povijesne misije, dubljeg
povijesnog plana ili dizajna. No, također je važno imati na
umu činjenicu da će, u uvjetima konflikta, posebno ozbilj-
nog i intenzivnog političkog konflikta, sva spomenuta stra-
teška vjerovanja povući onoga koji donosi ključne političke
odluke prije u smjeru rata, to jest, u smjeru odluke za upo-
rabu oružanih sredstava prisile, negoli u smjeru mira, to
jest, u smjeru odluke za smireno, racionalno oslanjanje na
sredstva verbalne komunikacije, odluke za pregovaranje i
traženje kompromisa na premisi jednakopravnih početnih
pregovaračkih pozicija.
63
Dražen Pehar
Na koju je ciljnu točku, ili konstelaciju, usmjerena Izetbe-

govićeva volja da se posluži ratom, odnosno oružanom si-
lom? Znamo da je on ‘svoj’ rat zamislio kao rat ‘za građan-
sku, cjelovitu i nedjeljivu Bosnu i Hercegovinu.’ Naravno,
taj je rat morao biti i rat protiv nečega. Kako je Izetbegović
objasnio, ‘njegov’ je rat bio rat protiv podijele Bosne i Her-
cegovine, posebno protiv podijele na etno-nacionalnim
osnovama („Suverenost Bosne i Hercegovine nećemo žr-
tvovati, žrtvovat ćemo mir u ime te suverenosti“). Je li to
logično? Zapravo, riječ je o besmislenoj, neobranjivoj ideji.
Ne možete ratovati, očekujući da će rat spriječiti podjelu.
Svaki rat ili stvara nove ili produbljuje postojeće podjele.
U ekstremnome slučaju, ukoliko pošaljete vojsku na one
koji mirnim prosvjedima iskazuju želju da stvore svoj en-
titet, i u većoj ili manjoj mjeri odvoje se od vas, vi ćete to
odvajanje, podjelu, i ubrzati i učiniti posve legitimnom i, u
moralnome smislu, opravdanom. Zbog još jasnijeg uvida,
zamislite muškarca koji, nakon što njegova supruga izrazi
želju za razvodom, dotičnoj odgovori prijetnjom upora-
bom sile. Ili, zamislimo jednog potpisnika nekog ugovora
koji, nakon što je su-potpisnik izjavio da za njega taj ugovor
nadalje ne vrijedi, ili je objavio nakanu da prekine važenje
tog ugovora, odlučuje su-potpisniku zaprijetiti silom. Kon-
sekvence su jasne: i razvod i su-potpisnikov zahtjev po-
staju logičnijima i dobivaju na legitimnosti. Na zazivanja
podjela, kako u svakodnevnom tako i u političkom životu,
reagira se na drugačiji način, ukoliko se podjelu zbilja želi
ublažiti, ili ukoliko se želi otvoriti, ili ostaviti, neke šanse za
reintegraciju.
Naprosto je nemoguće da Izetbegović nije bio svjestan
tih konsekvenci kao i načelne iracionalnosti ‘rata protiv
podjele.’ ‘Načelo milosrđa’ od nas traži da Izetbegovića
64
interpretiramo na jedan smislen način, u svijetlu pret-

postavke da je on morao biti svjestan iracionalnosti ‘rata
protiv podjele.’ To pak implicira tezu da je iza retorike ‘rata
protiv podjele’ stajalo nešto drugo, jedan skup motiva koji
su, u samim Izetbegovićevim očima, iracionalni ‘rat pro-
tiv podjele’ činili racionalnim. U tom skupu motiva, jedan
mora biti centralni – za bošnjački narod osigurati što veći
utjecaj, moć, bilo u donekle očuvanoj Bosni i Hercegovini,
bilo u podijeljenoj Bosni i Hercegovini, i to i u smislu te-
ritorijalnog dobitka i u smislu ustavnih moći/nadležnosti,
odnosno, suverenosti; osim toga, rat je za Izetbegovića
morao implicirati još jedan motiv koji u ideji ‘rata protiv
podjele’ ostaje zagonetan i nevidljiv, motiv obnove svijesti
o pripadnosti islamskom kulturno-civilizacijskom krugu u
bošnjačkom nacionalnom korpusu. Isključivo se u svijetlu
tih motiva oni ratni ciljevi, zbog kojih je Izetbegović i pri-
hvatio opciju rata, mogu tumačiti pod načelom milosrđa,
dakle, kao interesno i racionalno motivirani ciljevi (vidi i
Halilović 1998, str. 20-21, 25, 131-134). To također impli-
cira da Izetbegović želi nešto što se ne može nikako opisati
terminom ‘ravnopravnost naroda.’ On želi ili barem mi-
nimalnu superiornost bošnjačkog, islamski osviještenog,
naroda u donekle sačuvanoj Bosni i Hercegovini, ili samo-
stalnost tog naroda na što većem dijelu teritorije Bosne i
Hercegovine. Rat se prekida onda kada, za Izetbegovića,
druga opcija postaje odveć malo vjerojatnom, a prva pre-
ostaje barem u vidu načelne mogućnosti, obećanja sadr-
žanog u „nečujnom ratu odredbi“ Daytonskog mirovnog
sporazuma, u Daytonskim višeznačnostima.15
15 Taj je Izetbegovićev izbor usmjerio Richard Holbrooke, u drugoj polovici
kolovoza 1995.; on je od Izetbegovića izričito zatražio da se odluči ili za pot-
punu podjelu, ili za formulu ‘dva jaka entiteta, jedna slaba središnja vlada’; o
tome vidi u Holbrooke (1998, str. 99-100) i Izetbegović (2005, str. 259).
65
Dražen Pehar
Spomenuli smo već da bi, iako se u svijetlu spomenu-

tih strateških vjerovanja Izetbegovićeva odluka za rat čini
načelno racionalnom, bilo također nužno objasniti faktor
‘manjka ili nedostatka vojne efektive’ koji na Izetbegovića
nije mogao djelovati motivirajuće. Drugim riječima, uko-
liko ne posjedujete dovoljnu vojnu snagu, vaša odluka za
rat, iako bi pod drugačijim uvjetima, i naročito u svijetlu
vaših ključnih političkih vjerovanja, bila racionalna, ipak
ne bi bila racionalno objašnjiva jer ne bi bila dovoljno raci-
onalna. Nitko tko, posjedujući samo nožić u džepu, krene u
rat protiv neke skupine koja posjeduje tenkove, ne može biti
opisan kao dovoljno racionalan. Sljedeće poglavlje upravo
govori o tom problemu, odnosno, elementu u Izetbegovi-
ćevim obuhvatnim političkim kalkulacijama.
66
Veleposlanik Zimmermann
kao rato-tvorac?
R
azdoblje propalih pregovora, u Lisabonu i Sara-
jevu tijekom veljače i ožujka 1992., dakle, nepo-
sredno pred početak oružanoga sukoba u Bosni
i Hercegovini, u historiografskom je smislu zasigurno
najkontroverznije. U literaturi posvećenoj tom razdo-
blju mnoge su hipoteze predložene, no, skoro je nemo-
guće pronaći racionalni argument u smislu objašnjenja
koje bi bilo jasno i jednoznačno poduprto jednim kor-
pusom empirijske, dokumentarne dokazne građe. Prema
mome mišljenju, tumačenja su izrazito politički i intere-
sno obojena; znanstvenici obično biraju dvije strategije:
ili se unaprijed odlučuju za jednu hipotezu pa onda iz
obilja empirijskog materijala biraju onaj dio koji njima
odgovara; ili se odlučuju ostati neutralnima pa naprosto
prenose suprotne hipoteze za koje navodno postoje po-
djednako snažni i jednoznačni dokazi (primjerice Cam-
pbell 1998, str. 279, i Klemenčič 2010, str. 172). Ta se
teorijska i historiografska ‘gigantomahija’ vrti oko dva
pitanja, odnosno problema. Je li Izetbegović uistinu
prihvatio, a onda nekoliko dana kasnije, odbacio Lisa-
bonsku Izjavu o ustavnim načelima koja je predložila
preuređenje Bosne i Hercegovine kao zajednice tri kan-
tona koji bi bili prvenstveno, ali ne isključivo, definirani
kao etno-nacionalni; i ako jeste, što ga je motiviralo da
to učini? Drugo, je li američka diplomacija, koju je u to
vrijeme predstavljao Warren Zimmermann, posljednji
67
Dražen Pehar
američki veleposlanik u Socijalističkoj Federativnoj Re-

publici Jugoslaviji, igrala neku ulogu u toj Izetbegovićevoj
odluci, i o kakvoj se ulozi točno radilo?
Primijetit ću, odmah na početku, da se povjesničari, i

tumači, ovoga razdoblja uglavnom fokusiraju samo na
izjave, i to izjave koje se tiču samoga razdoblja o kojem je
riječ. Tumačenje ostaje uglavnom neplodno jer je foku-
sirano samo na ono što su relevantni izvori rekli o dotič-
nome razdoblju. Nedvojbeno, između mnogih izjava, često
jednoga sudionika, dolazi do trvenja, u smislu da se neke
izjave mogu bolje objasniti u svijetlu jedne, a neke druge u
svijetlu drugačije hipoteze. Osobno smatram takvu istraži-
vačku i historiografsku strategiju pogrešnom i neplodnom.
Da bismo stekli jasnu i adekvatnu sliku o tome razdoblju,
moramo u obzir uzeti i izjave koje se ne tiču izravno raz-
doblja o kojem je riječ, ali se tiču bosansko-hercegovačkog
sukoba, kao i izjave i strategije koje se uopće ne tiču bosan-
sko-hercegovačkog sukoba; no, najvažnije, moramo tako-
đer uzeti u obzir djelovanja pojedinih aktera. Drugim rije-
čima, kada o nekom razdoblju ne možemo steći jasnu sliku
samo na temelju iskaza, zbog toga što su oni ili proturječni,
ili su nepoduprti dokumentarnom evidencijom, ili su više-
značni, onda trebamo manje vremena trošiti na razmišlja-
nje o onome što je rečeno, a više na razmišljanje o onome
što je učinjeno. To je glavna značajka moga pristupa. No,
prije nego što dam svoje objašnjenje, dat ću nekoliko ilu-
stracija kontroverze oko razdoblja od 22-23. veljače, dana
Lisabonskog sastanka, do 18. ožujka 1992., dana u kojem
je u Sarajevu, u stožeru UNPROFOR-a, između Izetbego-
vića, Karadžića i Bobana postignut sporazum o deklaraciji
o ustavnim načelima republike. Glede temeljnih činjenica
68
o ovome razdoblju, potrebno je reći sljedeće: u Lisabonu je

23. veljače održan sastanak na kojem su se predstavnici
nacionalnih stranaka, uključujući Izetbegovića, dogovo-
rili oko ustavnih načela reorganizacije Bosne i Hercego-
vine. Nije jasno da li su oni potpisali neki dokument. No,
pristanak na predloženu Lisabonsku Izjavu o ustavnim
načelima jasno je indiciran (možda naprosto usmenom
izjavom, ili parafiranjem dokumenta). Također, svima su
prezentirane početne mape teritorijalne podijele Bosne
i Hercegovine, za koju je ipak predloženo da nastane po-
stojati kao neovisna, konfederalna, ili federalna, država.
Načelno, srpskome kantonu dodijeljeno je 44% terito-
rije, a Hrvatima i Muslimanima zajednički 56%, što znači
da prijedlozi mapa nisu bili dovršeni. Nakon povratka
u Sarajevo, Izetbegović počinje kritizirati Lisabonsku
‘platformu.’ Čini se da on svoj pristanak povlači (Glenny
1993, str. 167; Klemenčič 2010, str. 171). Dva dana ka-
snije, 25. veljače on se susreće s američkim veleposlani-
kom Zimmermannom, koji se istoga dana susreće s Ka-
radžićem (Zimmermann 1996, str.189-190). Ne znamo
točno što je Zimmermann tada rekao Izetbegoviću, a što
ovaj njemu. Nakon Izetbegovićeva izraženog oklijevanja,
na sastanku održanom početkom ožujka 1992. godine u
Bruxelles-u, i srpski predstavnici odbacuju Cutilheirov,
odnosno Lisabonski plan. Na sastanku u Sarajevu, 16. i
18. ožujka, u stožeru UNPROFOR-a, predstavnici naci-
onalnih zajednica potpisuju ponovno jedan dokument
koji se načelno podudara sa Lisabonskim, dokument/
deklaraciju o ustavnim načelima republike, a Karadžić
kaže da je to „veliki dan za Bosnu i Hercegovinu“ (Binder
1993); poslije manje od tjedan dana, Izetbegović povlači
svoj potpis, a njegov primjer odmah slijedi i Mate Bo-
69
Dražen Pehar
ban, tadašnji predstavnik Hrvata u Bosni i Hercegovini

(Klemenčič 2010, str. 171).16
Jože Pirjevec, slovenski povjesničar post-jugoslavenskih
ratova, tvrdi da je Izetbegović mišljenje o Lisabonsko/sa-
rajevskom planu promijenio pod utjecajem veleposlanika
Zimmermanna (preneseno u Klemenčič 2010, str. 172). Zi-
mmermann je Izetbegovića potaknuo da se odupre i srp-
skom i europskom pritisku. Danielle Sremac slaže se s tim
mišljenjem (Sremac 1999, str. 92), a sa Sremac se slaže i
Jeanne M. Haskin. Haskin naglašava:
„ona [Sremac] je, međutim, posve u pravu kada tvrdi
da je Predsjednik Izetbegović bio taj koji se odrekao
Lisabonskog sporazuma, te da je on to učinio uz po-
dršku američkog veleposlanika W. Zimmermanna.
To je, kako ona kaže, ‘uspostavilo jedan obrazac koji
se nastavio tijekom cijeloga rata, jer Washington će
svako malo blokirati europske diplomatske inicija-
tive.’“ (Haskin 2006, str. 63)
16 Na sjednici Predsjedništva SRBiH, sa oporbenim strankama, održanoj 26.

ožujka 1992. godine, Nenad Kecmanović, član oporbene Stranke reformista,
sljedećim se riječima obraća Predsjedništvu: „Zato bih ja podsjetio na činje-
nicu da je ova eskalacija krize u BiH praktično počela nakon ovog dogovora u
Konaku, odnosno onoga što je došlo poslije toga. Ne znam kako će ovi prego-
varači krajem nedjelje g. Kutiljeru iz EZ pogledati uopšte u oči, znate. Pazite, to
je skandalozna stvar; tri, trojke ozbiljnih ljudi, punoljetnih itd., koji pretenduju
da predstavljaju tri naroda i jednu čitavu Republiku, državu itd., da se nađu,
dogovore, da poslije toga izlože javnosti direktno u kameru da su se složili, čak
svako kaže da mu odgovara to što je, da njegovoj strani čak posebno odgovara
to što je dogovoreno, to odjekne kao jedna pozitivna senzacija i u Republici i
u Jugoslaviji u Europi i svijetu itd., ne prođe nekoliko dana, ti isti ljudi u iste te
kamere kažu da to uopšte ne valja i da to njima baš posebno ne odgovara. A
pazite, to je taj stepen neozbiljnosti da me ni najmanje ne čudi da su se građani
nakon toga našli u čudu i u još većem strahu itd. I u još većoj neizvjesnosti. Ja
ne znam kako će sad sa tim pregovaračem uopšte neko dalje moći da vodi raz-
govore na nivou međunarodne zajednice itd.“ (NSF 2006a, str. 122)
70
Upravo zbog potpunog fokusa na Zimmermannov sa-

stanak s Izetbegovićevim, kontroverza oko razdoblja ‘ve-
ljača-ožujak 1992.’ vrtjet će se oko problema pronalaženja,
razumijevanja i tumačenja Zimmermannovih riječi upuće-
nih Izetbegoviću na sastanku održanom 25. veljače 1992. I
upravo zbog toga, kontroverza dobiva prividni izgled ner-
ješivoga problema. Naime, kako dokumenata ‘o riječima’
nema, ili su zaštićeni provizijom tajnosti i povjerljivosti,
jedna se historiografska kontroverza nastoji razriješiti na
osnovi apriornog povjerenja u dobronamjernost američke
diplomacije, i apriorne predodžbe o karakteru Alije Izetbe-
govića.
Tako Silber i Little, primjerice, prihvaćaju apriornu i
empirijskim dokazima nepoduprtu predodžbu o dobro-
namjernosti američke diplomacije i posebnom karakteru
Izetbegovića, predodžbu koju iskazuju na sljedeći način:
„Odmah su se pojavile priče o razlozima zbog kojih
je bosanski predsjednik promijenio svoje mišljenje.
No, takvo ponašanje, koje je vjerojatno rezultat jed-
noga desetljeća provedenog u zatvoru, ipak je bilo za
njega tipično: Izetbegović se podjednako lako pri-
klanjao jednome argumentu, kao i drugome. Kasnije
su se pojavili navodi da ga je Warren Zimmermann,
američki veleposlanik u Jugoslaviji, potaknuo da se
odrekne spomenutog sporazuma. Međutim, Zim-
mermann, snažni branitelj ljudskih prava, zaprimio
je instrukcije da podupre svaki sporazum što ga po-
stignu tri strane. On je rekao da je Izetbegoviću sa-
vjetovao da, ukoliko je potonji preuzeo neku obvezu,
on bi tu obvezu trebao i ispuniti“ (Silber, Little 1996,
str. 219-220).
71
Dražen Pehar
Dakle, Zimmermann nije savjetovao Izetbegovića da se

odrekne sporazuma, zato što je Zimmerman dobronamje-
ran, zato što on kaže tako, i zato što je Izetbegović proveo
cijelo jedno desetljeće u zatvoru. Kao objašnjenje, Silber/
Little narativ ne čini se nimalo uvjerljivim.
Zanimljivo je da, prema Zimmermannovoj verziji, iako
se ona načelno slaže sa Silber/Little verzijom, ključne riječi
(„ukoliko je potonji preuzeo neku obvezu, on bi tu obvezu
trebao i ispuniti“) ne glase onako kako ih prenose Silber i
Little. U stvari, postoje, kod samoga Zimmermanna, dvije
verzije (to je vrlo čudno jer je o tome sastanku trebao biti
sastavljen memorandum, s preciznom rečenicom, i poslan u
američko Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova). Prema jednoj, on
je Izetbegoviću, nakon što se ovaj požalio da su ga Europljani
prisilili da prihvati Lisabonski plan o podijeli, naprosto re-
kao: „ako ti se [plan] nije sviđao, zašto ga potpisati?“ (citirao
Binder 1993). Drugim riječima, ova rečenica može konoti-
rati i kritiku plana i potpisa. Ona kao da predstavlja jednu
tvrdnju („kada ti se plan ne sviđa, onda ga ne potpisuješ.“) u
obliku retoričkog pitanja. Kasnije, u svojoj knjizi memoara,
Zimmermann će na drugačiji način prenijeti svoje riječi:
„Pitao sam Izetbegovića zašto se u Lisabonu suglasio
sa kompromisima koje sada kritizira. On mi je rekao
da su ga druge strane, uključujući Cutiliera, priti-
snule, pa je osjećao da mora popustiti. Nakon što se
vratio u Sarajevo, njegovi su mu muslimanski prija-
telji predbacivali zbog slabosti. Sada, nije znao što či-
niti. Polazeći od instrukcija [iz State Department-a]
da podržim sve ono što bi bilo izrađeno kroz suradnju
Europske Zajednice i tri bosanske strane, potaknuo
sam Izetbegovića da se drži onoga sa čim se suglasio.
72
Rekao sam mu, nije riječ o konačnom sporazumu, i

bit će u budućnosti prilika da se argumentima bori za
svoja stajališta“ (Zimmermann 1996, str. 190).
Dakle, u ovoj verziji, Zimmermanove riječi sugeriraju da
je ono sa čim se Izetbegović suglasio bilo vrijedno (‘kompro-
misi’), te da je stoga Izetbegovićeva naknadna kritika kom-
promisa (bila) upitna.
Također je zanimljivo da se Zimmermannova prva ver-
zija prvi put pojavljuje u jednome značajnom članku Da-
vida Bindera, objavljenom 29. kolovoza 1993. u The New
York Times, pod znakovitim naslovom „Američki tvorci
politike prema Bosni priznaju da su, za vrijeme suprotstav-
ljanja podijeli 1992. godine, počinjene pogreške.“ Članak
ima znatnu težinu upravo zbog toga što se u njemu izra-
žavaju stajališta barem nekih novih tvoraca nove američke
politike prema Bosni i Hercegovini (možda iz Clintonove
administracije). U tome članku značajna je i jedna Zim-
mermannova izjava (kasnije ponovljena u njegovim me-
moarima) koja zvuči kao kritika Izetbegovićeva odbijanja
Lisabonskog plana, kritika pod utjecajem možda naknadne
pameti, a koja glasi: „Retrospektivno gledano, Lisabonski
sporazum uopće nije bio loš“ (navod u Binder 1993). No,
članak također prenosi riječi jednog neimenovanog duž-
nosnika iz američkoga Ministarstva vanjskih poslova, u
vrijeme administracije Georgea Busha Starijeg:
„‘Politika [američka, pred priznanje Bosne i Hercego-
vine] sastojala se u tome da se Izetbegovića potakne
da se odrekne plana podijele,’ rekao je jedan visoko
rangirani dužnosnik iz Ministarstva vanjskih po-
slova, koji je tražio da ostane neimenovan. ‘Ta poli-
tika nije bila stavljena na papir. Mi smo ga informirali
73
Dražen Pehar
da ćemo podržati njegovu [Izetbegovićevu] Vladu u

Ujedinjenim Narodima ukoliko ih snađu nevolje. No,
nije bilo garancija jer Baker nije vjerovao da će se ne-
volje zbilja dogoditi’“ (Binder 1993).
Naravno, Zimmermann je kasnije porekao da je on
igrao bilo kakvu ulogu u informiranju Izetbegovića o ta-
kvoj američkoj politici.
Ipak, za sada je bjelodano da postoje dvije ključne ne-
logičnosti koje naprosto bodu u oči. Prvo, zašto Zimmer-
mann osjeća potrebu da tada, u kolovozu 1993., naglasi, ili
istakne, da Lisabonski plan uopće nije bio loš? Ukoliko je,
prema njegovim riječima, to već bila politika SAD prema
bosansko-hercegovačkim stranama tijekom veljače i ožujka
1992. godine, politika koja je i formalno priopćena Izetbe-
goviću, onda Lisabonski plan, za SAD, naprosto nije loš niti
tijekom veljače 1992. godine, pa je čudno da, gledano iz
retrospektive, to mora biti naglašeno u kolovozu 1993. go-
dine. Drugo, ukoliko je američka politika prema Lisabon-
skom sporazumu bila pozitivna već u veljači 1992. godine,
zašto tadašnja američka podrška tom sporazumu nije javno
i glasno objavljena, a posebno, zašto SAD nisu operaciona-
lizirale svoj stav u smislu javne i snažne obrane tog spora-
zuma, kao i javne osude politike onih lokalnih strana koje
su se, poput Izetbegovića, kolebale? Drugim riječima, ima-
jući u vidu nedostatak nekih činjenica, odnosno prisutnost
nekih drugih, kao što je otvoreno i najavljeno američko,
zajedno s europskim, priznanje Bosne i Hercegovine, na-
kon nedovoljno legitimnog bosansko-hercegovačkog refe-
renduma za neovisnost održanog 29. veljače i 01. ožujka
1992., čini se da teza o američkom pozitivnom stavu prema
Lisabonskom planu izgleda, u najmanju ruku, spornom.
74
No, trebamo poslušati još jedan glas, glas samoga Izetbe-

govića. Upravo nam taj glas može dati bitne signale o tome
gdje možemo potražiti putokaz za razrješenje ove duboke i
zamršene historiografske kontroverze. U svojoj knjizi me-
moara, Izetbegović prenosi jedan intervju koji je 19. srpnja
2000. dao američkom novinaru Alanu Kupermanu.17 Na
pitanje „Zašto se u dva maha činilo da ste prihvatili Cutili-
erov plan u februaru i martu 1992., da biste ga u oba slučaja
nakon toga odbili?“, Izetbegović odgovara:
„Morate imati u vidu dvije činjenice: prvo, mi smo sve
vrijeme pregovarali pod prijetnjom agresije i, drugo,
u pregovorima nismo bili jednaki. Srbi su pregovarali
sa pozicija snage, jer su iza sebe imali armiju (JNA),
koja je po brojnosti i opremi tada bila četvrta vojna
snaga u Evropi. U takvoj situaciji mi nismo mogli za-
uzimati čvrste i odlučne stavove, morali smo taktizi-
rati, da bismo pronašli kakvo-takvo rješenje i izbjegli
sukob i da bi se dobilo na vremenu. Na Lisabonskom
sastanku (21. i 22. februar 1992.), a ni na Briselskom
(7. i 8. mart 1992.) nije bilo ništa potpisano. Posto-
jale su samo moje izjave da podržavam proces pre-
govaranja i da se nadam pozitivnom ishodu. Nisam
ja odbacio Cutilierov plan nego Srbi. Oni su to učinili
odmah nakon Briselskog sastanka, a zatim odbijanje
definitivno potvrdili na sjednici njihove tadašnje na-
rodne skupštine, 11. marta 1992. U međuvremenu,
između Lisabonskog i Briselskog sastanka, mi smo
održali referendum o nezavisnosti“ (Izetbegović
2005, str. 111).
17 Kuperman je danas predavač iz međunarodne politike na Sveučilištu Texas (SAD).
75
Dražen Pehar
Nakon toga, Kuperman postavlja sljedeće pitanje: „Šta

ste očekivali da će se dogoditi ako Bosna objavi nezavi-
snost?“ Izetbegović odgovara: „Očekivao sam da će me-
đunarodna zajednica nakon referenduma priznati nezavi-
snost Bosne i da će stati u odbranu države koju je priznala“
(Izetbegović, ibid.) Na Kupermanovo izričito pitanje je li
njemu, Izetbegoviću, netko, uključujući veleposlanika Zi-
mmermanna, sugerirao da će Zapad, ili međunarodna za-
jednica braniti Bosnu, nakon međunarodnog priznanja,
Izetbegović odgovara: „Niko mi od zapadnih diplomata,
uključujući i g. Zimmermanna, nije ništa u tom smislu su-
gerirao ni obećao“ (Izetbegović 2005, str. 112).
Osim posljednje rečenice, koja će uskoro biti objašnjena,
glavna je poruka svih ostalih rečenica vrlo jasna. Izetbego-
vić u ovome intervjuu zapravo priznaje da se on, tijekom
veljače i ožujka 1992., spremao za rat, te da je živio pod
dojmom da je već tada za njega rat počeo. Pregovore, Lisa-
bonske, Briselske, i Sarajevske, shvatio je samo kao kupo-
vinu vremena, kao razdoblje namjernog ‘stvaranja magle’
koja će mu omogućiti da realizira svoj plan „referendum,
nezavisnost, međunarodno priznanje, obrana Bosne i Her-
cegovine od agresije.“ Pregovori, u Izetbegovićevim očima,
nisu bili usmjereni na pronalaženje iskrenog i trajnog rje-
šenja, nego na preživljavanje i pravilno eksploatiranje raz-
doblja tijekom kojega je bilo potrebno pojačati realnu moć
njegove strane, pojačati intenzitet sile koja njemu, a pro-
tiv Srba, stoji na raspolaganju.18 Izetbegović jasno sugerira
18 Znakovito je da Izetbegović, u jednom intervjuu iz srpnja 1992., na slje-

deći način opisuje Lisabonske pregovore i plan pod posredovanjem Cutiliera
(Izetbegović 2004, str. 207): „Nadali smo se da će Cutiliero, kad sam napravi
demografske karte shvatiti da je kantonizacija neprimjenjiva u takvoj izmi-
ješanosti. Primjenjujući čak i većinski princip, uvijek je preko polovine sva-
kog od tri naroda ostajalo izvan matičnog kantona – ali se, kako smo se mi
76
da je on izabrao strategiju višeznačnosti, dvosmislenosti,19

kojom se nastojalo održati trenutnu pat-poziciju sve do
onoga trenutka kada će njegova strana steći najmanje pa-
ritet sile u odnosu na srpsku stranu. Da li mu je netko, s
američke strane, nešto obećao? Bez obzira kako odgovo-
rili na to pitanje, najpametnija istraživačka strategija, kako
sam već naglasio, jest ona koja je uglavnom usredotočena
na realna djelovanja političkih aktera i u njihovu svijetlu
tumači eventualno višeznačne, ili čak proturječne, izjave
što ih dotični akteri daju.
Prvo, počevši od međunarodnog priznanja, Izetbego-
vićev najglasniji zahtjev, prema međunarodnoj zajednici,
glasi: ukinite embargo na uvoz naoružanja, ili se suprotsta-
vite, sukladno povelji UN, agresiji jedne susjedne države na
Bosnu i Hercegovinu! Taj zahtjev biva ponavljan stotinama
puta tijekom rata u Bosni i Hercegovini (NSF 2006b, str.
265-264; Izetbegović 2004, str. 210 i 232; Izetbegović 1996,
str. 27, i tako dalje). Izetbegović se, prema Karadžiću, po-
nadali, Cutiliero nije zaustavio. Zato smo se mi zaustavili. Međutim, tada je

Karadžić uzeo stvar u svoje ruke.“ Drugim riječima, on ovdje priznaje da je,
nakon oklijevanja, odbacio Cutilierov plan; njegova izjava također dodjeljuje
Cutilheiru i Karadžiću slične i paralelne uloge – Karadžić nastavlja ono što je
Cutilheiro započeo. To ujedno implicira da je Cutilheiro nastojao pregovorima
postići ono što je Karadžić odlučio pokušati postići ratom i agresijom. I ovdje
vidimo kako Izetbegović mirovne pregovore prezentira, opisuje, u terminima
rata; vojni povjesničar Gow (1997, str. 83), u tonu sličnom Izetbegovićevom,
opisuje Lisabonske pregovore kao kasniju verziju francusko-britanskog popu-
štanja Hitleru u Münchenu 1938. oko Sudetske Oblasti i Čehoslovačke; zbog
razloga koje ovdje ne mogu elaborirati, snažno se protivim ovakvoj Gow-ovoj
uporabi povijesne analogije „Münchena 1938.“ u ovome kontekstu.
19 Zanimljivo je da 25. veljače 1992., na zatvorenoj sjednici Glavnog Odbora
Stranke Demokratske Akcije, tri dana nakon Lisabonskih pregovora, Izetbe-
gović i članovima Odbora upućuje jednu proturječnu poruku: a. da je delega-
cija SDA u Lisabonu rekla da „u ponuđenom papiru vidi samo srpski prijedlog
preveden na engleski“; b. da je ista delegacija (kako Izetbegović kaže, „zbog
hrvatskog elementa“) dala „uvjetni pristanak“ na Lisabonski sporazum (Izetbe-
govićeva izjava prenesena u Hećimović 2008, str. 31 i 32).
77
Dražen Pehar
stavlja kao da mu kaže: radi ti sada na terenu što hoćeš, a

ja ću do svojega cilja doći kroz UN čiji je Bosna i Hercego-
vina novi član!20 On potom, sve do prosinca 1992. godine,
prekida svoje pregovore s Karadžićem naprosto stoga što
je on sada Predsjednik jedne suverene države21 koja svoja
temeljna prava traži preko Povelje UN. Drugo, već u trav-
nju 1992. godine Izetbegović počinje zastupati ne samo
narativ o međunarodnoj agresiji, nego i narativ o genocidu
(NSF 2006a, str. 170). To nam kazuje jednu važnu stvar:
iako rat počinje u trenutku kada Izetbegović raspolaže za-
nemarivom vojnom efektivom, on očekuje da će, upravo
zbog članstva u UN, njegova moć u bliskoj budućnosti, da-
kle, njegova projicirana moć, znatno porasti. I upravo zbog
toga on ne traži dugoročno, kompromisno rješenje – on
očekuje da će mu vojna sila, koju će uskoro dobiti, omogu-
ćiti da diktira diplomatsko rješenje bosansko-hercegovač-
kog konflikta. S druge strane, kakvo je djelovanje SAD-a
tijekom prve godine rata?
Ono se može, bez dilema, okarakterizirati kao simbo-
ličko savezništvo s Alijom Izetbegovićem. Od velikih sila,
jedino SAD, sve do početka sukoba između hrvatskih i
bošnjačko-muslimanskih snaga, formalno zastupaju stav
o međunarodnoj agresiji Srbije na Bosnu i Hercegovinu,
te zagovaraju ukidanje embarga i ograničenu vojnu inter-
venciju. I Britanija i Francuska i Rusija zastupaju stav o
20 Ustvari, on je tako nešto i rekao za vrijeme gostovanja trojice stranačkih
lidera, njega, Karadžića, i Kljujića, na JUTEL-u, na prvu godišnjicu obnašanja
nove, post-komunističke bosansko-hercegovačke vlasti, u prosincu 1991. ili si-
ječnju 1992. Nažalost, zbog loše tehničke opremljenosti, Arhiva RTV Doma u
Sarajevu ne posjeduje snimke te emisije.
21 Iako je, zapravo, samo Predsjednik kolektivnog predsjedništva Bosne i Her-
cegovine; također, treba imati na umu da je, zbog mnogo razloga, uključujući i
nužnost rotacije na čelu kolektivnog Predsjedništva Republike Bosne i Herce-
govine, Izetbegovićevo obnašanje te dužnosti, tijekom cijeloga rata, u ustavno-
pravnome smislu sporno.
78
‘građanskome ratu.’ Misha Glenny daje vrlo sažeti prikaz

međunarodnih odnosa tijekom prve godine rata u Bosni i
Hercegovini:
“Britanci i Francuzi smatrali su da je rat u Bosni građan-
ski rat, prvo i prije svega, rat koji je izazvan raspadom
ustavnog konsenzusa u Bosni. U SAD, taj je problem
shvaćen na drugačiji način. Rat je predstavljao izravnu
agresiju jedne države, Srbije, na drugu, Bosnu i Herce-
govinu (uloga bosanskih Hrvata, ili Hrvatske, naprosto
nije uzeta u razmatranje, a ta je činjenica prouzročila
potpunu zbrku u odjelima za vijesti u američkim tiskov-
nim medijima kada je sukob Hrvata i Muslimana počeo
izmicati kontroli u proljeće 1993.). Pitanje je, stoga, bilo
kako odbiti Srbe i poslati ih natrag u njihovu republiku,
onako kako su Amerikanci istjerali Iračane iz Kuvajta
1991. To je bio početak ozbiljnog diplomatskog kon-
flikta između SAD, s jedne strane, i Europe, i UN/EZ
konferencije o Jugoslaviji, s druge“ (Glenny 1993, str.
222-223).
No, možemo zastupati još i jaču tezu o američkom sim-

boličkom savezništvu s Alijom Izetbegovićem u smislu da
se SAD, premda pristaju na ruski plan o zaštićenim zo-
nama iz 1993., a nakon prethodnog vrlo štetnog oponira-
nja Vance-Owenovom mirovnom planu22 (na osnovi neu-
temeljene optužbe da taj plan predstavlja strategiju ‘appe-
asement-a’, zadovoljavanja agresora kroz neki vid nagrade,
prema paradigmi predaje Čehoslovačke Hitleru Minhen-
22 Jedno poglavlje knjige memoara Davida Owena (1995), Balkanska Odiseja,

nosi vrlo eksplicitan naslov: ‘Kako su SAD pokopale Vance-Owenov mirovni
plan;’ Gow (1997, str. 232-248) nudi detaljnu analizu koja podupire hipotezu o
američkom ‘pokapanju’ Vance-Owenovog plana.
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Dražen Pehar
skim sporazumom), sve do početka 1994. drže Izetbego-

vićevog narativa o obrani multietničke države od vanjske
agresije koja djeluje preko unutarnje pobune iredentistič-
kih, nacionalističkih i nacističkih snaga. Ovako je, počet-
kom 1994. godine, prenesena zabrinutost Michaela Stei-
nera, njemačkog veleposlanika koji je u to vrijeme djelovao
u okviru Međunarodne konferencije o bivšoj Jugoslaviji, a
kasnije, tijekom 1996. i 1997., služio kao Zamjenik Visokog
Predstavnika u BiH:
[Steiner] „je vrlo zabrinut zbog nedostatka objektiv-
nost i razumijevanja konteksta i povijesti kod ame-
ričke strane. On je mnogo vremena potrošio poku-
šavajući uvjeriti Oxmana [američki pregovarač] da
u Bosni postoje tri naroda, a ne samo Muslimani i
jedna zbirka ‘manjina.’ SAD sebe još uvijek vide u
ulozi zaštitnika Muslimana, dok drugi moraju samo
slušati njihovu volju. Steiner je zabrinut da se europ-
ski glas jednostavno neće čuti“ (navod u Campbell
1998, str. 150).
Prema tome, ne znamo što je Zimmermann točno pri-

općio Izetbegoviću tijekom veljače, ili ožujka, 1992. godine,
no, ta nam spoznaja za plauzibilnu sliku nije niti potrebna.
Fokusiramo li se na djelovanja, jasno je da je Izetbegović
očekivao da će dobiti znatnu vojnu pomoć, kroz meha-
nizme UN, da mu je to olakšalo odluku da prihvati ratnu
opciju, i jasno je da se američki vanjsko-politički narativ o
bosansko-hercegovačkome sukobu, sve do početka 1994.
godine, u bitnome ne razlikuje od Izetbegovićevog. Ne
znamo, dakle, što je Zimmerman točno rekao Izetbego-
viću, no znamo da, štogod je on rekao, Izetbegović je to
doživio kao sukladno svojim interesima koje je, već u ve-
80
ljači i ožujku 1992., bio nedvojbeno spreman braniti pri-

marno oružanim sredstvima. Je li Izetbegovićev doživljaj
Zimmermannovih riječi,23 gledano iz perspektive njihova
realnog semantičkog sadržaja, bio dovoljno utemeljen?
I to je vrlo vjerojatno, imajući u vidu karakter američkog
vanjsko-političkog narativa o Bosni i Hercegovini tijekom
1992. i 1993. Naravno, budući da je tadašnja, prijeratna,
američka podrška Izetbegoviću značila unilateralnu po-
dršku jednoj strani koja se sprema za rat, pa je stoga tako-
đer značila američku potporu iniciranju jednoga procesa
koji je izrazito dubiozan i u moralnom i u političkom i u
diplomatskom smislu, ta je podrška vjerojatno bila ver-
balizirana u obliku dvosmislene, ili vrlo općenite, izjave
koja nije mogla biti stavljena na papir.24 Također, jasno je
23 Gow (1997, str. 88), pozivajući se na razgovor sa Zimmermannom, tvrdi da
je Zimmermann „savjetovao Izetbegovića da, ukoliko mu se zaista nije dopa-
dao taj sporazum, nije ga trebao potpisati.“ Gow (ibid.) dodaje da je američki
veleposlanik otvoreno sugerirao Izetbegoviću da se drži svoje ‘savjesti’ i onih
koji su ga politički podržavali [u Bosni i Hercegovini], ali da to nije značilo da
će SAD, „u slučaju katastrofe“, dati potporu Izetbegoviću; na istome mjestu
Gow izražava mišljenje da je takav američki stav predstavljao dijelom i rezultat
intenzivnog lobiranja muslimansko-bošnjačkih lobista, H. Silajdžića i M. Šaći-
rbegovića, kasnijih ministara vanjskih poslova Republike Bosne i Hercegovine,
u SAD početkom 1992.
24 Za takvo što postoje i povijesni presedani: prisjetimo se afere Veleposlanice
SAD u Iraku April Glaspie koja se, prije Sadam Huseinove invazije na Kuvajt,
25. srpnja 1990., odazvala njegovu osobnom zahtjevu za sastankom (time je
signalizirana izvanredna važnost susreta za Sadama); na sastanku ona je Sa-
dama obavijestila o američkom mišljenju o teritorijalnom sporu između Iraka
i Kuvajta. Glaspie je dobila vrlo općenite i višeznačne instrukcije iz Washin-
gtona (‘SAD se ne miješaju u teritorijalne sporove arapskih zemalja, ali pre-
feriraju mirno rješenje konflikata’) koje je ona jednostavno prenijela Sadamu;
on je pak smatrao da poruku američke Vlade može interpretirati kao davanje
‘žutoga svijetla’ za početak njegove vojne operacije protiv Kuvajta (O tome vidi
The New York Times, 23. rujan 1990); za sličan kasniji primjer američke uporabe
višeznačnosti u moralno spornome kontekstu, vidi Pehar (2005b); zanimljivo
je, također, da je Miloševićeva ofenziva protiv snaga KLA (Oslobodilačke Voj-
ske Kosova), 28. veljače 1998., uslijedila nakon što je 23. veljače 1998., Gelbard,
američki izaslanik, nakon sastanka s Miloševićem javno okvalificirao KLA kao
‘terorističku organizaciju’, o čemu vidi Petritsch, Kaser, Pichler (1999, str. 211).
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Dražen Pehar
da, kasnije, zbog dinamike razvoja rata u Bosni i Herce-

govini, i karaktera njegova završetka, Izetbegović naprosto
nije mogao priznati da mu je Zimmermann na početku
1992 sugerirao da će Zapad, ili barem SAD, aktivno bra-
niti Bosnu i Hercegovinu, ili omogućiti, ili pomoći, njenu
vojnu obranu. Priznati takvo što značilo bi ujedno priznati
vlastitu naivnost, ili neodgovornost i nemoralnost, u naj-
manju ruku, ali bi i impliciralo jednu politički neugodnu
poruku – da je država, koja je Bosni donijela mir koncem
1995. u Daytonu, dala značajan doprinos i početku rata u
Bosni i Hercegovini, njenoj unutarnjoj dezintegraciji i stra-
danju, pa su stoga i njene miro-tvoračke nakane u nekoj
mjeri sumnjive. No, zanimljivo je da je Izetbegović to ipak,
na posredan način, priznao 23. srpnja 1993., u intervjuu za
Le Figaro. Tu Izetbegović kaže (Izetbegović 2004, str. 296):
„Na Zapadu neprestano govorite kako se ne želite miješati
u naše probleme. Ali ste intervenirali protiv nas u ovom
ratu, i to na tragičan način.“ Upitan „kako?“, on odgovara:
„Sa embargom na oružje. To je bilo fatalno za nas. Niste
izvršili vaš zadatak. Niste branili vaše principe. Niste dr-
žali vaša obećanja [kurziv Pehar].“25 Na sljedeće pitanje Le
Figaro-a, „kome najviše zamjera?“, on nedvosmisleno od-
govara: „Europi i Americi.“
25 Ne smijemo zaboraviti da je kasnije sam Zimmermann dao otkaz u američ-

kome Ministarstvu vanjskih poslova dijelom i kao izraz prosvjeda protiv ame-
ričke politike u Bosni (Silber, Little, str. 220); on za taj otkaz nije imao razloga niti
pod pretpostavkom da je početna američka politika prema Bosni bila neutralna,
niti pod pretpostavkom da je početna američka politika prema Bosni podržavala
neku vrstu unutarnje, dogovorene podijele suverenosti – njegov je otkaz smislen
jedino pod pretpostavkom da je početna, ili obećana, američka politika prema
Bosni bila pro-izetbegovićevska, i da se ta politika kasnije promijenila.
82
Dediskurzacija
Š
to je dediskurzacija? Sam fenomen, odnosno proces
dediskurzacije nije tematiziran u postojećoj litera-
turi posvećenoj pitanjima rata i mira. No, taj je fe-
nomen jednostavan i neporeciv. Za svaku odluku za rat,
koja je zapravo, s jedne strane, odluka da se sa suprotstav-
ljenom stranom prestane pregovarati, a s druge, odluka
da se komunikacija sa tom stranom nastavi u obliku upo-
rabe sredstava prisile, odnosno oružanih sredstava, nužno
je da se ukine vjerovanje (time i volja) da će sa dotičnom
stranom biti moguće doći do sporazuma putem isključivo
mirne i racionalne uporabe verbalnih sredstava. Drugim
riječima, da bi došlo do rata, jedna, ili obje strane moraju
prestati vjerovati u smislenost nastavka komunikacije u
smislu oslanjanja isključivo na verbalna sredstva, na je-
zik/diskurs kao medij pregovaranja i potencijalno sredstvo
mirotvorstva. Zamislimo li da je svako ljudsko biće iznu-
tra podijeljeno na dvije komponente, jednu koju možemo
nazvati ens loquens (‘biće koje govori, rabi jezik’), i drugu
koju možemo nazvati ens belli (‘biće rata’), jasno je da je,
za početak rata, nužno da se prva komponenta reducira
blizu minimuma, a druga da naraste i postane dominan-
tna. Naravno, nijedna se od te dvije komponente nikada ne
gubi u potpunosti. Povratak pregovorima uvijek je moguć,
a nitko od nas nije toliko glup da bi se zauvijek odrekao
sredstava prisile, barem zbog samo-obrane. U toj se reduk-
ciji komponente govorećega bića, bića koje sebe primarno
83
Dražen Pehar
doživljava kao komunikatora, kao teoretičara i govornika,

u uvjetima političkog konflikta, sastoji fenomen, odnosno
proces dediskurzacije.
Smatram da je teorija dediskurzacije zapravo dio
zdravo-razumske slike o uzrocima rata i nasilja. Ona je,
primjerice, već implicitna u Clausewitzevoj definiciji rata
kao nastavka politike drugim sredstvima. Da bi se odlučilo
koristiti ‘druga sredstva’, potrebno je izgubiti vjeru, ili volju,
da se koriste ‘prva sredstva’, sredstva mirne i mirotvorne
politike, a ta su sredstva naprosto riječi i rečenice, jezik,
kojima se, u razdobljima mira, nastoji djelovati na svog po-
litičkog partnera, ili riješiti probleme koji se mogu poja-
viti u situaciji konflikta političkih ciljeva. Također, mnoge
teorije nasilja, primjerice ona Tochova, oslanjaju se na
zdravo-razumsku pretpostavku dediskurzacije. Toch opi-
suje pojavu nasilja, između američke policije i uglavnom
afro-američkih građana, u terminima dediskurzacije, kao
nešto što se javlja onda kada u dotičnim stranama pone-
stane volje da se o problemima samo razgovara, ili kada
se u njima javlja vjerovanje da se razgovor, razmjena samo
verbalnih poruka, neće ili ne može isplatiti (Toch 1978, str.
153-186). Teorija je dediskurzacije također implicite sadr-
žana u jednome bitnom obilježju kojim se tradicionalno
opisuje razlika između civilizacije i barbarstva. Naime, još
je starogrčki zemljopisac i povjesničar Strabon naglasio da
je voditi rat barbarskije nego rješavati sukobe pregovorima
(prema Todorov 2010, str. 43). Odnosno, rješavanje sukoba
pregovorima izraz je civiliziranosti i stoga ono implicira je-
dan viši stupanj razvoja ljudskoga bića, stupanj u kojemu se
ljudsko biće prema sebi odnosi kao, prije svega, korisniku
jezika, onome koji se i prema sebi i prema drugima pri-
marno odnosi na način racionalnoga dijaloga. To, također,
84
implicira da dediskurzacija znači, za ljudska bića, regresiju,

pad u pred-moderna, ili necivilizirana, vremena u kojima
se odluka o prekidu komunikacije, i oslanjanju na sredstva
oružanoga sukoba, lako donosila.
Usko vezano uz to, lako se može primijetiti da neka vrsta
kulturne matrice može unaprijed preuzeti funkciju genera-
tora dediskurzacije. Vi se možete roditi u nekoj zajednici u
kojoj se uzima zdravo za gotovo preferiranje oslanjanja na
nasilje, u odnosu na vjerovanje da je upotreba jezika, i trajna
komunikacija posvećena rješavanju društvenih i političkih
problema, uvijek smislena, i bolja od pozivanja na oružje;
u takvoj se zajednici takvo preferiranje podrazumijeva. Di-
jelom to važi i za kontekst post-jugoslavenskih ratova. Pri-
sjetimo se česte srpske mitologeme: „Srbi su uvijek gubili u
miru ono što su dobivali u ratu.“26 Ili, prisjetimo se također
Izetbegovićeve izjave da „Muslimanima oružje nije strana
stvar,“ izjave koja jedan nacionalni identitet usko vezuje uz
posjedovanje oružja, koja, dakle, u potpunosti militarizira
takav identitet. Naravno, ratnički mentalitet, ili kultura mi-
litarizma, nikada nisu samo-regenerirajući. Njihovo održa-
vanje i širenje ovisi o volji pojedinaca da uvijek iznova re-
konstituiraju i podržavaju taj mentalitet i kulturu.
No, postoji još jedan dodatni, i važniji, fenomen koji
očevidno djeluje u pravcu dediskurzacije. Naime, jedna od
strana u političkome konfliktu (A) može sam jezik koristiti
na jedan način koji kod druge strane (B) generira oprav-
dano vjerovanje da, s prethodnom stranom, A, nije mo-
guće djelovati na način ens loquens, da A koristi jezik na
jedan način koji indicira da, za A, uporaba jezika u cilju
26 Za iscrpnu i plauzibilnu analizu takve, i sličnih mitologema, kao kompo-
nenti srpskog političkog etno-mita, to jest, kulturne matrice koja dominira
javnim političkim diskursom, vidi Čolović (2002, posebno str. 5-79).
85
Dražen Pehar
razrješenja političkih problema i konflikata nije pravi cilj,

da ona nije dovoljno ozbiljna i smislena. A na B djeluje tako
da, kod same B, dolazi do drastičnog umanjenja vjerovanja
da A i B mogu svoje nesuglasice, i konflikte, razriješiti u
mediju jezika. Anatol je Rapoport bio jedan od rijetkih teo-
retičara konflikta, i razrješavanja konflikta, koji je tu činje-
nicu vrlo jasno uočio i opisao. Naime, Rapoport se bavio
karakterom unutar-političkog dijaloga i debate, u SAD, o
poželjnim načinima odnošenja prema glavnom hladno-ra-
tovskom rivalu, Sovjetskom Savezu. On je primjetio da, u
tom dijalogu, postoje dvije strane, jedna koju je on zvao
‘zastupnicima savjesti’ i druga koju je on zvao ‘zastupni-
cima strategije.’ Prvi vjeruju u mogućnost etičke debate,
odnosno dijaloga koji treba zadovoljiti sljedeća tri uvjeta:
„1. sposobnost i volja svakoga sudionika debate da pozi-
ciju oponenta izloži na način koji zadovoljava samoga opo-
nenta (tzv. razmjena uloga);
2. sposobnost i volja svakoga sudionika da izloži uvjete
pod kojima je pozicija oponenta valjana, ili posjeduje vri-
jednost (priznanje da svaka pozicija posjeduje neku do-
menu valjanosti.);
3. sposobnost i volja svakoga oponenta da pretpostavi
da je, u mnogim aspektima, oponent poput njega samoga;
to jest, da postoji zajednička osnovica na kojoj oponenti
dijele neke zajedničke vrijednosti, te da je svaki svjestan
te zajedničke osnovice, i, možda, okolnosti koje su navele
oponenta da prihvati poziciju koju zastupa (empatija)“ (Ra-
poport 1967, str. 79-80).
Također, prema Rapoportu, ‘zastupnici savjesti’ kori-

ste jezik na način koji podupire i zadovoljava tri navedena
uvjeta. No, ‘zastupnici strategije’ odbacuju treći uvjet i ko-
86
riste jezik na način koji zadovoljava samo prva dva uvjeta.

Rapoport se u jednome trenutku zapitao je li moguć iskren
i plodotvoran dijalog između ‘zastupnika savjesti’ i ‘zastu-
pnika strategije.’ On je na to pitanje odgovorio negativno
(Rapoport 1967, str. 96). Dijalog između te dvije strane nije
moguć upravo zbog toga što ‘zastupnici strategije’ ne vje-
ruju u zajedničku osnovicu i zajedničke vrijednosti, pa je
stoga njihova uporaba jezika, koji počiva i na zajedničkoj
osnovici i na zajedničkim vrijednostima koje oni pak ne
priznaju, hinjena, a ne iskrena. Oni na ‘zastupnike savjesti’
djeluju kao generator dediskurzacije, tako da ‘zastupnici
savjesti’ prestaju vjerovati da se njihovo ens loquens, u od-
nosu sa ‘zastupnicima strategije,’ može realizirati, odnosno
počinju vjerovati da se njihovo ens belli mora realizirati.
Drugim riječima, između ‘zastupnika savjesti’ i ‘zastupnika
strategije’ prekid je dijaloga neizbježan, a rat je vrlo vjero-
jatan. Prema tome, početke i uzroke rata možemo plodo-
tvorno analizirati u terminima odnosa prema jeziku. Naš
odnos prema jeziku, to jest, naš odnos prema sebi samima
kao bićima definiranima sposobnošću uporabe jezika,
odredit će, u bitnome, iako ne posve, i pojavu i karakter
rata. Ukoliko se, prema drugome, u jezičnome mediju od-
nosimo tako da se iza naših riječi i rečenica može prepo-
znati naša temeljna racionalnost i etičnost, šanse za poče-
tak rata drastično su smanjene, ako ne i posve otklonjene.27
Glavni elementi te racionalnosti i etičnosti jesu istinolju-
bivost/iskrenost, koherentnost, sposobnost obrazlaga-
nja i identificiranja razloga koje stoje iza iskaza drugoga,
te stalna otvorenost za nastavak komunikacije, odnosno,
27 Naravno, ova tvrdnja počiva na pretpostavci o identičnom i simetričnom

odnosu svih strana, u jednome političkom procesu, prema jeziku i prema Dru-
gome kao jezičnom biću.
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Dražen Pehar
stalno iskazivanje i poticanje očekivanja da će uvijek posto-

jati nešto zbog čega vrijedi nastaviti razgovor.28
Kako nam teorija dediskurzacije može pomoći u razu-
mijevanju političkog odlučivanja i djelovanja Alije Izetbe-
govića? Na mnogo načina. Prvo, prisjetimo se onoga što
smo definirali kao Izetbegovićevu ideju o antinomičnosti
političkih pojava i procesa, koja se nevjerojatno često mani-
festirala u njegovoj masivnoj upotrebi, i prihvaćanju, kon-
tradikcija. Ta je ideja, kao i masivna upotreba kontradik-
cija, na Izetbegovićeve sugovornike, uključujući i političke
protivnike, djelovala kao generator dediskurzacije. Drugim
riječima, suočeni s Izetbegovićevim odnosom prema je-
ziku, stjecali ste vjerovanje da se vaše vlastito ens loquens, u
odnosu prema njemu, neće moći realizirati. Izetbegovićeva
upotreba njegovog vlastitog ens loquens bilo je takva da je
kod njegovih sugovornika stvarala vjerovanje da njemu sa-
mome njegov ens loquens nije bitan, te da je odnos prema
njemu pametnije graditi na temelju pretpostavke da će ens
belli vrlo vjerojatno nadjačati ens loquens. To je rezulti-
ralo ne samo vjerovanjem da je dolaženje do sporazuma
o miru, u partnerstvu s Izetbegovićevim, izuzetno teško i
malo vjerojatno, nego da, i kada bi se nekakav sporazum
formulirao, to Izetbegovića ne bi u dovoljnoj mjeri obve-
zivalo. Nedvojbeno je to bilo ključnom posljedicom nje-
govog ‘hoću-neću’ odnosa prema Lisabonskom i Sarajev-
skom mirovnom planu, njegovog i pozitivnog i negativnog
odnosa prema ‘kompromisu sa Srbima’ tijekom 1991., kao i
njegovog zazivanja ‘građanske republike’ uz jednovremeno
zazivanje ‘muslimanske većine’ u Bosni i Hercegovini. Nje-
gove kontradikcije djelovale su tako da su njegovi sugovor-
28 Pehar (2005a), treći dio, izlaže jednu aksiologiju diskursa bitnu za odnos prema
višeznačnostima mirovnih sporazuma, polazeći upravo od tih elemenata.
88
nici prestajali vjerovati u njegovu logičnost, prihvaćajući

drugu mogućnost, da njegove kontradikcije predstavljaju
dokaz ne samo intelektualne nepostojanosti nego i manjka
osobnog, političkog i moralnog, integriteta.29
Naravno, proturječnosti nisu jedini bitan činitelj. Usre-
dotočimo li se na činjenicu njegova čestog odbijanja pre-
govora pod izlikom da su pozicije toliko udaljene da pre-
govori neće uspjeti, ta se činjenica može razumjeti jedino
u svijetlu fenomena dediskurzacije. On je, zbog te izlike,
postajao ‘zastupnikom strategije’, u Rapoportovoj termi-
nologiji; on je, kroz tu izliku, nijekao ne samo svoju spo-
sobnost izlaganja razloga za svoje pozicije, nego je također
nijekao smislenost svojega suočavanja sa razlozima koje bi
ponudili drugi. Ljudi, kod kojih je komponenta ens loquens
dominantna, nikada neće odbiti mogućnost pregovaranja
zbog ‘udaljenih pozicija.’ Oni će, upravo zbog te udaljeno-
sti, odlučiti izložiti svoje razloge za te pozicije i, tijekom
zajedničke diskusije, ispitat će težinu i snagu tih ‘udaljenih’
razloga. Zapravo, sama ‘udaljenost pozicija’, za one koji vole
komunicirati i raspravljati, predstavlja poseban izazov koji
govori u prilog, a ne protiv, pregovaranja. Udaljenost pozi-
cija indicira neke posebne razloge za udaljene pozicije, koje
je razloge normalno poželjeti čuti, pojasniti i usporediti, a
kako to učiniti ako ne putem izravnih pregovora? Dakle,
sam Izetbegovićev odnos prema jeziku bio je takav da se,
kroz njegovu uporabu jezika, nije mogla razaznati jedna
načelna racionalnost i etičnost. On je djelovao na druge
29 Gojko Berić, dugogodišnji komentator sarajevskog Oslobođenja, u knjizi Pi-

sma nebeskom narodu, na sljedeći je način iskazao svoj ključni dojam o Izetbe-
goviću: „Iskreno govoreći, čini mi se da je lakše golim rukama hvatati jegulje u
rukavcima na ušću Neretve u Jadransko more nego se baviti političkim i inte-
lektualnim profilom Alije Izetbegovića“ (preneseno u sarajevski tjednik Start,
21. listopad 2003., str. 21); vidi također Komšić (2006, str. 330).
89
Dražen Pehar
kao generator dediskurzacije, samim tim kao nepokole-

bivo spreman za početak oružanoga sukoba.
Važno je primijetiti još nešto. Izetbegovićeve kontradik-
cije, i ‘hoću-neću’ (odnosno ‘Bih-ne-bih’30) odnos prema
pregovorima i pregovaranju, djelovali su, prije svega, kao
generator dediskurzacije; no, one su na njegove političke
sugovornike djelovale na još jedan način. Ljudi spontano
primjenjuju ‘načelo milosrđa’ na iskaze drugih ljudi – to
znači da oni nastoje racionalizirati i iskaze koji su na prvi
pogled iracionalni, odnosno, proturječni. Dakle, Izetbego-
vićevi sugovornici uvijek su nastojali, na ovaj ili onaj način,
eliminirati jedan od Izetbegovićeva dva međusobno pro-
turječna iskaza. No, u uvjetima konflikta, ljudi će prirodno
i uvijek računati na goru mogućnost. To znači da je bilo
sasvim normalno da, u razdoblju bosansko-hercegovačke
krize, Izetbegovićevi sugovornici, i iz SDS i iz HDZ, formi-
raju jednu sliku njegove politike koja je, za njih, bila nepo-
voljna, odnosno u skladu s onom Izetbegovićevom tezom
koja je bila neuskladiva s njihovim interesima. Praktički
govoreći, oni nisu vjerovali u Izetbegovićevu tezu o ‘gra-
đanskoj republici’ niti u tezu o ‘kompromisu sa Srbima.’
Oni su vjerovali u tezu o ‘muslimanskoj većini,’ i o ‘Musli-
manima koji oružjem brane nedjeljivost Bosne (to jest, ci-
jelu Bosnu).’ Druge Izetbegovićeve teze, koje su sadržajem
bile manje ratoborne, objašnjene su kao izraz njegova na-
stojanja da zamagli svoje više ratoborne stavove, odnosno,
da stvori neku pretpostavku za svoju kasniju obranu svoje
tobožnje miroljubivosti ili načelne dobronamjernosti. Dru-
gim riječima, njegovi su ga politički sugovornici sasvim
30 Ovo je, naravno, ujedno ‘kreativna dvosmislica’, ono što se na engleskom

zove ‘pun.’
90
opravdano doživljavali kao prijetvornoga i neiskrenoga.

Sukladno tome, tijekom veljače i ožujka 1992. predstav-
nici su Srba Izetbegovićeve kontradiktorne stavove prema
Lisabonskom i Sarajevskom mirovnom planu shvatili kao
njegov iskaz odbijanja tih planova, kao iskaz odluke za rat
koju, zbog prijetvornosti, nije mogao izravno i bez susteza-
nja priopćiti.
Primijetimo, također, da fenomen dediskurzacije, sa

Izetbegovićevim mnogobrojnim prilozima širenju tog fe-
nomena, stoji u izravnoj svezi sa svim Izetbegovićevim
ključnim, strateškim političkim vjerovanjima. ‘Sila iznad
i prije pregovaranja’ savršeno se slaže s Izetbegovićevom
upotrebom jezika koja je generirala dediskurzaciju. ‘Rat
i mir’, odnosno Izetbegovićeva nesposobnost da misli ra-
zliku između rata i mira, nalazi svoj refleks, i potvrdu, i u
Izetbegoviću kao generatoru dediskurzacije – Izetbegović
kao generator dediskurzacije neuskladiv je sa ljudskim bi-
ćem za koje se ključno obilježje miroljubivog stava nalazi u
iskrenoj i etičnoj upotrebi jezika i komunikaciji, za kojega
je, dakle, mir, kao jasno razlikovljiv od rata, moguć. Izetbe-
govićeva ‘država kao naredbodavac’ ne obrazlaže, ona na-
ređuje, dakle reducira jezik na sredstvo prisile i zapovije-
danja s kojim dijalog, i upućivanje na razloge, nisu mogući;
također, jedino podijeljena suverenost, i politička plural-
nost uopće, traži stalno dogovaranje, stalno oslanjanje na
racionalne, iskrene i moralne oblike jezičke komunikacije.
I to stoji u savršenom skladu s Izetbegovićevom uporabom
jezika kao isključivo sredstva rata, ili političke borbe, kao
faktora dediskurzacije, a ne kao sredstva sporazumijevanja
i zajedničke potrage za mirotvornim kompromisom.
91
Dražen Pehar
Zaključak
(hipoteza o metafizičko-traumatskom
sindromu zatočeništva)
D
akle, sve u svemu, u ovome su ogledu predložene,
i raspoloživim empirijskim dokazima branjene,
sljedeće teze:
1. Izetbegovićeva odluka za rat nedvosmisleno je verba-
lizirana već 10. siječnja 1992. On je tada, na sjednici Pred-
sjedništva Bosne i Hercegovine, izrazio volju da se upo-
trebe sredstva oružane prisile protiv srpskih ‘pobunjenika’
koje je opisao i kao ‘naciste.’ Tada je također iskazao stav da
ne bi bilo smisleno nastaviti iskrenu i otvorenu komunika-
ciju između legalnih i legitimnih političkih predstavnika,
samo verbalnim sredstvima; iskazao je načelan stav protiv
smislenosti pregovora i ničim nije pokazao da o političkim
problemima Bosne i Hercegovine razmišlja u terminima
‘kompromisa.’
2. Njegov istup 10. siječnja 1992. proizlazi iz njegovih
ključnih političkih vjerovanja. Ta vjerovanja, njegova stra-
teška i dugotrajna vjerovanja, tvore trajni sklop iz kojeg je
proisteklo i njegovo djelovanje od 10. siječnja 1992.
3. U sebi je riješio problem ‘disbalansa u naoružanju’
tako što je, tijekom veljače i ožujka 1992., a nakon razgo-
vora s američkim veleposlanikom Zimmermannom, for-
mirao vjerovanje o skorom narastanju vojne moći kojom
raspolaže. U isto vrijeme, njegov ‘pokret ka ratu’ događa se
u kontekstu njegova odbijanja Lisabonskog kompromisa.
Drugim riječima, Izetbegović daje prilog početku rata u
92
Bosni i Hercegovini i ‘kritikom’ Lisabonskog (i Sarajevskog)

kompromisa. Zanimljivo je da rat u Bosni i Hercegovini
završava Izetbegovićevim prihvaćanjem Daytonskog kom-
promisa koji se načelno ne razlikuje od Lisabonskog. Jedini
način da se objasni ta na prvi pogled paradoksalna činje-
nica, da se rat priprema odbacivanjem kompromisa koji,
poslije skoro četverogodišnjeg rata, biva prihvaćen, sastoji
se, prvo, u prepoznavanju činjenice da se, na početku rata,
Izetbegovićev optimalni politički cilj sastojao ili u porazu
srpske strane, ili u vojnoj kontroli što većeg dijela bosan-
sko-hercegovačke teritorije; i drugo, u prepoznavanju či-
njenice da se Izetbegović prema Daytonskom mirovnom
sporazumu odnosio na način koji nam ne dopušta ustvrditi
da on iskreno, na duži rok, prihvaća taj sporazum i, u duhu
dobre vjere, radi na njegovoj implementaciji. Mnogo je pla-
uzibilnija teza da je on Daytonski sporazum shvatio samo
kao nastavak rata ‘drugim sredstvima.’
4. Iako je, tijekom veljače i ožujka 1992., za sebe riješio
problem disbalansa u naoružanju, na druge je, posebno u
tom razdoblju, a u velikoj mjeri i ranije, djelovao kao ge-
nerator dediskurzacije koji kod drugih generira opravdano
vjerovanje da će politička kriza, i konflikti, biti rješivi samo
oružanim sredstvima. To širenje fenomena dediskurzacije
njemu samome, naravno, ne smeta. Zapravo, na jedan pri-
vidno čudan način, pomaže mu. Reakcije drugih, nemi-
novno negativne i konfliktne, utvrđuju ga u njegovu vje-
rovanju da je njegova odluka za rat ispravna i da se glavna
odgovornost za početak rata može pripisati drugima, ali
ne i njemu. (Nesumnjivo je da je Izetbegovićev doprinos
dediskurzaciji nastavljen i u post-Daytonskom razdoblju.
Opet predvidljivo, u Republici Srpskoj njegove su protu-
slovne izjave o Daytonskom mirovnom sporazumu protu-
93
Dražen Pehar
mačene kao iskaz njegove loše prikrivene namjere da sruši

i Republiku Srpsku i Daytonski mirovni sporazum. To ta-
kođer implicira da će se u Bosni i Hercegovini neizvjesnost
i nestabilnost nastaviti sve dok budu postojali oni koji će
željeti ponavljati njegove riječi bilo zbog odanosti, ili nekog
osjećanja duga, bilo zbog iskrenog vjerovanja, ili pak samo
propagandnog efekta.)
Imajući u vidu sve navedene činjenice o Aliji Izetbego-

viću, je li danas moguće zamišljati neke ‘alternative povi-
jesti’ ratne i poslijeratne Bosne i Hercegovine, neke tokove
povijesti koji su bili mogući, ali su nažalost propušteni i
ostali neostvareni? To je teško pitanje na koje nije moguće
dati jasan, historiografski informiran odgovor. Mogući su
samo naslućivanja, spekulacije, i možda beskorisne intelek-
tualne vježbe. No, upravo zbog fukoovske ‘strategije proble-
matizacije,’ takvim je spekulacijama poželjno posvetiti nešto
vremena. Primjerice, moguće je zamisliti da je Izetbegović,
čak i u svijetlu svih njegovih ključnih, strateških političkih
vjerovanja, mogao donijeti neke drugačije odluke. Mogao
je vjerovati da se superiornost Islama može dokazivati na
neki drugačiji način, a ne na način sporne bosansko-herce-
govačke ‘muslimanske većine’ ili rata ‘protiv podijele Bosne.’
Mogao je iskreno prihvatiti Lisabonski mirovni plan, a onda
prema post-Lisabonskom miru zauzeti stav kao da je riječ o
nekoj vrsti političkog i intelektualnog rata. Također, mogao
je ne povjerovati da će, pred međunarodnom javnošću, moći
jednoznačno obraniti svoj narativ o agresiji susjedne države
na Bosnu i Hercegovinu – njegovi su vojni protivnici, u či-
sto pravnome smislu, branili ‘Srpsku republiku BiH.’ Sve te
alternativne mogućnosti impliciraju sliku Izetbegovića koji,
u svijetlu svojih strateških vjerovanja, ostaje za sebe racio-
nalan, ali i postaje, za nas, u nekome stupnju racionalniji.
94
No, postoji i određeni način razmišljanja o Izetbegoviću

koji implicira da je on samo donio odluke koje je i morao
donijeti, da ih nije mogao izbjeći. Taj način razmišljanja,
kojeg ovdje predlažem samo u obliku spekulativne hipo-
teze, također implicira da je Izetbegović, u svijetlu svojih
strateških vjerovanja, za sebe racionalni politički djelatnik,
premda se ‘mi’ (oni koji vjeruju u pregovaranje, izbjegavaju
dediskurzaciju, i smatraju da se politički problemi moraju
rješavati racionalnom razmjenom verbalnih poruka, u
duhu zajedničke i kreativne potrage za najboljim kompro-
misom, to jest, ‘zastupnici savjesti’) ne slažemo s njim i nje-
govu racionalnost odbacujemo kao nedovoljnu, ne-etičnu,
ne-miroljubivu i ne-modernu. Taj način razmišljanja po-
lazi od slike o Izetbegoviću kao neprekidnome zatočeniku,
kao onome koji se nikada ne oslobađa metafizičkog, i trau-
matskog, sindroma zatočeništva.31 Nije samo riječ o tome
da Izetbegović nosi traumu zbog patnji u zatvoru;32 riječ
je o tome da on, i prije zatvora, svijet doživljava kao jednu
vrstu zatvora. Primjerice, čitate li zaključno poglavlje nje-
31 Takvu nam sliku omogućuje tek Foucault-ovo (1977, posebno str. 25-30)
teoretiziranje zatvora kao disciplinarnog režima koji u tijelo upisuje odnose
moći koji konstituiraju novu, modernu ‘dušu’ kao efekt društvenog znanja/
nadzora/moći; takvo teoretiziranje zamjenjuje tradicionalnu sliku ‘tijela kao
zatvora duše’ invertnom slikom „duše kao zatvora tijela“, ili preciznije, „duše
kao efekta i instrumenta jedne političke anatomije“ (Foucault 1977, str. 30).
32 Primjerice, u Izetbegović (2004, str. 98), on se prisjeća kako je jedan uprav-
nik zatvora jednome zatočeniku, koji je silovao vlastitu kćer, uputio sljedeće
riječi: “Ti si najgori, ali su od tebe još gori politički zatvorenici.” Nemoguće je to
ne doživjeti kao svoje totalno poniženje, svoju potpunu de-humanizaciju. No,
zanimljivo je da Izetbegović (1997, str. 139-140) svoje iskustvo zatvora opisuje
i sljedećim riječima: “Ja sam tako saznao priču o svakom od tih ubica, jer sam
proveo šest godina na robiji. U mnogim slučajevima i ja bih postupio kako su
oni postupili. Tako da, kad gledamo na te ljude odavde iz civilstva, gledamo
stvari crno-bijelo. To su za nas kriminalci i ništa više. Kad se radi o lopovima,
ne znam kakav je to svijet. Ali, kad je riječ o ubicama, to je jedan poseban soj
ljudi. Na neki način zločinci, na neki način karakterni i čestiti ljudi koji nisu
mogli da otrpe uvredu ili neku nepravdu, neki zulum.”
95
Dražen Pehar
gove knjige Islam između Istoka i Zapada, o ‘predanosti’ i

‘predavanju’ (što je vjerojatno najbolji hrvatski prijevod za
imenicu ‘Islam’), ubrzo ćete razumjeti da Izetbegović svi-
jet poima kao neku vrstu proširenog zatvora. Za čovjeka
koji živi u svijetu, volja je izrazito ograničena, a sudbina je
ogromna. Najbolje što čovjek može učiniti jest da prihvati
prst Sudbine, da naprosto izdrži nalete patnji i nepravdi, jer
to je Alahova volja.
No, još zanimljivije, primijetit ćemo da, tijekom njegova
aktivnog bavljenja politikom, Izetbegović svako malo iden-
tificira neku novu nepravdu koju on, paradoksalno, svojim
činjenjem ili ne-činjenjem dijelom i sam stvara. Kada Srbi,
u siječnju 1992. ‘šire svoju kuću na štetu drugih stanara,’
Izetbegović kaže da je to nepravda. Na nepravdu odgovara
ratom. No, oružje tek treba pronaći. On traži podizanje
embarga. Ne dobiva ga između ostaloga i zbog toga što ne
uspijeva, i načelno ne može, obraniti svoj narativ o pravu
Bosne i Hercegovine, kao ‘suverene’ države-članice UN, da
se brani od izvanjske agresije. To je za Izetbegovića nova
nepravda. Traži vojnu intervenciju. Ne dobiva ju. I to je
nova nepravda. Izetbegović kaže da je to, bitnim dijelom,
određeno činjenicom da su, u Bosni i Hercegovini, Musli-
mani žrtve; kada bi Muslimani bili agresori, a kršćani žrtve,
Zapad bi sigurno reagirao i intervenirao vojnim sredstvima
(Izetbegović 2004, str. 298). Na svaki mirovni sporazum
Izetbegović reagira riječima ‘ovo je nepravedni mir.’ Na
koncu, on i prihvaća jedan sporazum, jedan nepravedni
mir jer i takav je mir, Izetbegović tada kaže, bolji od rata.
Komšić, u svojoj knjizi memoara, opisuje sljedeću situaciju
doživljenu vjerojatno 18. kolovoza 1993., u Ženevi (Komšić
2006, str. 232):
96
„Kada smo u Ženevi sjedili zajedno, u jednom trenutku,

Izetbegović je rekao: što sam ja bogu kriv da sve ovo
podnosim? Možda on nije bio svjestan što je izgovo-
rio. Ja jesam. Odmah sam mu odgovorio: predsjedniče,
mora da ste zbog nečeg krivi; nemojte me pogrešno ra-
zumjeti, o vama imam takvo mišljenje da vam ovo mogu
reći. – On je šutio faraonskom mudrošću. Gledao je u
mene netremice. Pogled mu ni tada nije bio tužan.“
No, prema Islamu, pojedinac na pitanje o vlastitoj kri-

vici nikada ne može dobiti odgovor. Njegovo je da situaciju
nevolje i nepravde prihvaća; on postavlja pitanje o smislu
te nevolje i nepravde, ali podrazumijeva se da na to pitanje
neće dobiti odgovor. Bog mu odgovor neće dati, niti je pravi
smisao njegova postojanja u tome da odgovor na to pitanje
pronađe. Pravi smisao njegova postojanja sastoji se upravo
u tome da se tragediji ‘preda’, da ostane upitan, to jest, da ne
nastoji dodatno elaborirati to pitanje i postupno formuli-
rati odgovor; smisao se sastoji u tome da on tragediju shvati
kao nešto čime Bog iskušava njegovu vjeru, kao nešto iza
čega stoji neko njemu nepoznato X koje samo Bogu može
biti poznato. Drugim riječima, kada se Izetbegović nalazi
u situaciji ekstremne neugode, patnje ili nepravde, upravo
je tada mogućnost njegova samo-dokazivanja sposobnosti
predavanja, dakle, pravoga Islama, najveća. Upravo tada on
na nešto što ne može razumjeti, niti opravdati, može rea-
girati kao da je riječ o situaciji u kojoj od Boga uzaludno
traži odgovor na pitanje o svojoj krivici, pitanje iza kojega
ne slijedi odgovor nego stanje ‘predanosti’ koja ne nadilazi,
nego potvrđuje i produbljuje, stanje upitanosti i upitnosti.
Nije riječ o nečemu čime ga Bog kažnjava, ili čime se
eventualno dokazuje, ili pokazuje, njegova krivica, nego
97
Dražen Pehar
je riječ o nečemu čime ga Bog iskušava, nečemu što će za

trenutak poljuljati njegovu vjeru, a onda ju obnoviti i još
više ojačati kroz iskustvo jedne ‘granične situacije’ u kojoj
se također može iskusiti vlastita sloboda u vidu „slaganja sa
sudbinom.“ Sveukupno, to znači da, kada Izetbegović nešto
označuje kao veliku nepravdu, to je za njega, prije svega, i
posve bizarno, pozitivna stvar. Javlja se neka vrsta mazo-
hističkog stava – nanosim si bol, ili prihvaćam bol, jer mi
osjećaj slobode, da to samome sebi činim, ili da bol mogu
prihvatiti, pričinjava zadovoljstvo. Drugim riječima, dobro
je biti u zatvoru-univerzumu jer patnja poziva na ‘preda-
vanje’, i dobro je biti u zatvoru-društvu jer politička patnja
poziva na političko predavanje. Čovjek-rob robuje u za-
tvoru-univerzumu, robuje bez cilja i smisla, a zatvor-uni-
verzum nema obzira prema njegovim potrebama, idejama,
riječima;33 ipak, i za to, i upravo zbog toga, treba zahvaliti
Alahu. Čovjek-rob robuje u političkome univerzumu, i nje-
govo nije da taj univerzum objasni i podvrgne racionalnoj
kontroli, nego da se dovede u ‘granične situacije’ u kojima
će njegova vjera biti poljuljana, a onda obnovljena i još više
osnažena. Nesumnjivo, Izetbegović iz takvih situacija iz-
vlači za sebe maksimalni emotivni profit, doživljava vrhu-
nac svoje unutarnje emotivne ekonomije.
Što to točno znači? To znači da se Izetbegović prema

političkim problemima nije odnosio na normalan način.
33 Slavno, Aristotel je definirao roba kao ‘oruđe koje govori’; implicite, nije
bitno što rob govori jer njegov se govor u bitnome ne broji – govor se ovdje
uzima samo kao njegova prirodna, a ne humana ili moralna karakteristika koja
bi trebala jamčiti racionalnost izjednačivu s onom robovlasnika. Rob, dakle,
nije ens loquens.
Također, primijetit ćemo da je komunistički (i nacistički) zatvor jedino mjesto
na kojem je država u potpunosti nastupala na način ‘naredbodavca.’
98
Normalan odnos podrazumijeva želju da se problem riješi,

da ga se analizira i razumije kako bi se nestabilnost, inhe-
rentna svakoj problematičnoj situaciji, mogla pretvoriti u
relativnu stabilnost kroz neku aktivnu verbalnu, ili intelek-
tualnu, ‘intervenciju.’ Dakle, normalan rad na problemu im-
plicira potrebu povećanja prilagodljivosti između čovjeka i
njegove okoline, ili između neke skupine i drugih skupina.
Izetbegovićev ‘maksimalni emotivni profit’ bio je izvlačen
ne iz situacije rješavanja problema, nego upravo iz situacije
njegova nerješavanja, njegova produbljivanja i produža-
vanja. Jedino je iz situacije maksimalne neprilagođenosti,
i neprilagodljivosti, Izetzbegović mogao izvući osjećaj da
ga Bog iskušava, i da se on, kroz obnovljenu vjeru, svome
Bogu mora predati. Je li to iracionalno? Za Izetbegovića
nije, no, za nas jeste.
Jedna ključna posljedica slijedi iz takvog razumijevanja
Izetbegovićeve osobnosti. Iz kuta ‘strategije problematiza-
cije’, ne možemo zamisliti ‘alternativnu povijest’ ukoliko
se držimo Izetbegovića kao osobe sa metafizičkim sindro-
mom zatočeništva, osobe obilježene jednom posebnom
vrstom emotivne ekonomije. Mogli bismo zamisliti neku
alternativnu povijest samo pod pretpostavkom zamišljanja
nekog političkog djelatnika sa drugačijom vrstom emotivne
ekonomije, koja na drugačiji način usmjerava ona strateška
politička vjerovanja koja smo identificirali i kod Izetbego-
vića. Izetbegovićeva emotivna ekonomija nije uskladiva s
idejom zajedničke političke racionalnosti koja omogućuje
komunikaciju i između skupina čiji su interesi privremeno
suprotstavljeni, na isti način na koji ‘etika’ mazohiste nije
uskladiva s općim moralnim načelima, posebno zlatnim
pravilom „ne čini drugome ono za što smatraš da on ne bi
trebao činiti tebi.“
99
Dražen Pehar
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105
Dražen Pehar
Sažetak
O
slanjajući se isključivo na povijesne dokumente,
i sredstva zdravo-razumske diskurzivno-polito-
loške analize, ovaj ogled razvija i obrazlaže hi-
potezu da, za početak oružanoga sukoba u Bosni i Herce-
govini, u usporedbi s vodećim predstavnicima hrvatskog
i srpskog naroda tijekom relevantnog razdoblja, Alija
Izetbegović, neupitni lider Muslimana-Bošnjaka, snosi, u
najmanju ruku, podjednaku odgovornost. Ogled također
nudi detaljnu analizu Izetbegovićevih ključnih, strateških
političkih vjerovanja u svijetlu kojih njegovo preferiranje
oslanjanja na oružana sredstva ‘rješavanja’ političkih su-
koba, u odnosu na politiku pregovaranja, racionalne argu-
mentacije, i kompromisa, postaje objašnjivo i razumljivo.
Ovdje se također razmatra, propituje i problematizira
uloga američke diplomacije u kritičnome razdoblju od Li-
sabonskih pregovora (veljača 1992.) do kraja ožujka 1992.
i početka rata u Bosni i Hercegovini. Posljednje se poglav-
lje usredotočuje na jednu posebnu crtu Alije Izetbegovića,
kao komunikatora i pregovarača, crtu koju je moguće ana-
lizirati i protumačiti jedino iz kuta ‘teorije dediskurzacije’
kao važnoga elementa racionalističkoga modela istraži-
vanja uzroka rata i mira. Na koncu, ukratko su izložene
pretpostavke pod kojima bi se moglo suvislo razmišljati o
tako-zvanim ‘propuštenim mogućnostima,’ i ‘potencijalnoj
i alternativnoj povijesti,’ u kontekstu Izetbegovićevog po-
litičkog odlučivanja u razdoblju neposredno pred početak
rata u Bosni i Hercegovini.
106
Ključne riječi: rat u Bosni i Hercegovini; uzroci rata;

Alija Izetbegović; američka diplomacija; pregovaranje; po-
litičko odlučivanje.
107
AP, Dušan Stojanović, 2. rujna 1993.
An advice to the reader
T
his book is a result of my long-term research into
political agency and discourse of Alija Izebego-
vić, an indisputable war- and post-war leader of
the Bosniak-Moslems of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The book
attempts to explain the key features of Izetbegović’s politi-
cal discourse, including the consequences of such features
within a context of actual political agency, having in mind
the following two criteria: the criterion of scholarly pro-
ductiveness of such an explanation within the frame of the
peace and war theory, and the theory of the causes of war
in particular; and the criterion of its political convenience
in the sense of an explanation that may contribute towards
an elaboration of clear and adequate politics within the po-
litical landscape of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the politics that
should be, on the one hand, more responsible to the Other
and, on the other, characterised by a peace-making poten-
tial to a greater extent than is the case today.
I have attempted not to write a book that would amount
exclusively to a kind of historiography. The book is in-
tended as an interdisciplinary analysis that does its best to
transform some decisions made in the recent past into a
valuable lesson for future generations. Its key focus is also
on Izetbegović’s political beliefs and on his style of com-
munication that reflects an implicit ethical attitude to
discourse, that is, to human being as a user of language.
There cannot be a recipe-like guide for an analysis of the
109
Dražen Pehar
two crucial factors. There are some methodologies, for ex-

ample, ‘content analysis;’ however, I deliberately avoided
employing such methodologies in order to make the book
more, not less, transparent to the reader. As to the episte-
mological assumptions of my analysis, the reader should
form a clear view of those by reading the brief chapter on
epistemological assumptions. To the reader who is not in-
terested in such assumptions, or in a more abstract theory,
I suggest to skip the chapter.
The reader should also have in mind that my analysis
is driven by an important moral impulse, not only by my
scholarly or political ideas and concerns. It was some years
ago that I started being increasingly interested in the ques-
tion of what actually happened with my vote for the in-
dependence of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the vote I cast during
the pro-independence referendum held in late February,
early March 1992. My vote, and I am very certain about
this, was not intended as a vote in favour of a start of the
war in Bosnia-Herzegovina; however, it was somehow ex-
ploited in a way which led directly to the start of the armed
conflict. Despite the fact that the exploitation of the vote,
or perhaps of several millions of votes, is not something I
can be held responsible for, I suffer even today a kind of
guilt conscience because the item that was exploited in the
particular fashion was my own vote, the vote I gave readily.
Such an ‘ethics of the care of oneself’ (epimeleia heautoy, in
classical Greek, or cura sui, in Latin), analysed in more de-
tail by Michel Foucault in his Hermeneutics of the Self, is to
a large degree co-responsible for production of this book.
The ethics of the kind is also responsible for my decision to
add to my book a part on ‘alternative flows of history’, on
‘the opportunities one missed in a historical sense.’ I hope
110
that this aspect of the book, which comes to the fore espe-
cially in the Conclusion, will have a cathartic effect on at
least some readers.
The reader should also be aware of the fact that the
chapters of the book are put together in the way they are
for a good reason; essentially, at the very start I had in my
mind a reader who ought to pass through the whole work
with a relative ease. Hence the book opens with an episode
from history, a session of the former Presidency of Repub-
lic of Bosnia-Herzegovina. A detailed analysis of political
beliefs of Alija Izetbegović is offered to the reader in the
third chapter which is relatively long and demanding in the
theoretical sense. However, the reader is expected to find a
respite in reading the chapter on a mysterious meeting be-
tween the last American Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Zim-
merman, and Izetbegović. For those who are especially
interested in the role of international community, or the
EU or the USA, in Bosnia-Herzegovina, or in international
relations and politics for that matter, it is actually advisable
to start reading this book by reading the chapter on Zim-
mermann.
The last chapter, on Dediscoursation, has its origins in
my more attentive and detailed focus on a special trait of
Alija Izetbegović as a communicator, a trait I was able to
elucidate only by giving a brief outline of an innovative ad-
dition to contemporary theory of the causes of war. Hence,
to the analysts of political communication, as well as to
those whose primary interest is in the theory of war, or in
the theory of the causes of war, the last chapter may be the
most interesting and appealing one. Also, my suggestion to
the reader is not to interpret all the parts of the Conclusion
as a kind of secured and fully corroborated inference. A
111
Dražen Pehar
part of the conclusion is presented in the form of a hypoth-

esis, the form in which my creative scholarly imagination
flies very freely; though the part may initially seem pretty
plausible, here it is not buttressed by unambiguous empiri-
cal evidence. Also, as in the conclusion I address the notion
of Islam, the reader should be beforehand warned that I do
not focus on Islam in general, but only on “Islam” of Alija
Izetbegović. I am fully confident that many Moslems would
disagree with his version of Islam, but many are, I admit,
following it. Perhaps the wisest thing to do is to leave this
topic to the followers of Qur’an, that is, Islam.
Lastly, there are few serious, scholarly, or theoretical
studies of Alija Izetbegović, so regrettably few that one can
count them by a single hand. There is one study of a book-
length in English; it is a Master’s thesis submitted in 2009
at the University of Missouri-Saint Loius (USA): by Jason
Carson “’A leader despite himself?’ An analysis of the states-
manship of Alija Izetbegović, 1990-2000. Bat Ye’or, Alan J.
Kuperman (who has read the English version of this book),
and John Schindler have published essays on Izetbegović.
This exhausts the relevant sources, when one intelligently
put aside some psychological profiles of Izetbegović that
intelligence agencies have perhaps drawn for their own use
and eyes only, and/or commissioned, well-paid, and ex-
tremely biased ‘characterologies’ such as one by Bernard-
Henri Lévy. In such a sense, it is my hope that this book
would somehow manage to inspire and encourage some
scholars to do a productive and innovative research into
various aspects of Izetbegović’s political reasoning, com-
municating, or acting.
Dr Dražen Pehar
(Mostar, August 2011)
112
Alija Izetbegović and the

war in Bosnia-Herzegovina
T
he problem of the causes of war in Bosnia-Her-
zegovina, even fifteen years after its ending, con-
tinues to generate an intense and by and large a
futile polarisation of opinion among common people as
well as among scholars, including historians, legal theori-
sts, political scientists, or the theorists of international po-
litics. The issue of the character of the war itself, ‘the war
of international aggression’ or ‘civil war’, like the issue of its
ending, has not been treated as a theoretical problem that
requires an answer in accordance with the standards of the
scholarly excellence; rather it has been treated, with some
notable and worthy exceptions (e.g. Lučić 2007), as an invi-
tation to all sorts of political side-taking and legitimisation
(as emphasised in Hayden 2003, pp. 34-35). Very predicta-
bly, in the Republic of Srpska, one would rarely find those
who are willing to deny the ‘fact’ that the war served as
a means of defence, that is, that the Serbs in Bosnia-Her-
zegovina (BiH) were forced to create their own entity to
prevent a majority rule and a domination that, in their own
eyes, resembled all too well the one from the Ottoman pe-
riod of the history of BiH.
It is easy to understand why human beings do not hesi-
tate to transfer responsibility to the others, especially to the
opposed party. To concede the point that the evil some-
times originates in ‘our’ side does not give one a comfort.
Also, it is easy to understand why human beings may be
113
Dražen Pehar
inclined to a simplistic analysis not only of the war, but of

social phenomena in general. The world as a simple prob-
lem in a moral sense, as a site of the battle between the
good and evil is easier to grasp. Confronted with morally
complex and puzzling situations, we tend to close our eyes
and simply deny their existence; such situations require
a persistent and dedicated reasoning that, apart from the
fact that one needs to invest a significant amount of effort
in it, rarely leads to an absolutely secured outcome. Ad-
ditionally, speaking specifically of the BiH political scene,
there was, and remains, a tendency to consider the Serb
side as those to blame for the beginning of the war prima-
rily on the ground of the following two premises: the Serb
side is generally viewed as the one that has systematically
violated the laws (and norms) of warfare, including Geneva
Conventions;34 and, secondly, throughout the major part
of the war, the Serb side was vastly superior to the other
sides in terms of military infrastructure and combat capac-
ity. However, the two theses have no implications that are,
as of a rule, tacitly ascribed to them. First, there is no an a
priori necessity for the side, that is superior in a military
sense, to have to assume a justified responsibility for the
start of a war. Secondly, there is no an a priori necessity
for the side that misbehaves during the war, in the sense of
the violation of legal or ethical norms of warfare, to have to
plead guilty for the beginning of the war itself. The ques-
tion of the motivation of a party, that supports its decision
in favour of a war, needs to be sharply distinguished from
the question of its military capacity. Also the question of
34 This does not mean that I, as the author, agree with such a view; also, for
the purpose of my current argument, it is fully irrelevant whether I agree with
it, or not.
114
civilised exercise of military operations needs to be clearly

distinguished from the question of who starts the war.
Nothing guarantees beforehand that the party, who ‘pulls
the trigger’ first, would also perform poorly in the sense of
the violation of the norms of warfare or of the commission
of atrocities against the civilian population or the prisoners
of war.
Additionally, there is a tendency to let one’s view of the
causes of the war in BiH fall victim to some superficial
psychological mechanisms in the following sense – one
adapt their view to a flawed assumption that the people
whose members are generally taken as most victimised
in the course of the war also enjoy some a priori right to
speak truth of the war itself. Of course, it is regrettable that
anyone was victimized during the war, and in the BiH es-
pecially it is regrettable that the Moslem-Bosniak people
suffered a disproportionate part of losses, expulsions, and
torture.35 Such facts, however, cannot serve as a basis for
the forming of a plausible, epistemically responsible, and
historiographically respectable view of the causes of the
war. The victim does not enjoy a special, exclusive, or in-
disputable right to address the issue of the causes with a
special authority or even knowledge. The victim stands at
the end, not at the beginning, of the chain of the causes.
Still, human beings normally refrain from adding an in-
sult to an injury, that is, they generally consider a criticism
aimed at the views held by the victim as misplaced and
somewhat impolite. Sadly, this generates an irrational re-
35 This, of course, should not be taken to imply that the other ethnic groups
have not suffered comparable and terrible losses, killings, torture, and similar;
we also need to have in mind that it is far from clear how a more detailed and
exact ‘comparative measurement of a degree of victimisation’ should be done.
115
Dražen Pehar
sult as refraining from a critique of (what one takes to be)

the victim’s presentation of the world, based on a sound
wish to refrain from hurting the victim yet again, implies
adherence to an irresponsible and unproductive epistemol-
ogy. Why should we let falsity or misunderstanding prevail
and be disseminated only because a public denial of such
falsity, or misunderstanding, is likely to offend, or discom-
fort, the victim or those who speak on the victim’s behalf?
For instance, in a recent essay Gale Stokes is trying to dem-
onstrate that the Serb accusation against Alija Izetbegović,
to the effect that he was an Islamic fundamentalist, is ill-
founded; and that Izetbegović was a moderate Moslem, a
voice of modernity, not of a radical Islam (Stokes 2010, pp.
92-96). Such defence of Izetbegović by Stokes is superficial
and unfounded.36 But, more importantly, the ideology of
its sub-text is very clear: it voices a kind of an American
‘guilt conscience’ due to Srebrenica and other sites of mass
crime; it does not voice an objective and responsible depic-
tion of historical reality, but it adapts a scholarly position
to the voice of the victim, based on the aforementioned ir-
rational psychological mechanism.
Without fudging or hesitating, this essay aims to dem-
onstrate that, when compared to the key representatives,
and negotiators on behalf of the Serb and Croat peoples,
including those from the BiH, the Moslem-Bosniak elite,
and in particular Alija Izetbegović, as the key elite member
and as an undoubted war- and post-war leader of the BiH
36 Stokes (2010, p. 95), among other things, founds his thesis on Izetbegović’s
moderation and modernity on an alleged ‘fact’ that, in 1991, Izetbegović has
not “seized the opportunity” to establish an ‘Islamic republic’ (which, accord-
ing to Stokes, would have remained within a rump Yugoslavia, following the
Slovenian and Croatian declarations of independence) at the time when such
an opportunity presented itself to him (!)
116
Moslem-Bosniaks, is equally responsible, or co-responsi-

ble, for the beginning of the war in BiH.37 When we talk
about one’s responsibility or a share of blame for a begin-
ning of war, such talk may be put in less or more precise
terms. For instance, as to Izetbegović’s share of blame
for the start of the armed conflict in BiH, we may put it
in terms of an inherent possession of evil character, or in
terms of his adherence to a religiously coloured, nation-
alist ideology. However, this essay attempts to resist such
insufficiently clear or vague forms of talk. The question of
one’s responsibility for an outbreak of armed conflict, put
in precise terms that allow for a scholarly elaboration, can
be posed only in the following way: Has the said actor, Alija
Izetbegović in this case, within a deeply critical political
situation, in which the actor is offered a peace deal with
the attribute of a compromise, declined the compromise
and expressed a preference for a maximum satisfaction
of his own interest, or the interest of the population he
represents, which pulled him towards a decision to try to
achieve such interest-maximization by the means of vio-
lence, that is, the means of war? The very same question
can be put in a modified form as follows. Has the said actor,
Izetbegović in this case, through a protracted period of po-
litical history, with a sufficient frequency evinced the will
and readiness to tackle and resolve the political problems
37 This thesis remains considerably under-explored in social science, despite

the fact that it has become a common-place for at least some cartoonists! For
instance, one of the cartoons painted by Hasan Fazlić, a war-time illustrator
and cartoonist of a daily Oslobođenje, depicts three exhausted peasants with
the hats typical of the three peoples of Bosnia-Herzegovina, wearing torn
clothes, and sitting on their knee. They have a white flag of truce put between
them on a blood-stained carpet in the shape of Bosnia-Herzegovina. One of
them asks the following question ‘Who made us do this???’ to which the car-
toonist’s ‘cloud’ responds ‘We ourselves!!!’ (Fazlić 1993, on the back cover)
117
Dražen Pehar
by the means of negotiation, that is, by searching for a dip-

lomatic, compromise-formula that would bring an equal
satisfaction to all the parties concerned, leaving them with
some sense of envy-free dissatisfaction too (which is the
price one normally pays for a compromise)?
Following an in-depth analysis of political views and
strategies of Alija Izetbegović, we should realise that the
answer to the first question must be in the positive, and
to the second in the negative. Additionally, the claim that
Izetbegović has evinced an insufficient degree of readiness
to engage political problems through the channel of pro-
active, or self-initiated, negotiations, is actually weak when
measured by his actual political reasoning and acting; there
is a fair amount of empirical evidence in support of a much
stronger thesis that Izetbegović, at the times when he tried
to negotiate, or simply communicate, actually acted upon
his interlocutors, or negotiating partners, so that the latter
were forming a strong and justified belief that the prob-
lems generated through the political communication, part-
nership, or simply co-existence, with Izetbegović, were un-
likely to be solved by the use of language, or by the means of
negotiation and verbal exchange. Rather, they were form-
ing a strong belief that such problems were more likely to
be solved by violent, destructive, and sometimes lethal
means. In other words, Izetbegović acted upon his inter-
locutors as a generator of ‘de-discoursation,’ a finding that
is most significant and potentially most productive from
the viewpoint of political theory. Despite its obvious im-
portance in making a decision for a war, the phenomenon
of dediscoursation is rarely mentioned, let alone properly
addressed, in the standard literature concerning the topic
of ‘the causes of war and peace.’
118
An impatient reader might here take into account a

well-known fact, and based on it, s/he might decide to ter-
minate his, or her, involvement with this essay. The fact is
well-known – at the start of the war in BiH the armed force
Izetbegović could have relied on was a minor one. This
means that, measured by the capacity to impose his own
political will or a goal, Izetbegović was the weakest party.
Is it possible that the weakest party deliberately opted for
an armed conflict? Should not the weakest party manifest a
maximum amount of the will to negotiate and craft a com-
promise solution? Answers to such questions can be pro-
posed and verified through empirical research. Yes, in the
case of BiH, the weakest party as well deliberately embraced
the option of armed conflict; the weakest party as well was
inimical to negotiation and compromise-making due to
some facts that will be presented and explained later in the
essay. For a time being, only a preliminary answer can be
given: declining the model of negotiation and a rationally
controlled exchange of verbal messages, the weaker party
may decide to opt for a use of arms if it formed a favourable
view of its projected military power, a power it expects to
obtain in a near future.
The aforementioned are the key parts, and the key ar-
gument, of this essay. Prior to my actual substantiation of
the argument, however, I consider it important to enunci-
ate and elucidate the key epistemological assumptions of
the essay, including some general perspectives on war and
peace, as well as on the historiography of war and peace, to
which the essay will provide an indirect support.
119
Dražen Pehar
Epistemological
assumptions of the essay
T
he essay rests on four assumptions in an episte-
mological sense. First, the essay’s tenor is opposed
to the so-called ‘postmodernist historiography’
(as advocated in White 1973, 1990, and Jenkins 2003).
The thesis that power, the power of ideology in particu-
lar, serves as a determining factor on which one decides
which views of our historical past are valid, and which
are not (Jenkins 2003, pp. 29-30), is here taken as flawed.
Also, I consider the thesis that, for any plausible depic-
tion of a part of political history, an equally valid, but to
the former opposed depiction of the very same part can
be given, as not only implausible but also untenable from a
logical point of view. In other words, in my view, the typi-
cal postmodernist thesis that we have not only a freedom,
but also a duty to formulate many, mutually irreconcila-
ble, alternative perspectives on the past (White 1990, esp.
pp. 42-47), is both empirically unfounded and, in a logical
sense, absurd. This is so because in historical sciences, as
in other social and natural sciences, the logical principle
of bivalence applies: either thesis A is true, or its negation
is true. It is impossible for both A and non-A to be true
at the same time. Moreover, the postmodernist historio-
graphy has a feature which makes it not only implausible as
a theory, but also dubious in an ethical sense. White pro-
posed that, to an alleged insufficiency of empirical stan-
dards in historiography, one should respond by ranking,
and assessing, theories and views exclusively according to
120
their moral consequences (White 1973, pp. 432-433); his

idea is approximately as follows: imagine that we do not
know whether an historical depiction A or an historical
depiction B is valid, but imagine as well that such depicti-
ons have different, and distinguishable, moral effects. For
instance, the depiction A, in a sense, makes us to a higher
degree morally rightful, e.g. less prone to violence, or more
prone to peace-making. Such idea, however, is bizarre: it
is not only that the assumption that historiography suffers
from an insufficiency of empirical standards is fully arbi-
trary; the idea that it would be possible to rank and assess
theories according to their moral consequences, after such
theories were deprived of their primary moral feature, tru-
thfulness, is a non-starter. Secondly, it is illogical to claim
a là White that historiography is in no position to meet
some precise empirical standards, and in the same breath
to accept White’s additional claim that historiography co-
uld meet some, less precise and more ambiguous, moral
standards. Thirdly, such a proposal of moral assessment,
and comparison, of historical theories in fact deepens and
widens the conflict between the theories, turns it into an
insurmountable one, because, if one assumes that histori-
ographers are unable to agree on empirical standards, then
one will surely have to assume as well that they are unable
to agree on the standards of moral assessment too. Hence
this essay is presented in the spirit of opposition to the
postmodernist view, and of endorsement of a common-
sense, realist philosophy of history: for instance, political
history can be described and explained in verifiable terms;
and, some theories of the history are adequate, convincing,
and honest, while some others are inadequate, implausible,
and dishonest. Also, the standards under which an anal-
121
Dražen Pehar
yst of history, or an historiographer, operates do not differ

from the standards under which all scholars and scientists
operate – the standards of empirical adequacy, coherence,
epistemological generativity, simplicity, and economy, as
well as of compatibility with the other, the most advanced
theories in similar and neighbouring disciplines such as
psychology, sociology, anthropology, etc. (see, for instance,
Suganami 1996).38
Secondly, the theory of war, of which this essay is a

part, draws on the ideas proposed by Hobbes (Hobbes
1994) and Clausewitz (Clausewitz 1997). Both Hobbes
and Clausewitz insist on a simple fact: in a political sense,
there is continuity of a kind between the period of peace
and the period of war. Metaphorically speaking, the causes
of war need to be assembled during the period of peace
that precedes war. This does not mean that, in order to un-
derstand the causes of war in a historiographic sense, we
have to limit ourselves to the data that unambiguously fall
into the period of peace. It is sensible to assume that some
attitudes, tacitly accepted before the beginning of a war,
may wait for their public expression till the war-time, or
even after its ending. In such a sense, there is no meth-
odological constraint which reads that, as we formulate
our hypotheses or theories concerning the war, we need to
remain exclusively focused on pre-war period(s). However,
when we attempt to understand the causes of war, and do
so by perhaps drawing on the statements made, or clari-
38 The postmodernist approach has many more advocates in political theory

and international relations than in historical science proper; actually, the influ-
ence of the approach on historical exploration is nearly negligible.
122
fied, even during the war or in the post-war period, what

we are trying to understand is a structure of which we need
to demonstrate plausibly that it existed in pre-war period.
Both Hobbes and Clausewitz suggest to us that, in terms of
theory, it may be productive to accept the view of the pre-
war period as a particular kind of war, as well as to accept
the view of war itself as a period within which the state of
a fragile peace, the state of an interlude characterised by
some mind-meeting, occasionally takes place.
Hobbes famously defines war through the metaphor of
a “foul weather” which cannot be reduced to a shower or
two of rain; instead, war needs to be defined as an “incli-
nation/disposition to actual fighting” during “all the time
there is no assurance to the contrary” (Hobbes 1994, p. 76).
In other words, for Hobbes, a fragile, insecure, and unsta-
ble peace cannot be distinguished from the period of war.
In the First and Eight Book of his legendary work, On War,
Clausewitz theorises war as merely “a continuation of pol-
icy by other means…a continuation of political commerce”
(Clausewitz 1997, p. 22, and pp. 357-358). He emphasises
that, compared to the periods of peace, the period of war
is characterised by a language the logic of which remains
identical to the logic of the language of peace; what is al-
tered, however, is the grammar of the language (Clause-
witz 1997, p. 358). In other words, during the war the key
peace-time objectives of political actors remain the same;
however, during the war those actors attempt to achieve
their objectives by the use of different means, by weaponry
and violence. Here it is also important to point out that,
within the ‘Hobbes-Clausewitz’ perspective, the state of
peace is considered as superior to the state of war in an
ethical, political, and epistemological sense.
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Dražen Pehar
Thirdly, this essay partly draws on the strategy Foucault

famously described as ‘problematisation’ (Foucault 1984).
The strategy assumes that certain (political) beliefs do not
necessarily issue in certain (political) actions. Problema-
tisation is a kind of thought-play, an indication that the
thought is free in the sense that, given certain political at-
titudes, one can freely choose one of the several envisaged,
or proposed, courses of action. ‘One could have chosen a
different course,’ which also implies that, to choose a dif-
ferent course, the decision maker should have perhaps un-
dergone a radical modification of his, or her, personality
pattern – this is the pillar of Foucault’s strategy of prob-
lematisation. In contrast to Foucault, Alija Izetbegović on
several occasions describes the process of the beginning,
and ending, of the war in BiH in terms of a ‘natural disaster,’
as a process that could not have taken a different course.
Consistent with this, Izetbegović depicts the key players of
the process as the heroes of an ‘ancient Greek tragedy’ in
which they simply follow a predestined course of events
(Izetbegović 1996, p. 30; 1998, p. 94, and pp. 186-189). For
Izetbegović, the recent history of the BiH is tantamount
to an ancient Greek tragedy. One of the key assumptions
of this essay is strongly opposed to such Izetbegović’s vi-
sion. Free, and creative, human beings could always choose
differently.39 It is true that sometimes we make mistakes
under the impression that ‘in this situation I cannot avoid
doing this.’ However, from a retrospective point of view,
39 Djilas (1996) offers an impartial and well-argued analysis of political rela-

tions in Bosnia-Herzegovina before the outbreak of the war, but also (p. 25)
frames the war in terms of necessity, of an inevitable consequence of the con-
flict between some irreconcilable political attitudes or ideologies; in light of
such framing, it is impossible to explain the making of the Dayton peace agree-
ment for Bosnia-Herzegovina in late 1995.
124
it is easy to show that such an impression was flawed in

the first place. To identify one’s own mistake also brings
about a healing process in a moral sense. If one is ready
to recognise and confess one’s own mistake, then one is
also ready and willing to act upon the assumption that one
could have chosen differently, and that one should not be
repeating the same mistakes in the future. Hence, the strat-
egy of problematisation has the potential of bearing a posi-
tive influence on the political field. It could help us take a
more intelligent stand on our political future by helping us
to confront the past reflectively, especially to confront the
past opportunities the others have missed.40
Fourthly, in this essay I try my best not to violate a fun-

damental principle that guides the process of explanation
of human behaviour both verbal and non-verbal; it is the
principle of charity as proposed and theorised by one of
the most influential American philosophers of 20th century,
Donald Davidson (Davidson 1982, 1984; see also Evnine
1991, pp. 101-114). The principle demands that we view
human beings primarily as rational actors who act and op-
erate under the standards of rationality; hence, the princi-
40 It is important to note that Alija Izetbegović, despite the fact that he kept
giving the same answer to the question concerning the causes of war in the
BiH (‘The others are to blame’ and ‘The war was inevitable’), felt an obsessive
inner urge to pose to himself time and again the following question “Was the
war really inevitable?” For instance, in an interview for Tjednik, July 28 1998,
to the question “When you look back at the days of the beginning of the war in
Bosnia, what do you think, with your current experience, that you should have
done differently?”, he responds in the following way which is typical of him:
“I would do nothing differently because I could not. Still, I pose this question
often to myself. The question concerns two key issues: war and peace. Was the
war inevitable, and, once it started, should the peace agreement of this kind
have been accepted?” (Izetbegović 1998, p. 94)
125
Dražen Pehar
ple is also referred to as ‘the principle of rationality’, or ‘the

principle of humanity.’ Human action can be pertinently
described as a collaborative result of some beliefs and some
desires. To explain, or understand, human action means to
understand the ways in which some beliefs, coupled with
some desires, guide the actor to an outcome that, for the
actor, and within the actor’s perspective, brings about ful-
filment of the said desires. This implies at least four sub-as-
sumptions: the assumption of a sufficient internal coher-
ence of beliefs; the assumption of a sufficient internal co-
herence of desires; the assumption of the relevance of the
said beliefs to the said desires, and vice versa; and, finally,
the assumption of interpretability of the very action in the
light of actual coupling of beliefs and desires.
It is also important to add that the principle of char-
ity does not imply a demand to treat an agent, or human
being in general, as perfectly rational. It only implies a de-
mand of interpretability, or sufficient rationality – one’s
actions need to be graspable in light of those beliefs and
desires that one has actually adopted; furthermore, those
beliefs and desires need to be graspable and, from some
perspective, acceptable (For the theorisation of the causes
of war that aims explicitly to lend support to the principle
of charity, or of rationality, see Dessler 1994 and Fearon
1995). That is why the principle may be co-applied with
the strategy of problematisation. The latter draws on the
idea that, given some political beliefs, or attitudes, those
political actions that have actually followed do not neces-
sarily follow. The principle of charity only adds to that that
political action needs to be graspable (not, necessary!) in
light of some political beliefs that the agent is, or was, actu-
ally holding.
126
The principle of charity is extremely important – though

natural sciences do not apply a principle similar to it, in
social sciences we have to apply it owing to the fact that
we are in no position to take exclusively a cold, distant,
observant perspective on other human beings; we count
on the possibility of cooperating, and conversing, with the
others, which is reflected in the principle of charity. Refus-
ing to endorse such a principle means opening a wide door
to dehumanisation of the people one talks about, or one
aims to explain. Hence, the essay follows the imperative
that has both an ethical and theoretical worth: to refrain
from passing a judgment, or a moral or political critique,
on Izetbegović’s acting and decision-making until we have
managed to understand his acting in light of his political
projects and beliefs; it is only then that we shall be capable
of imagining the past opportunities Izetbegović missed, of
imagining some alternative modi of political acting as re-
quired by the strategy of problematisation.
127
Dražen Pehar
Serbs as Nazis, the state as

a command-giver –
– January 10 1992
B
y January 10 1992 it became painfully clear that
Bosnia-Herzegovina was in a deep constitutional
and political crisis. Every impartial observer could
have clearly seen that constitutional and political consen-
sus concerning the fundamental norms of the ‘small Yu-
goslavia’ collapsed by the start of 1992. Unpleasant and
ominous scenes, such as one from October 14 1991, when
the representatives of Bosnian Serbs left the session of the
Assembly of the Socialist Republic of BiH, in protest aga-
inst the Bosniak-Croat proposal of the Memorandum of
the BiH sovereignty, and when Karadžić in front of TV ca-
meras threatened with the possibility of an armed conflict,
marked the period in which it became clear that the BiH
found itself in a pre-war period (see Lučić 2007). Political
interests of the key actors, and the conflict between such
interests, assumed a clear shape by January 1992. While
Izetbegović, together with the Croat representatives, but
with occasional friction and disagreement, worked towards
an international recognition, independence, and soverei-
gnty of the BiH, the Serb representatives were publicly and
unambiguously opposed to such a course of action; their
key political aim was to remain within Yugoslavia or work
out an internal transformation and reorganisation of BiH
in accordance with its ethnic composition, which would
prevent a single people from outvoting the others, or from
deciding the matters in the BiH on their own, possibly to
128
the others’ disadvantage. A measure taken by one side was

soon to be followed by a counter-measure taken by the ot-
hers. Unilateral moves were soon to be followed by unila-
teral responses from the opposed camp. Very predictably,
the representatives of the BiH Serbs, assembled in the Serb
Assembly on January 9 1992, issued a Declaration on the
establishment of “the Republic of the Serb people of Bo-
snia-Herzegovina.”
January 10 1992 is a date of critical importance for the
modern history of the BiH. Under the circumstance, it was
clear that the crisis could further evolve into two directions:
either in the direction of a strong and sincere decision to
tackle the problems through the channel of negotiating,
upholding the principle of consensus, and aiming at a com-
promise; or in the direction of war, that is, the use of violent
and lethal means. January 10 is of a critical importance be-
cause, at that day, it became obvious that Alija Izetbegović
in fact declined the first option, the option of cessation of
unilateral moves, that is, the option of entry into the period
of negotiations based on the principle of equally valid, or
rightful, opening positions. In fact, January 10 shows that
the war had already started, that all the key causes of war
had been ‘assembled.’ How can one see that? January 10
1992 is the date of a session of the Presidency of the Social-
ist Republic of BiH, chaired by Izetbegović; the agenda of
the session includes a single item – the decision by the Serb
Assembly to declare the Republic of the Serb people of the
BiH (the session transcript in NSF 2006a, pp. 79-89). The
participants to the session included the representatives of
the Serb people too, Biljana Plavšić and Nikola Koljević,
which made the session a site at which the option of nego-
tiation might have been probed, or explored, at least in the
129
Dražen Pehar
way of an experiment. However, such an option is missed.

The events take a different turn.
Simply speaking, Alija Izetbegović teaches the repre-
sentatives of the BiH Serbs a lesson. In a humiliating tone,
and from a position of a superior actor, he expresses a sin-
gle interest at the session – to convince the BiH Presidency
to qualify the Serb Assembly declaration as anti-constitu-
tional in a political sense, with an alienation of the Serb
representatives as a very likely consequence. As Izetbegović
emphasises, at this session “we are engaged in polemics
with the decision by the Assembly.” (NSF 2006a, p. 81) A
brief introductory remark was made by Ejup Ganić, a Bos-
niak who joined the BiH Presidency as a representative of
the ‘others’, and who insists that “we [the Presidency] must
distance ourselves from the declaration. Now, there are
two republics. There is Bosnia-Herzegovina, and, as you
believe, there is another republic. But, you know, a person
cannot bear two different names.“ (NSF ibid.) Following
the brief introduction, Izetbegović starts firing his cannons
at the representatives of the Serb people.
First of all, Izetbegović voices an opinion that, in a nor-
mal state, the Serb Assembly participants would have been
sent to prison. He openly says the following: “In a normal
circumstance, in a response to such an act, every state
would have sent its army into action, imprisoned the group,
etc. We are not in a position to do that, and we are not do-
ing it. Who knows, perhaps I would not do that. However, I
assume a simple fact, which is that now we are unable to do
that. But, in France, it would be a normal course of events,
and all those guys would be put into jail.” (NSF 2006a, p.
83) In other words, Izetbegović starts his speech by desig-
130
nating the representatives of the Serb people as criminals,

as the enemy of the state. In fact, he openly and directly
threatens them – in a paraphrase, he conveys to them the
following message “against you, it would be best to employ
the violent means of a coercive state,” and “with you, the
option of negotiation is impossible.” But, even more im-
portantly, when Izetbegović refers to the state, as an agent
on whose behalf he himself is speaking, for him it means
an extremely simple thing, a thing discarded by political
theory long time ago: he refers to the state as a ‘command-
giving body.’ One can discern this in a brief passage that
precedes Izetbegović’s comparison of the BiH with France:
“I propose we invite the bodies, to perform their duties, to
keep functioning; we tell them who to listen to, and what
to do. Now, there are two republics, two bodies that give
command.” (NSF ibid.) Actually, it is interesting to note
that Izetbegović, a long-term prisoner in a state founded
on the Marxist premises, thereby subscribes to the Marx-
ist model of the state in which the state is an instrument of
power that a group, or a class, of people employs to keep
another group, or class, in check (see also Eriksen, Stjern-
felt 2004, pp. 162-163).
Secondly, Izetbegović is very explicit in denying the Serb
Assembly a right to pass decisions on a separate Serb re-
public in Bosnia-Herzegovina. He claims that, in his view,
the Serbs in the BiH enjoy all the rights they need. He adds
that they do not have the right to re-draw the boundaries
of BiH or to leave the other peoples, such as Moslem-Bos-
niac, “without a state in order to enable yourselves to live
comfortably in a large state” (NSF 2006a, p. 85). In other
words, Izetbegović claims that the decision by the Serb
Assembly had already created so-called ‘Greater Serbia.’
131
Dražen Pehar
He expressed his belief that the decision by the Serb As-

sembly has already destroyed the BiH, while it secured, for
both the Serbs in the BiH and the Serbs in Serbia proper,
a shared, single political space. Of course, at that moment
this was far from obvious. But, Izetbegović inflates the
‘negativity’ of the Serb Assembly decision to a maximum.
He adds the following to his critique: “They are trying to
dismantle the roof above our heads, so that they secure a
big house for themselves; to have a large state for them-
selves. We are expected to remain state-less. We cannot
have a small state either“ (NSF 2006a, p. 84). This obviously
implies that Izetbegović views the Serb Assembly action
as a terrible injustice, as something one cannot let pass, as
already a ‘casus belli’ (the cause/case of war). He points out
that he sees no reason why the Serb people should do what
they have been doing (NSF 2006a, p. 85). This unmistak-
ably implies that, at that moment, he does not deem him-
self able to attribute to the Serb representatives a ‘minimal
rationality.’ (He even adds, “Perhaps we stand too close to
the developments, which is why we are unable to assess
this”, NSF ibid.)
The session now continues with Izetbegović threat-
ening with a possibility of war. Actually, for him, the war
seems to have already started as he launched a kind of war-
fare against the Serbs by having employed the words that,
for all the sides equally, mean and support an accelerated
process of removal of the possibility of peace. “You may try
to save your head as long as one does not tell you to bow it.
A proud man can do anything, but I cannot bow my head,
even it that means losing it. We won’t bow our head, de-
spite our loss of it. We all praise life. But, if needed, we shall
fight. If that is what we are here for.” (NSF 2006a, p. 83)
132
In the same passage Izetbegović draws a clear analogy be-

tween the Serb representatives and the Nazis: “Many clever
people backed the Nazi project, yet later felt ashamed of it.
They have not timely realised that some things must not be
done.” (NSF 2006a, p. 85).
By now, it is clear that on January 10 1992 Izetbegović
makes three statements and, against the Serb representa-
tives, formulates three interests: A. the statement on invio-
lable statehood of Bosnia-Herzegovina as an instrument
of a ‘command giver’; B. the statement on the decision by
the Serb Assembly as the creation of a greater Serbia, and
as a destruction of ‘our’ state, as a fully unjust, irrational,
Nazi-like expansion/rearrangement of the Serb own ‘place
of residence’ (which destroys ‘our own’ place of residence);
C. the statement on such an expansion/rearrangement as
something that invites a response by violent means, that
is, as something that, in Izetbegović’s vocabulary, demands
‘from us’ to bow our head, which we shall not do even if
that means ‘our beheading.’ It is interesting to note the
nature of the Serb BiH Presidency members’ response to
Izetbegović’s accusation and the threat of war. Both Nikola
Koljević and Biljana Plavšić invite Izetbegović to work to-
wards a reasoned solution, and they emphasise the need to
negotiate; the two also try to remind Izetbegović of some
undeniable facts. For instance, Plavšić points out that the
Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina had to ‘bow their head’ on
several occasions (NSF 2006a, p. 85). She adds that, when
it comes to the Serb Assembly Declaration from January
9 1992, we should limit ourselves to the position taken
by those Serbs only, meaning the Serbs of Bosnia-Herze-
govina. The decision was theirs and it concerns them only
(NSF 2006a, p. 86). Of course, the decision’s aim was to
133
Dražen Pehar
establish the Republic of the Serb people of Bosnia-Herze-

govina. However, Izetbegović does not give a slightest con-
sideration to the points Plavšić made. He does not attempt
to deny them nor indicates that he agrees with her. Actu-
ally, he refuses to communicate with such an argument.
Furthermore, Koljević even concedes that the Serb Assem-
bly decision was not constitutional, but adds the follow-
ing: “Was it right? – that is another matter” (NSF 2006a, p.
87). He too points to the need to negotiate: “I believe, we
could make a contribution to peace if we say, yes, the con-
flicts took place, and the thing is opposed to the constitu-
tion, the problems will be solved through the negotiations
on Bosnia between the three sides; we do not need to say
‘three national communities’ as you deem this to be some
kind of fabrication, but it is not a fabrication, it is reality….”
(NSF ibid.)
At this session Izetbegović very explicitly declines such
invitations to reason and negotiation. First, in a statement,
he even radically questions the status of the Serb repre-
sentatives and the Serb Assembly as the representatives of
the Serb people. He suggests that the official representati-
ves do not represent real claims, or interests, of the Serb
people (NSF 2006a, p. 86). Additionally, he believes that
he himself could offer to the Serb people something that
the people, in his own opinion, should not decline. It is, of
course, the referendum for the independence of Bosnia-
Herzegovina. “I think these days I will have to offer to the
Serb people, as well as to us all, to go to polls and utter our
stand, to use rubber balls, not the iron ones. To say what
we want at the polls. I am not sure that the Serb people
support this; simply, I cannot imagine such a thing. I have
inquired my conscience repeatedly.” (NSF 2006a, pp. 85-
134
86) In other words, Izetbegović gives his clear view of the

negotiations between the representatives of the peoples
– for him, such negotiations are stillborn. He offers only
one method as a legitimate method of problem-solving: a
public vote, or, more precisely, a majority vote. As to the
differences in opinion between the key BiH parties and the
people’s representatives, Izetbegović employs, and exploits,
such differences in a way which has never been tried by a
politician, or a negotiator, before him; he refers to such di-
fferences as a principal argument against negotiations. He
openly states that such differences indicate that the chance
of mutual agreement, or a mutual persuasion, is very low
(NSF 2006a, p. 84).41 Hence, in Izetbegović’s opinion, the
chance of a success in negotiations is very low too; accor-
dingly, negotiations should not be convened, Izetbegović
claims. ‘We are heading towards a referendum’ – such is
Izetbegović’s clear and final message from the 50th session
of the BiH Presidency held on January 10. “Those are dif-
ferent views [by the Serb representatives and by Izetbego-
vić]. We have a reason to hold talks if there is a chance of
our persuading one another. Our view is such, yours view
is such. Bosnia is a democracy, individuals may convene
a press conference, and people will listen and publish the
statements. The population can asses that, where does it
lead to, if the directions are right or not. All matters are
subject to a public assessment. The public, the population,
can asses this based on the reasons we shall offer” (Izetbe-
gović, verbatim, NSF ibid.).
41 Izetbegović has employed this quasi-argument (to the effect that the ini-
tial distance between positions indicates that negotiations are doomed to fail,
which means that the option of negotiating is not worthy of trying) on many
occasions – see Izetbegović (2005, p. 129), Komšić (2006, p. 228), NSF (2007a,
pp. 121-122).
135
Dražen Pehar
Unfortunately, Izetbegović has perhaps deliberately mi-

ssed a realistic possibility that the majority voice might not
reflect a rational assessment of the reasons offered; instead,
it is more likely to reflect some selfish and narrow intere-
sts of particular peoples or their representatives. Whatever
the case, it is obvious that it is already on January 10 1992
that Izetbegović employs the issue and possibility of refe-
rendum as a key political weapon in his battle against the
representatives of the Serb people in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
To conclude, for Izetbegović, by January 10 1992 the
war in Bosnia-Herzegovina had started in a psychological
sense. He does not negotiate with the Serb representatives
on a possible compromise; he is trying to punish them, te-
ach them a lesson; he depicts them as criminals, the Nazis,
irrational and immoral re-organisers of a ‘common place of
residence,’ as apparent, not real representatives of the Serb
people.42 His goal is either to reverse the decisions by the
Serb Assembly, or create soon a situation in which those
decisions will be reversed and made nil and void. He does
not respond to the invitations to a more reasoned appro-
ach, nor to the expressions of the need to negotiate in the
spirit of consensus and equality. He interrupts a normal,
human communication between the (recent) political par-
tners, refuses to assume his own responsibility and con-
front directly the problems generated, despite the fact that
such a responsibility should be his by his mandate; and fi-
nally, he finds in the referendum the only tool of a political
crisis management. Are we faced here with some kind of
42 In a similar tone, on February 25 1992, after his return from the Lisbon ne-
gotiations, Izetbegović qualifies the pro-cantonisation (or pro-ethnic region-
alisation) policy, as advocated by the representatives of the BiH Croats, as a
“knife under our throat” (Hećimović 2008, p. 32).
136
temporary irrationality striking Izetbegović on January 10?

Have the Serb representatives driven him mad? Could we
interpret his claims and strategies in light of the principle
of charity at all? Are these claims and strategies graspable
at least from some perspective? More importantly, are we
dealing here with some claims, beliefs, or strategies that
perhaps persist over a longer period of time, that form a
part of a long-term, continuous project?
137
Dražen Pehar
Izetbegović’s strategic
political beliefs
T
he only way to propose an answer to the aforemen-
tioned questions is to read, analyse and grasp the
entire oeuvre of Alija Izetbegović. The only episte-
mologically sound way to do so is to identify those claims,
or beliefs, in Izetbegović’s work that are persistent or repe-
titive; secondly, those claims and beliefs should sum up to
a kind of Izetbegović’s political theory in light of which one
should be able to explain his more specific political views
and interests as well as his political acting in the sense of
a long-term political strategy. In this chapter I branch the
whole of Izetbegović’s political philosophy into six pillars
that exercise a critical influence on the issues of political
decision-making in the situation of a crisis, especially in a
context where one should make decision in favour of, or
against, a war: 1. force and negotiating; 2. war and peace; 3.
the state and sovereignty; 4. Islam; 5. history and historical
prediction; 6. antinomic character of political phenomena
and processes.
1. Force and negotiating: For Izetbegović, force is a

factor superior to, and much more important than, negoti-
ating. In other words, negotiating cannot define the key fe-
atures of a political landscape; it always ‘lags behind’ force,
and represents merely a confirmation, or an instrument, of
the actual constellation of force in a real political setting.
Additionally, Izetbegović claims that negotiating itself ma-
138
kes no sense unless a force, or the relationships of force,

forces the parties to bring their political positions closer to
each other; again force is a primary element, negotiating is
secondary. Many Izetbegović’s statements, both from pre-
war and war-period, support thus formulated hypothesis
concerning the first of Izetbegović’s strategic political be-
liefs, one on the significance of force and a weak nature,
and potential, of the negotiating process. For instance, at
the 28 January 1994 session of the BiH Presidency Izetbe-
gović claims as follows: “We have been voicing different
perspectives. Some objections come to me from abroad
– tell us, Bosnians, what do you want? Tell us, we need to
know. One of us claims one thing, another claims another,
the third a third, and the foreign secretary claims a fourth
thing. Those gents abroad do not know what we want.
Now, watch out, what do we want? Something is missing
in this formula – our views do indeed vary. Do you know
why? That depends on our possession of weaponry, or our
lack of weaponry. If we possess weaponry, the whole of Bo-
snia is a result. It we totally lack weaponry, then we have
to accept something else” (NSF 2007b, p. 67). Also, in his
autobiography Izetbegović openly admits that negotiating
was the most demanding, and most difficult, job of his life-
time simply because “negotiating means decision-making”
(Izetbegović 2005, p. 279). Additionally, looking back at his
negotiating strategies, up to the Dayton talks, he confessed
that he was not able to formulate a constructive and pro-
active negotiating position. As he explicitly, and ironically,
put it, his negotiating strategy amounted to a “nyet43-atti-
tude,” a dismissive attitude of rejecting everything that was
not to his full liking (Izetbegović 1998, p. 194).
43 Russian for ‘no!’
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Dražen Pehar
Again, looking in February 1998 back at his talks with

Karadžić, that he temporarily suspended but then reope-
ned in December 1992, he emphasised that he accepted the
negotiating process to buy some time, to delay the destruc-
tion of “Bosnia and my own people” (Izetbegović 1999, p.
19). In other words, in Izetbegović’s view, negotiations do
not aim at a compromise or a political problem-solving
by verbal means. He views negotiations not as something
that could lead to a successful or satisfactory negotiated
outcome, but as something that should help him to achi-
eve some other goals by other means, not by the means
of negotiation; such goals are pre-defined independently
of the negotiating process, and negotiations cannot affect
or shape them. In other words, he looked at the negoti-
ating process as a tactical manoeuvring, as buying time
for something else, not necessarily for ‘saving Bosnia’: for
instance, for illegal purchase of weapons at international
market, and, most importantly, for lobbying to lift the arms
embargo for Bosnia-Herzegovina. On many occasions
Izetbegović was explaining to foreign representatives and
diplomats that he, and his army, needed arms in order to
achieve ‘a balance of military power’, which he thought was
the only way to a just peace or compromise (Izetbegović
2004, p. 232). Again, the relationship of force is considered
as a precondition of negotiations, even as a guarantor of
their success (see also NSF 2006b, pp. 264-265).
2. War and peace: For Izetbegović, war is never a last

resort, something that should be avoided with all stren-
gth, something one should rely on only if all other means,
of diplomacy, negotiation, mediation, a peaceful conflict
transformation, were exhausted. He threatened with war
140
as often as Karadžić. Long before the start of the armed

conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Izetbegović viewed war
as the only alternative to full and undivided sovereignty of
Bosnia-Herzegovina (Lućić 2007, p. 193) of which sovere-
ignty he conceded on November 10 1996 that, conceptu-
ally, it was impossible (Izetbegović 1997, p. 261). In other
words, according to Izetbegović’s 1991 statements, should
you oppose the idea or politics of Bosnia’s full sovereignty,
you will get a war. Besides, for Izetbegović, war and peace
refer to vague and blurred categories and states that over-
lap and flow into one another continuously. Following the
Dayton peace agreement, Izetbegović on several occasions
points out that the war continued by other means (Izetbe-
gović 1996, p. 130; 1998, p. 31). This means that Izetbegović
has not endorsed the Hobbes-Clausewitz perspective on
peace as a state superior to the state of war. I present here
a number of his statements that attest to such a philosophy
of war and peace: “To Moslems, weaponry is not an alien
thing, so I have been reflecting on this word for a month.
It seems that some gents in Zagreb or Belgrade need to
be informed that a division of Bosnia will not take place
easily, and that Moslems would defend Bosnia by arms, if
needed” (Izetbegović 2004, p. 74 – an interview to Oslobo-
đenje, September 1990).
During the war itself, Izetbegović has often combined
the narrative on the war as a “defence of an idea” (of mul-
ticulturalism, tolerance, coexistence) with the narrative on
the war as a “defence of one’s own territory” (Izetbegović
1995a, p. 47), depending on the circumstance. Of course,
in Izetbegović’s statements the war was often presented as
a battle between “the good and evil” (Izetbegović 1995a, p.
40). Such statements, though, are predictable. They pro-
141
Dražen Pehar
duce a propaganda effect in the sense that their primary

aim is to convince combatants, whose lives are at stake,
that the battle makes sense and leads somewhere. Howe-
ver, during the war Izetbegović made two statements that
cannot be taken as a mere means of propaganda, or of a
group ad hoc psychotherapy. In December 1994 he sta-
tes the following: “We are at last becoming a people and
are creating our own state. All the peoples have achieved
this in blood; history makes no gift, offers nothing ‘on a
plate.’ Our people cannot be an exception in this regard.”
(Izetbegović 1995a, p. 129) This means that war-making
and state-making, including even nation-making, are inhe-
rently connected. Blood-spilling is a necessity that cannot
be escaped in the situations when a people are becoming
a nation, or when they constitute their own state. Actually,
the former is the only way to the latter. Secondly, on May
25 1994, at a SDA convention, Izetbegović makes another
statement as follows: “And peace is, God be blessed, ahead
of us. Not immediately, but soon. Behold, and prepare yo-
urself for, the coming peace. Our Prophet, returning home
from a heavy battle, stated that now he would replace a
small battle with a big one. And, yes, what awaits us, after
we make a peace, won’t be easy at all. I am afraid that we
would often look back at the days when we had nothing
but a war. They say, a sick man has one desire – to recover,
and then once he recovers, hundreds of desires overflow
him, sometimes making him dissatisfied to a larger degree
than at the days when he was sick. The warring nation finds
itself in a similar situation…” (Izetbegović 1995a, p. 47).
However, the thesis that, for Izetbegović, war and pe-
ace are relative and overlapping categories, that is, that, in
his view, there is always a sufficiently rich fund of reasons
142
to present the state of peace as a state of war – such the-

sis can be easily demonstrated through his depictions of
post-Dayton Bosnia-Herzegovina as a state in which the
war continues by other means. He relates to the post-war
Bosnia with a war-prone mentality, which is a reliable in-
dication of the fact that he related in the same fashion to
the pre-war BiH which, in the sense of its political culture,
relations, and interests, is fully comparable to the post-war
BiH. In a very graphic illustration, during his lecture at a se-
ssion of the Council of Bosniac intellectuals, on November
29 1997, Izetbegović gives his view of the warlike character
of the post-Dayton peace: as he claims, the very Dayton
Constitution for the BiH, the key pillar of the Dayton Fra-
mework for Peace, is a site of a “quiet, but dangerous” war
between, on the one hand, Article 1 of the Dayton Consti-
tution (“Bosnia-Herzegovina continues its legal existence
as an internationally recognised state…with all the rights of
a state, within its international borders”), and on the other,
the articles that, in Izetbegović’s opinion, enable a blockade
of the institutions, articles such as one on entity-vote or
on protection of vital national interests. As he concludes:
“The good and the evil of this Constitution are at a silent
war, and the destiny of Bosnia depends on the outcome of
the quiet, but dangerous war” (Izetbegović 1998, p. 192).
3. The state and sovereignty: It is already emphasised

that, at the January 10 1992 session of the BiH Presidency,
Izetbegović views the state as a ‘command giver.’ Despite
the fact that, from the perspective of political theory, such
a view is flawed, it has pulled Izetbegović towards speci-
fic political strategies and actions. One also needs to have
in mind that such Izetbegović’s perspective was built gra-
143
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dually, and that, under the impact of the war itself, it un-
derwent a critical transformation. It is quite obvious that,
in the post-Dayton period, Izetbegović becomes less wi-
lling to argue publicly for the ideas he defended at the start
of the war, and due to which he openly embraced the op-
tion of war. This means that the Dayton compromise has if
not defeated then at least prevented from materialisation,
and temporarily removed from political agenda, the goal
Izetbegović identified as his casus belli, the goal of Bosnia-
Herzegovina as a state of full and undivided sovereignty. In
other words, the Dayton peace agreement taught Izetbe-
gović a lesson.
Prior to the first free elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina, in
late 1990, Izetbegović posed a claim the later developments
have proven true: “as said, nobody has ever ruled Bosnia;
one were merely thinking that one were ruling it!” (Izetbe-
gović 2004, p. 78) This implies that the concept of a single
ruler, or a command-giver, in the BiH makes no sense. But,
it is also true that, within the same period, Izetbegović was
voicing the view that Moslems would oppose a division
of Bosnia by a force of arms, which implicitly refers to a
figure who not only thinks that s/he rules Bosnia, but ac-
tually rules it. In the course of 1991 Izetbegović’s thinking
is increasingly attracted to the idea of Bosnia-Herzegovina
as a state that must not have its internal boundaries drawn
along the ethnic principle, as a state that has a full and un-
divided sovereignty over its entire territory. The statement
on the impossibility of a single rule in Bosnia-Herzegovina
does not recur in the following period. Hence, Izetbegović
goes to war to ensure undivided sovereignty of the BiH. It
will take two wars, with the Serbs of Bosnia-Herzegovina
144
and with the Croats, for Izetbegović to return to the view

that undivided sovereignty in the BiH is impossible, hence
that Bosnia’s sovereignty has to be shared and divided in
a way, which simply means that the BiH is possible only
as a decentralised, federated, or complex state in which its
particular national identities are manifested also in its con-
stitutional-territorial make-up. As Izetbegović emphasises
in a November 10 1996 interview: “I already said that, in
Bosnia such as it is, we are forced to choose between a di-
vision of territory, on the one hand, and a division of rule
on the other, or, more precisely: either a full sovereignty in
a divided Bosnia, on a part of its territory, or a divided so-
vereignty in the whole of Bosnia. The option of full Bosniac
rule in the whole of Bosnia is impossible. I say this to our
people so that they find it easier to cope with those fricti-
ons over the issue of division of responsibilities in the BiH
government or in the BiH Federation government. So, this
is not about our concessions, or compromises; this is about
the sharing of power that in Bosnia one cannot dispense
with” (Izetbetović 1997, p. 261).
Following the three stages of Izetbegović’s evolving view
of the statehood and sovereignty of the BiH (the impossi-
bility of fully sovereign power in Bosnia; the necessity of
undivided sovereignty and a single rule/power; shared or
divided sovereignty), a fourth one comes; this is the idea of
the High Representative as a single, but international, hence
ex-territorial sovereign in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Izetbego-
vić supports the role and institution of the High Repre-
sentative as a body that, in his mind, naturally works in
Bosnia’s favour, and thus in favour of Bosniacs too (Izetbe-
gović 1999, p. 92). The fact that the body is a foreign ruler
145
Dražen Pehar
acting as a lord-protector and a dictator, and thereby ma-

king of the institutions of the BiH democracy a mockery,44
to Izetbegović means only that a price had to be paid for
the existence of a single voice that represents a single BiH.
‘It is better to be a slave to the High Representative, who
represents an undivided Bosnia-Herzegovina, than to be a
slave to the obstacles Serbs generate in the institutions of
the BiH’ – such was Izetbegović’s attitude to the surrogate,
a simulacrum of the sovereignty of Bosnia-Herzegovina
embodied in a figure of an international protector. This too
tells us something about Izetbegović’s third phase of his
thinking of the BiH sovereignty. He did endorse a divided
or shared sovereignty, but he also endorsed the Dayton
agreement which, in his view, opened to him an abundant
space for a continued struggle aimed at ‘recovery’ or re-
birth of full and undivided sovereignty. In other words, for
Izetbegović, the Dayton agreement aims at the concept of
undivided sovereignty, which is only temporarily suspen-
ded, but which also needs to be reconstituted in the future
along the principles laid by the Dayton agreement itself.
It is here that one finds the origins of his talk about the
war between the articles of the Dayton Constitution. Fur-
thermore, it is interesting to note that, in one of his first
reactions to the Dayton outline of the BiH Constitution,
he claims that, when it comes to the Serb Republic in the
44 As Halid Genjac, a high-rank member of the SDA, once emphasised: it is

the job of the High Representative to supply an authentic interpretation of the
Dayton agreement; therefore the local parties and representatives may feel free
to continue struggling over the interpretation of the agreement; this explains
why the parties lack a proper sense of the need to engage in direct and open
negotiations concerning the political problems that beset post-Dayton Bosnia-
Herzegovina. This also implies that the High Representative figures as a post-
war ‘generator of dediscoursation’ in today’s Bosnia-Herzegovina (see also a
recent statement by Carl Bildt, Nezavisne novine, January 28 2001, p. 3).
146
BiH, endorsement of the new constitution paves the way

to the republic’s self-negation (Izetbegović 1996, pp. 143-
144). Also, “the expansion of the central responsibilities of
the state”, which some ambiguous provisions of the Dayton
Constitution support under a wide interpretation, is one
of Izetbegović’s key strategies in his struggle for revival of
the second stage of the BiH statehood and sovereignty (see
Kunić, Trnka 1998).
Still, what is the key factor that steers and determines
the evolution of the phases of Izetbegović’s thinking? The
answer is found in his idea of Bosnia-Herzegovina as a state
with a Moslem majority. This means that Izetbegović’s gra-
dual endorsement of the notion of undivided sovereignty
goes hand in hand with his gradual, increasingly unambi-
guous endorsement of the concept of Bosnia-Herzegovina
as a state in which there is a majority group, and in which
the Moslem-Bosniac people are such a group. However,
one needs to notice immediately a very simple thing: the
idea of a majority people in the BiH makes no sense. Still,
given a proper condition, one might get the impression
that the idea could make some sense. As to Izetbegović’s
endorsement of such an idea, it is clear that 44% of a po-
pulation of a state (which is, roughly, the population size of
Bosniac-Moslems in the BiH) could form a majority only
if two pre-conditions are met: a) the remaining population
is divided along ethnic, or national, lines; b) the remaining
population is unable to formulate, or agree on, a common
fund of interests: it is internally dissonant. Interestingly,
due to the war between Croats and Serbs in 1991, at least
in 1991 those two pre-conditions are met in Bosnia-Her-
zegovina. On the other hand, how can one seriously deem
viable a state whose policies are based on a 44% majority?
147
Dražen Pehar
How could one legitimise a state in which 55% of its po-

pulation is unable to agree on a common set of interests?
Izetbegović did not ponder over such questions. His aim
was simply to seize the chance and exploit the situation;
hence his neutrality in the Serb-Croat war, hence his de-
ceptive strategy vis-à-vis the ‘Livno question’ (Lučić 2007,
p. 204) and the Cutilheiro plan.45 His aim was simply to
maximise the interest of Bosniac-Moslem ‘majority’ – it is
only under such an assumption that his parallel work on
the project of ‘undivided Bosnian sovereignty,’ and on the
project of making of the BiH a state with a Moslem majo-
rity, becomes intelligible. Therefore his narratives on undi-
vided sovereignty of Bosnia-Herzegovina, especially on an
attempt to question such sovereignty as a cause of war, on
the one hand, and on a Moslem majority in the BiH, on the
other, are two sides of a single coin.
It is rewarding to look more closely into the context of
Izetbegović’s introduction of the narrative of a majority
people into political discourse of pre-war Bosnia-Herze-
govina. Moslems, Serbs, and Croats were all constituent
peoples of Bosnia-Herzegovina even before the war, and as
such they enjoyed full political equality as peoples. It is im-
portant to notice that Izetbegović introduced and employed
his narrative of a Moslem majority, the narrative spanning
from late 1990 till December 1995,46 primarily as a tool of
45 Named after Portuguese diplomat Jose Cutilheiro; in this essay I have de-
cided to retain Portuguese spelling of his name; however, when I quote from
the books or essays by the other authors, I retain their way of spelling, which
is, in most cases, the anglicised form ‘Cutiliero.’
46 Even in March 1997, in his talk at 9th session of the Management Board of
the SDA, Izetbegović claims the following: “Here [in Bosnia-Herzegovina] we
are not a large majority,” which continues to imply a discourse of ‘a majority
people’ (a quote from Izetbegović 1998, p. 34); for his previous statements on
the BiH as a ‘country with a Moslem majority,’ see Izetbegović (1996, p. 195),
Izetbegović (1997, p. 145), NSF (2007b, p. 124).
148
political struggle, not on the ground of rational political re-

asoning or a coherent moral-political argumentation. This
can be demonstrated easily. The founding program of the
Party of Democratic Action (SDA, of which Izetbegović
was leader) contains the following statement of policy: “By
defining democracy not primarily as a majority rule, but as
the rule of law, we wish to emphasise our adherence to the
principle of full equality of the nations big and small….in
such a sense, we oppose all forms of majoritarian imposi-
tion and outvoting” (the statement quoted by Izetbegović
himself in Izetbegović 1996, p. 70). However, the program
was issued with a focus on a different context, the context
in which Yugoslavia was still in place. It was written on
behalf, and from the position, of the BiH Moslems who,
given the context of a still existing Yugoslavia, are indeed
a small people (not unimportant, of course). However, the
aforementioned statement of policy was soon to be con-
veniently forgotten in the context of Bosnia-Herzegovina
itself, because Izetbegović’s political interest, with no mo-
ral-political argument to support it, and with no constitu-
tional-legal principle behind it, dictates transformation of
his discourse on full equality of all peoples into a discourse
on Bosnia-Herzegovina as a state with a Moslem majority,
a majority which claims for itself the status of “a guarantor
of the BiH” as well (an interview from November 1990, in
Izetbegović 2004, p. 96).
Additionally, Izetbegović increasingly couples his narra-
tive on a majority people with the statement that appe-
ars since late 1990, and during the war with an increased
frequency; it is the statement that Bosnian-Herzegovinian
Serbs and Croats, who “are not majority peoples”, are in
possession of ‘reserve countries’ (Izetbegović, ibid.). Such
149
Dražen Pehar
a statement not only suggests that Bosnian Moslems enjoy

some special rights; it also projects a silent, but permanent,
disloyalty into collective identities of both Bosnian Serbs
and Bosnian Croats, and ‘directs’ the two peoples to the co-
untries in which they could enjoy their ‘reserve rights.’ The
statement on ‘reserve countries’ also implies that, due to
the notion that, when compared to Bosnian Moslems, Bo-
snian Serbs and Croats enjoy a ‘surplus of rights’, Moslems
should perhaps enjoy a ‘surplus of rights’ of their own in
Bosnia-Herzegovina itself; or, the non-Moslem peoples of
the BiH should a priori recognise such Moslem enjoyment
of a ‘surplus of rights’ as legitimate, in spite of the fact that
such recognising was and remains unconstitutional.
There is no doubt that such statements have generated
a further alienation in Bosnia-Herzegovina. How could a
member of ‘non-majority peoples’ in the BiH feel stability,
or safety, knowing that he was ‘assigned’ a ‘reserve country’
in which he could enjoy a ‘surplus of rights’, which then
enables those without such a country to claim some spe-
cial rights in their only country that should compensate for
their alleged lack of a surplus of rights? There is no do-
ubt that Izetbegović was deadly serious with his narrative
on a Moslem majority, despite its conspicuous ideological
function and legal-political arbitrariness.47 That is also why
the members of ‘non-majority’ peoples in Bosnia-Herze-
govina have consistently questioned, and continue to que-
47 For instance, at the BiH Presidency session on March 12 1994, which de-
bates the nature of the Croat-Bosniac Federation, Izetbegović (NSF 2007b, p.
124) put it as bluntly as possible: “As to the Moslem people, they would prob-
ably experience a shock if the president were not a Moslem. Someone else
comes to the Bosnian state [probably, ‘the position of the Head of the Bosnian
state’], but the people feel that it is, first, a Moslem state, and then of the Croats
and Serbs and all other peoples. That is how the majority people perceive it.
They would consider this to be a surrender of power.”
150
stion, Izetbegović’s, or by Izetbegović inspired, story on a

civil, non-ethnic, BiH that should be freed from the ethnic
key and based exclusively on the concept of abstract citi-
zenship. The story had a simple meaning for Izetbegović
– it meant ‘one citizen one vote’ or ‘a majority rule.’ It was
and remains irreconcilable to the fact of the constituent,
and equal, status of the three peoples in the BiH. Since all
three peoples are constituent to the BiH, they are all equ-
ally constituent. Hence, the peoples enjoy equal rights of
political legitimisation and representation, and such rights
are essentially collective. This principle entails the princi-
ple of parity in decision-making bodies, in central instituti-
ons of the state, whatever a precise definition of the powers
of the institutions. However, throughout the war time, and
based on his adherence to the majority rule, Izetbegović
also advocates the principle of proportional representation
in accordance with 1991 census (see also Komšić 2006, p.
396). Historiographic honesty and objectivity require from
us to acknowledge that Izetbegović has insisted at least on
a minimal, but cutting-edge superiority of Bosniac-Mo-
slem ethnic identity over the other two identities of Bo-
snia-Herzegovina.
4. Islam: It seems that few theorists have understood,

or taken seriously, Izetbegović’s key argument as presen-
ted in his book Islam between East and West (Izetbegović
1995b). For instance, an influential English historian, Noel
Malcolm, refers to the book only to illustrate his thesis that
Izetbegović was not a fundamentalist. Malcolm points to
Izetbegović’s warm and praising words on Anglo-Saxon
philosophy or culture, or on social-democratic tradition,
and interprets those as an evidence in support of the thesis
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Dražen Pehar
that Izetbegović is not a fundamentalist (as excerpted in a

Sarajevo weekly Start, October 21 2003, p. 21).
‘Fundamentalism’ definitely is a word rich in ideological
undertones; besides, there are both Islamic and Christian
fundamentalists. Hence, I hesitate to use the word when
referring to Izetbegović. But, it is also clear that his concep-
tion of Islam contains some elements of fundamentalism
in the sense of an ideology committed to the claim that a
religion is so superior to the others that an absolute expan-
sion of the religion, even by violent means, is a worthwhile
goal. Clearly, Izetbegović unambiguously claims, and the
key argument of Islam between East and West aims to su-
bstantiate the claim, that Islam, as a world-view, religion, a
view and way of life, is vastly superior to all intellectual and
spiritual alternatives including philosophical, religious, et-
hical and political ones (Izetbegović 1995b, esp. pp. 19-21
and 204-213). Such is simply the key message of his book,
and nobody can deny it. Does such a claim justify by itself a
use of violence against the other religions, or world-views,
in Izetbegović’s opinion? Does that imply that Islam should
rule the world? Of course, Izetbegović was intelligent eno-
ugh not to propose an affirmative answer to the questions.
Such an answer would have made him a straightforward
Islamic fundamentalist. However, does a faith in superio-
rity of one’s own faith motivate a kind of demeaning atti-
tude towards the others, the ‘inferior ones’? Does it incre-
ase the probability of a conflict between the representative
of the superior religion and the representatives of the ‘in-
ferior ones’? Does it create a sense in the representative of
the superior religion that he has already won, or that the
existence of the representatives of the ‘inferior’ religions
is not as meaningful as his own? The answer to the three
152
questions must be in the positive. Therefore, the most per-

tinent and fitting attribute one should assign to Izetbegović
is of an ‘Islamic Supremacist’ as an advocate of the thesis of
intellectual supremacy of Islam against all other religions
and world-views.
Why does he view Islam as fundamentally superior to
other world-views and religions? He claims that the whole
intellectual universe should be divided into two contra-
dictory perspectives based on mutually opposed princi-
ples; he names those as the thesis and the anti-thesis, or
the principle of West and the principle of East. The first
principle includes a belief in materialism, in primacy of
non-animated world, in hedonism, egoism etc. The second
principle includes a full and austere religiosity, a belief
in soul, ascetism, altruism etc. How does Islam relate to
the two principles? Izetbegović gives a simple answer as
follows. Islam is a superior synthesis of both principles; it
incorporates both principles in a Hegelian, dialectic unity.
Hence, for Izetbegović, Islam is both East and West, both
materialism and religiosity, both egoism and altruism…
Islam is bipolar, as he put it, and therefore it is superior to
both principles (Izetbegović ibid.). Additionally, he claims
that some intellectual or philosophical currents, too, may
be interpreted as a synthetic unity composed of both the
principle of West and the principle of East; for instance,
in Izetbegović’s opinion, American pragmatism presents
a synthetic unity that closely resembles Islam (Izetbegović
1995b, p. 255). But, if we take Izetbegović literally, we sho-
uld really claim that it is the notion that the American pra-
gmatism approaches Islam in a sense which makes the for-
mer intellectually, or spiritually, advanced and appealing.
In other words, in Izetbegović’s view, historical progress or
153
Dražen Pehar
evolution is necessarily geared towards Islam as the ulti-

mate achievement.
Two consequences, that Izetbegović should find distur-
bing, follow from such an analysis of Islam. First, due to his
overly simplified scheme, Izetbegović is forced to propose
an overly simplified description of some inter-personal, in-
ter-religious, or international relations. For instance, some
elements of Islam simply cannot be interpreted as appro-
priation of the elements of Hindu, or Christian faith. The
former can be interpreted only as radically opposed, and
irreconcilable, to the latter. Secondly, applied to Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Izetbegović’s philosophy implies a belief in an
inherent superiority of the true followers of Islam over the
followers of Christianity, or agnostics, or atheists. The idea
of superiority does not have to be necessarily translated into
political reality; however, imagine that you are brought up
within a tradition that does not consider conversion into
Islam as a possibility – then you will get a justified impre-
ssion that, from Izetbegović’s perspective on Islam, you are
a priori taken as less worthy, as one who will never achieve
the progress that true Islamic believers will. Certainly, now
the idea that the Moslems of Bosnia-Herzegovina should
enjoy a ‘surplus of rights’, a reference to special rights of a
‘majority people’, is easier to understand. Also, an uncom-
fortable feeling experienced by the others when faced with
the ideologue of Islamic supremacy – the feeling that the
best part of their identity (e.g. as a catholic, or an agnostic)
is, as the ideologue interprets it, already in a better way
incorporated into a follower of Islam (who embraces the
catholic element but adds to it something else, which ma-
kes him or her superior to the catholic), not in themselves
– is now easy to understand. Additionally, it is only within
154
the perspective of Izetbegović’s Islamic supremacism that

one can properly understand his two characterisations of
the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina that depict it in a positive
light – the war as a force that more than ever “unified the
Moslems of the world” in their solidarity with the Moslems
of Bosnia-Herzegovina (Izetbegović 1995a, p. 41); the war
as an event that brought to the Moslem-Bosniac people “a
world-wide affirmation” (Izetbegović 1997, p. 57).
5. History and historical prediction: Izetbegović’s per-

spective on history is marked, and strongly determined, by
his perspective on Islam. In fact he views history as a key
test of the central virtue of Islam, submission. His under-
standing of history rests on two premises:
1. History is a play and materialisation of a superior force
that a human being cannot fully grasp, or predict. “Nobody
knows why history flows as it does. I do not deem myself
able to discover or reveal the reasons/causes of historical
developments. God is one who materialises a design of His
own making.” (Izetbegović 1996, p. 127). Also, an indivi-
dual human being occasionally plays the role of a puppet
through which the Divine Force implements its own design
that remains hidden. Hence, Izetbegović often refers to the
war in Bosnia-Herzegovina as an inevitable “clash with hi-
story.” In a conversation with the French philosopher Ber-
nard Henry Levy, Izetbegović put it as follows: “That is it!
That is the way history flows! It does not always leave a
room for a choice! Once it delivers its command – the most
important thing for us is to be as obedient to the command
as possible…” (Izetbegović to Bernard Henry Levy, as qu-
oted in Horizont 1997, p. 5). This means that Izetbegović,
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Dražen Pehar
in accordance with his Islamic premises, takes a determi-

nistic view of history (“historical events are predestined,
a superior historical necessity shapes history”), but does
not allow for a human understanding of such a necessity;
human beings are in no position to predict historical deve-
lopments and such developments simply elude their grasp.
God is the only one who can have an insight into historical
developments simply because history unfolds according to
a Divine Design.
2. The only thing a human being can do about history
is to submit oneself to it. “Submission to God,” as it steers
historical developments, is the only option for us, mortals.
An individual human being can achieve some degree of
freedom in a historical context, but, it is freedom in the
sense of “embracing of one’s destiny” (Izetbegović 1995b,
pp. 265-267).
Summarily, human being is no position to understand
history, let alone predict its development or tendencies.
Even if s/he takes an active attitude to anything historical,
s/he can only hope that such an attitude accords with the
Divine Design. Yet, s/he can never know that, or justifiably
believe that. Secondly, there are two roads open to human
beings: either passively listen, and obey, the demands of hi-
story, without fully knowing that what he deems a demand
is a demand in reality; or, persist through the periods of
injustice believing that one can play the role of a ‘hero’ and
carry on one’s shoulders “the infinite abundance of destiny”
(Izetbegović 1995b, p. 265). Izetbegović characterises such
a view of history, and of our viable attitude to history, as
“a pessimistic one,” and points out that such a view is, as
he sees it, inherent to the Islamic doctrine of ‘submission’
156
(Izetbegović 1995b, p. 266). Applied to political relation-

ships, especially to the problems of the BiH politics and
‘statehood’, such a philosophy of history unambiguously
implies that a human being can do nothing but respond,
and react, to such problems and relationships. One cannot
predict them, and one cannot actively steer them into a di-
rection one considers the best or the fairest one. To claim
otherwise is a blasphemy in Izetbegović’s eyes.
However, more problematically, such a philosophy of
history also implies discernible readiness and will to either
suffer or inflict some fair amount of injustice. This is so
because, from a perspective of a Superior Force or a Divine
Design, ‘extreme injustice’ might embody something that
is both necessary and meaningful. Hence, a true Moslem’s
response to an injustice will be in the spirit of ‘submission.’
He does not take a pro-active stand on history; he does not
actively seek those contextual factors that could help him
to implement, in part or fully, the values he endorsed and
found realistically achievable. His attitude to history is fu-
lly reactive; he views it in terms of commands or demands
that he cannot shape or influence; all he can do is obey such
commands since they are a part of God’s plan. Now, if his
following of the demands causes a lot of trouble for him,
or inflicts some pain or injustice on him, then he needs
to endure all of it as required by Islamic ethics of ‘submi-
ssion.’ In other words, if ‘their’ requests makes ‘us’ feel that
war is a historical necessity, the only thing we can do is to
assume the role of the instrument of a historical necessity;
consequences will be considered later. If we get a too small
share of goods, or if we have to suffer injustice, then it only
means that we will have to be good Moslems who ‘submit’
to the erratic, unruly and uncontrollable storms of destiny.
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Dražen Pehar
“Should we all rot!” was Izetbegović’s frequent exclamation

during the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina (Komšić 2006, p.
228; Haverić 2006, p. 175).
On the other hand, Izetbegović often relies on historical
analogies, the images of the past projected into the histo-
rical present or future. As to the BiH itself, he often refers
to contemporary ‘chetnicks’ and ‘ustashas,’ which implied
that the BiH Moslem-Bosniac people is a people of ‘parti-
sans’ and ‘anti-fascists’ only. Also, he often described the
Serb ‘aggression’ in terms of the Nazi aggression against the
free nations of Europe and the Soviet Union (for instance,
Izetbegović 2004, p. 232). Furthermore, he envisaged the
post-war history of BiH as a gradual process of unification
of two post-World War II Germanys, where the Moslem
Bosniac, or Croat and Moslem-Bosniac, part plays the role
of ‘Western Germany’ whose political system will outlive
the system of ‘Eastern Germany’ (Izetbegović 2004, p. 333;
1996, p. 109). Does such a use of analogies imply that he
contradicted his own Islamic philosophy of history, as the
use of historical analogy implies a possibility of orienta-
tion within the present history of political relations, and of
some projection of a future history, which further implies
a pro-active stand as well? Not surprisingly, the answer to
the question is in the negative. He used historical analogy
either as a political weapon, or as a temporary psycho-the-
rapeutic or propaganda tool. In other words, he has not re-
lied on cognitive/theoretical implications of historical ana-
logy, but on its emotional connotation or its propaganda
value. For example, the use of historical analogy of Nazism
is a tool of propaganda against the BiH Serbs, or a political
weapon aimed at persuading the international community
to either intervene militarily or to support militarily the ar-
158
med force of the Bosniac-Moslems. The use of historical

analogy of the Germanys East and West is proposed as a
tool to boost one’s self-confidence, that is, to either rein-
force the sense that ‘Good’ is on our side or nurture the
hope that in the long term peace will produce the result
that Izetbegović was unable to produce by the means of
war.
6. Antinomic character of political phenomena and

processes: The oeuvre of Alija Izetbegović, which includes
all his public and not so public statements, lectures, and
speeches, is a home to an extremely large number of con-
tradictions. He performed a kind of discursive practice for
which a college student would fail at an Introduction to Lo-
gic exam, and seemed not to have a problem with that. Of
course, a discourse of many other politicians is either va-
gue or marked with inconsistencies, which does not mean
that they or Alija Izetbegović become more transparent,
let alone morally inspiring or commendable. Examples are
many. I will mention just a few.
Five seconds before his statement on a Moslem majo-
rity in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and on the Moslem people as
a guarantor of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Izetbegović claims the
following: “Bosnia-Herzegovina cannot accept something
unless that is acceptable by the Serb people too. Whatever
it is that the BiH accepts, the Serb people, as its constituent
part, should take part in it too. Otherwise, the survival of
the Republic is at stake. In all likelihood, we will seek com-
promise. This, however, does not mean that the Serb peo-
ple could blackmail the BiH and demand that their share is
protected alone, because the Serbs are not the only people
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Dražen Pehar
and they will have to take into account the will of the other
citizens of the Republic. We know how smart people sho-
uld resolve this: by searching for a middle ground that will
satisfy a necessary minimum among the Serb, Moslem,
and Croat peoples, as well as the other nationalities who
live here” (Izetbegović 2004, p. 95 – a November 1990 in-
terview for a daily Borba). Such a claim implies equality
of the peoples, and the need to find and formulate a com-
promise. Also, it implies recognition of the status of the
Serb people, together with the other two, as a precondition
of the existence of BiH. This contradiction is premised on
Izetbegović’s contradiction that is both more famous and
more frequently discussed, the contradiction between his
advocacy of a ‘civil’ Republic of the BiH, as a state of all
its citizens unidentified in ethnic terms, on the one hand,
and his occasional recognition of the fact that the BiH is
a state composed of several ethnic groups that may have
very different interests (of course, with Izetbegović’s later,
idiosyncratic, addition of the notion of the Moslem people
as a majority people with a special status), on the other.
Secondly, regardless of the fact that Izetbegović has
already emphasised that Moslems would militarily defend
Bosnia, in the sense of a state with full and undivided so-
vereignty, at 48th session of the BiH Presidency, held on
December 20 1991, the Presidency, by majority vote, pa-
sses the decision to submit to the European Community a
request for international recognition of independent and
sovereign BiH; however, the decision adds the following:
“considering multi-ethnic composition of Bosnia-Her-
zegovina…it is advisable to secure special relations with
their homelands, the republics of Croatia and Serbia, for
both Croat and Serb peoples in Bosnia-Herzegovina” (NSF
160
2006a, p. 72). Such a ‘provision’ on parallel special relati-

ons, which will later find its way into the Dayton Consti-
tution of Bosnia-Herzegovina, but the implementation of
which Izetbegović will nonetheless strongly oppose, im-
plies a necessity of decentralisation of the BiH, and reco-
gnition of particular national interests of both Serbs and
Croats; hence, such a provision is compatible only with the
provision of both external and internal division of Bosnian
sovereignty of a kind.
Thirdly, his statements on the nature of the war in BiH
are often incoherent and irreconcilable. Sometimes he cla-
imed that the war in BiH is about a defence of an idea (of
tolerance, co-existence, multi-ethnicity), and sometimes
he emphasised that the former claim was actually a lie be-
cause “co-existence is a nice thing, but I think that I can
freely say that it is a lie to claim that our soldiers sacrifice
their lives for such a thing. If anyone has had some illusions
about co-existence, we were the ones who had them. But,
lies provide for a poor foundation, and we cannot lie to our
people. Our soldier, there, who struggles in the mud, does
not do so to co-exist, but to defend a patch of land the ot-
hers want to steal from him” (Izetbegović 1995a, p. 47).
Fourthly, his assessments of the peace deals for Bosnia-
Herzegovina, that were primarily proposed by internatio-
nal community, as well as his bilateral proposals of viable
solutions of the Bosnian crisis during the wartime, form a
pandemonium in which one can hardly recognise a consi-
stent, non-contradictory view. He accepted, already in Sep-
tember 1995, the basic outline of the Dayton peace agree-
ment for Bosnia-Herzegovina, that is, the Dayton Consti-
tution which defined the BiH as a state composed of two
161
Dražen Pehar
entities, with a 51% to 49% territorial division; however, in

February 1992 he declined ‘Cutilheiro’s’ Statement of Prin-
ciples, after he stated that he would accept it. He hesitated
to adopt the Vance-Owen plan in early 1993 (Glenny 1993,
pp. 225-230), a plan that foresaw ten cantons in Bosnia
without territorial contiguity, but he also somewhat he-
sitated, and somewhat expressed willingness to adopt the
Owen-Stoltenberg plan on ‘The Union of Three Republics’
in late 1993 (see Izetbegović 2004, p. 317). Prior to that, on
September 16 1993, he signed a secret treaty with the Serb
representative Krajišnik, which authorised the Bosnian
Serbs to organise a referendum of independence and thus
secede from Bosnia-Herzegovina (Komšić 2006, p. 251).
However, it is also interesting to note that, at secret bila-
teral meetings with Tuđman, on January 12 1994 in Bonn,
he put forward two proposals to Tuđman: first, to let him,
Izetbegović, import arms and artillery into the BiH, after
which he, Izetbegović, would defeat the BiH Serbs milita-
rily, without Croat meddling, following which Izetbegović
would agree to a reorganisation of the whole of BiH on the
principle of parity in power between the Bosnian Moslems
and the Bosnian Croats. Following Tuđman’s refusal even
to consider such a proposal, Izetbegović offered to Tuđ-
man Western Herzegovina, which would join Croatia, and
then “to leave us [Moslem-Bosniacs] alone” (Komšić 2006,
pp. 311-314).
Fifthly, Izetbegović’s qualifications of the Dayton peace
accords are as well marked by numerous contradictions.
Sometimes he referred to the accords as a necessarily unjust
compromise between the sides that are neither victorious
nor defeated (Izetebegović 1997, pp. 186-187), sometimes
he referred to it as a minimally just deal (Izetbegović 1999,
162
p. 110), sometimes he viewed it as but a reflection of a

complex and multi-ethnic character of Bosnia-Herzego-
vina (1997, p. 261); sometimes he even characterised it as
a victory of his politics, at least in an embryonic shape, as
the Serb Republic, by having signed to the Dayton peace,
implicitly accepted its own self-negation – following the
Dayton, the republic could either democratise, and become
more multi-ethnic and more civilised, which implies that it
would cease to act as a Serb, or an anti-Bosnian, entity; or,
it could isolate itself, stagnate, and ultimately self-destruct
(Izetbegović 1996, p. 143).
Izetbegović was, with no doubt, aware of his own en-
dorsement of a large number of contradictions. Such an
endorsement is in full accordance with his view of Islam as
a force that synthesises contradictions. If West is a thesis,
and East anti-thesis, a synthesis of the two is impossible
from a logical point of view. Either the thesis, or the anti-
thesis, is true. According to Izetbegović, Islam manages to
synthesise the two, which turns it into a miracle of logic,
into an impossible reality. Such a view of Islam will find
its way into Izetbegović’s conception of Bosnia-Herzego-
vina too. Let us recall that he often speaks about Bosnia
as a miracle or enigma, or about a miracle of Bosnian re-
sistance, or about the miracle of Bosnia’s survival through
the four-year war, etc. His presentation at the French In-
stitute of International Relations, on August 19 1995, pro-
vides a pertinent illustration of his thesis on antinomic
character of political phenomena and processes. Following
his statement that it is God who materialises “some plan of
his” throughout history, the host at the Institute warns him
about a contradiction, because just a minute ago Izetbego-
vić stated that the peoples are led by some politicians who
163
Dražen Pehar
work on their own, surely not on God’s, plans. Izetbegović

then makes his concession as follows: “Yes, there is an ap-
parent contradiction. All significant propositions concer-
ning life are contradictory, or, more precisely, antinomic”
164
A preliminary summary
P
rovisionally, I will put aside the aspect of ‘antinomic
character of political phenomena and processes,’
which is obviously very important to Izetbegović.
Here it should be noted only that, if one adheres to the
principle of charity in explaining the behaviour of political
agents, this aspect seems extremely problematic. However,
I believe that there is a sound way to explain it in rational
terms. Such a rational explanation will be proposed in the
chapter on dediscoursation.
The remaining five pillars, that encompass all the key
elements of Izetbegović’s political theory, all the key clu-
sters of Izetbegović’s strategic political beliefs, plausibly
demonstrate that the events from January 10 1992 session
of the BiH Presidency should not be taken as a symptom
of Izetbegović’s temporary lack of accountability. All the
key statements he made at the session are fully compati-
ble with his strategic political beliefs. His understanding of
war and peace, of force and negotiation, of Islam, statehood
and sovereignty, and finally of history, supplies a clear ca-
usal structure which necessitates a number of effects that
also include his January 10 1992 positions; the positions
that attest to his readiness to go to war, his unwillingness
to enter negotiations and make compromises, his inability,
or a lack of will, to accept and empathise with those he ou-
ght to negotiate with. Such positions also indicate that, in
a deep sense, he is not interested in Bosnia-Herzegovina
165
Dražen Pehar
as a community composed of three equal peoples whose

representatives need to negotiate a new, a reasonable con-
stitutional and political arrangement. He is only interested
in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a topos in which his own inte-
rests primarily, as the interests of the people he actually
represents, should be satisfied even at the expense of the
others.
It is also important to emphasise here that Izetbegović’s
strategic beliefs are not fully irrational; on some assumpti-
ons, they are indeed admissible. For instance, Marxists too
subscribe to the concept of the state as a ‘command-giver’
of a kind. Many advocates of Real-politics, or of Realism as
a paradigm in politics and International Relations, defend
the idea of primacy of force, and power, vis-à-vis negotia-
tions. Many influential theorists, including Kissinger and
Foucault, believe that it may be conceptually and empiri-
cally useful to theorise the state of peace in terms of a con-
tinuation of war by other means. Many political theorists
believe that ‘majority rule’ is the only option in politics; and
many practitioners of politics tend to believe in superiority
of their own ideology, or world-view, value system, or even
religion. Lenin as well defended the theory of historical de-
terminism, together with the notion that some individuals,
or groups, occasionally play the role of an instrument of a
deeper historical force or design. However, it is important
to have in mind that, in the conditions of conflict, especi-
ally a severe and intense political conflict, all the strategic
beliefs are more likely to pull the decision-maker towards
the decision in favour of the use of armed force, or of a war,
than towards the decision in favour of a peace, that is, in
favour of a calm, rational reliance on the means of verbal
166
communication and negotiation, and on the search for a

compromise premised on the principle of equal validity of
the opening negotiating positions.
What is the ultimate point, or constellation, at which
Izetbegović’s will to deploy the means of violence aims? We
know that he viewed ‘his’ war as a war for a civil, whole and
undivided Bosnia-Herzegovina. We also know that ‘his’
war was a war against a division/partition of Bosnia-Her-
zegovina, especially division along the ethnic or national
lines (“We shall not sacrifice sovereignty for peace; we shall
sacrifice peace for sovereignty”). Does this sound logical?
In fact, taken literally, the very idea makes no sense. One
cannot wage a war and sincerely hope, or expect, that the
war would prevent, or stop, division. All wars deepen the
existing, or create new, divisions. In an extreme case, if you
send an army against those who, on a public demonstra-
tion, express their desire to create peacefully a new entity,
and thus separate themselves from you to a higher or lower
degree, you will both speed up the separation and make it
legitimate and morally justified. To gain an even sharper
view: imagine a husband who, after his wife announced
that she intended to divorce him, threatens her with a use
of force. Or, imagine a party to a contract who, after the
co-signatory to the contract announced that for some rea-
sons the contract would soon cease to bind him, or that he
intended to terminate it, now decides to threaten the co-
signatory with a use of lethal weapon. The consequences
are clear: both the divorce and the co-signatory’s motion
of termination become more reasonable and gain in legiti-
macy. If some division, or separation, should be healed, or
made less painful, or if some chance of a future reintegra-
tion should remain, then to the calls for separation, or par-
167
Dražen Pehar
tition, either in a daily or political life, one should respond

in a different fashion.
It is highly improbable that Izetbegović was not aware of
such consequences, or of the fundamental irrationality of
the ‘war against division/partition’ taken literally. The prin-
ciple of charity still demands that we interpret Izetbegović
as a reasonable agent, in light of the assumption that he
must have been aware of the irrationality of the war against
division. This commits one to the thesis that something else
stood behind the rhetoric of the war against division, a set
of motives, goals, or incentives that, in Izetbegović’s eyes,
rationalised the irrational ‘war against division.’ Within the
set, one must have been central – to secure for the Mo-
slem-Bosniac people as much of influence and power as
possible, either in a loosely preserved Bosnia-Herzegovina
or in a partitioned Bosnia-Herzegovina, both in the sense
of territorial gain and of constitutional-legal powers, that
is, sovereignty. Additionally, for Izetbegović the war must
have implied another motive that remains puzzling, or in-
visible, if one takes literally the rhetoric of the anti-division
war – the motive of a renewal, or revival, of the sense of
belonging to the circle of an Islamic culture, or civilisation,
among the Moslem-Bosniac population. It is only in light of
such motivation that the aims of war, due to which Izetbe-
gović decided to try to rely on violent means in the first
place, can be interpreted in accordance with the principle
of charity, as rational and interest-based aims (see also Ha-
lilović 1998, pp. 20-21, 25, 131-134). This also implies that,
whatever it is that Izetbegović aimed or intended, it cannot
be couched in terms of ‘equality of peoples.’ He intended
to secure either a minimal superiority of Bosniac-Moslem
people in a loosely preserved BiH, or autonomy of the pe-
168
ople at as a large part of the BiH territory as possible. The

war was stopped after, for Izetbegović, the second option
became too unlikely, while the first one remained at least
in the sense of a distant possibility, a promise contained
within the ‘quiet war of provisions’ of the Dayton peace
agreement, within the Dayton ambiguities.48
It was already mentioned that, apart from the fact that,
in light of his strategic beliefs, Izetbegović’s decision for
war seems rational, one should also propose an explana-
tion of the factor of ‘the lack of military capacity’ that could
not have played the role of a motivating, or encouraging,
factor. In other words, provided that one does not possess
a sufficient military capacity, one’s decision for war is not
intelligible since it seems to be insufficiently reasonable,
though, had different conditions prevailed, and especially
in light of the strategic beliefs, the decision would have
been rational. Somebody who, with a knife in his pocket
only, attacks a group equipped with heavy artillery should
not be described as sufficiently rational. The next chapter
addresses this problem, that is, the element in Izetbegović’s
overall political calculus.
48 Richard Holbrooke framed Izetbegović’s choice in second half of August

1995; he explicitly told Izetbegović to make up his mind – either to accept
full partition of BiH, or to accept the formula ‘two strong entities with one
loose central government;’ for which see Holbrooke (1998, pp. 99-100) and
Izetbegović (2005, p. 259).
169
Dražen Pehar
Ambassador Zimmermann
as a war-maker?
T
he episode of aborted negotiations, in Lisbon and
Sarajevo in February and March 1992, immedia-
tely before the beginning of military hostilities in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, is the most controversial one from
the viewpoint of historiography. In the literature that de-
als with the period many hypotheses have been suggested,
but it is very difficult to identify a rational argument in the
sense of an explanation that is sufficiently, and unambi-
guously, supported by a non-biased body of empirical, or
documentary, evidence. In my view, interpretations and
explanations are politically coloured or interest-driven; sc-
holars choose one of the two strategies: either to simply
pick a hypothesis beforehand, and then support it with a
biased material; or to remain neutral in the controversy,
which simply means presenting opposed hypotheses that
seem to be supported by approximately equal amount of
contradictory evidence (for instance, Campbell 1998, p.
279, and Klemenčič 2010, p. 172). The theoretical and hi-
storiographic battle of ‘giants’ revolves around two questi-
ons, or issues. Has Izetbegović really accepted, and then
soon reneged on, the Lisbon Statement of constitutional
principles that proposed a rearrangement of Bosnia-Her-
zegovina into a federated state composed of three cantons
drawn primarily, but not exclusively, along ethno-national
lines? Secondly, has the American diplomacy, represented
at the time through Warren Zimmermann, the last Ameri-
170
can ambassador to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugo-

slavia, played any role in Izetbegović’s decision, and what
kind of role was it exactly?
At the very start one should point out that the histo-
rians, and interpreters, of the period focus mostly on the
statements that explicitly concern the period in question.
Interpretation remains futile primarily because it is focu-
sed only on the statements as given by relevant sources
and limited narrowly to the period. Undoubtedly there is a
friction between some statements, often given by a single
agent; some statements seem logical and rational in light of
one hypothesis, but some others seem logical only in light
of an alternative hypothesis. I consider such research stra-
tegy, and such kind of history-writing, flawed and futile.
In order to get an adequate understanding of the period in
question, we need to take into account also the statements
that do not explicitly focus on the said period, but focus on
the BiH war generally, and also perhaps the statements that
have nothing to do with the BiH war; finally, and most im-
portantly, we need to take into account the actions, or the
agency, of particular actors or agents, during the relevant
period of time. In other words, if one cannot get a suffici-
ently clear view of developments from the oral or written
records, due to the fact that the statements given are either
contradictory, or ambiguous, or lack an unambiguous evi-
dential, and documentary, support, then one needs to start
investing less time into thinking of what has been said and
more time into thinking of what has been done. This is,
roughly, the key part of my research strategy.
However, before I propose an explanation, I will present
some illustrations of the controversy concerning the pe-
riod from February 21-2, the Lisbon meetings, till March
171
Dražen Pehar
18 1992, the day at which a compromise concerning consti-

tutional principles of the republic was negotiated between
Izetbegović, Karadžić, and Boban, at the UNPROFOR He-
adquarters in Sarajevo. As to the essential facts from the
period, we should emphasise the following: at Lisbon, on
January 21 to 23 a meeting of the representatives of the
BiH ethnic-national communities took place at which they
seem to have agreed on constitutional principles concer-
ning a reorganisation of the BiH. It remains unclear whet-
her the representatives have signed a document. However,
their assent to the proposed Lisbon Statement of Princi-
ples was clearly indicated (perhaps by a public statement,
or by initialling the document). Also, maps of territorial
partition of the BiH were presented to the negotiators, but,
we should also have in mind that, according to the draft
agreement, the BiH was to continue its international legal
existence as an independent and federated state. 44% of
the BiH territory was assigned to the Serb canton, or unit,
and 56% of the BiH territory was assigned to Croats and
Moslems taken together, which means that the proposed
maps remained incomplete. Upon his return to Sarajevo,
Izetbegović starts criticising in public the Lisbon draft. It
seemed that he was withdrawing his consent (Glenny 1993,
p. 167; Klemenčič 2010, p. 171). Two days later, on Febru-
ary 25, he meets the American ambassador Zimmermann
who, at the very same day, meets Karadžić (Zimmermann
1996, pp. 189-190). We do not know what Zimmermann
told Izetbegović, or what Izetbegović told him. Following
Izetbegović’s obvious hesitation, at a meeting held in early
March 1992 in Brussels, the Serb representatives renounce
the ‘Cutilheiro’s’, or Lisbon plan. At a March 16-18 mee-
ting, in Sarajevo Headquarters of UNPROFOR, the repre-
172
sentatives of ethnic-national communities again sign to

a document that more-or-less coincides with the Lisbon
plan, which the Serb representative Karadžić hails with
the following words “this is a great day for Bosnia-Herze-
govina!” (Binder 1993); less than a week later, Izetbegović
recalls his signature, in which he was followed a day later
by Mate Boban, the then representative of the BiH Croats
(Klemenčič 2010, p. 171).49
Jože Pirjevec, a Slovenian historian of post-Yugoslav
wars, claims that Izetbegović’s opinion on the Lisbon/Sara-
jevo plans was changed as a result of the influence exerted
by Ambassador Zimmermann (as emphasised in Klemen-
čič 2010, p. 172). Zimmermann encouraged Izetbegović to
resist both Serb and European pressure. Danielle Sremac
agrees with such an interpretation (Sremac 1999, p. 92), to
which Jeanne M. Haskin gives her support too. As Haskin
points out:
49 At the Socialist Republic BiH Presidency session, attended by the opposi-

tion parties representatives, on March 26 1992, Nenad Kecmanović, a member
of the opposition party of Reformists, addressed the Presidency with the fol-
lowing words: “Hence, I would like to remind of the fact that this escalation
of the crisis in the BiH started after the agreement made in Konak [one of
the Sarajevo buildings at which foreign dignitaries were hosted and negotia-
tions were held], that is, during the subsequent developments. I do not know
how those negotiators would face, at the end of the week, Mr. Cutiliero from
the EC. This is really scandalous – three men, grown-ups, of age, who aim to
represent three peoples and an entire state, the republic, after having met, and
agreed, and publicly, in front of cameras, stated that they agreed (each of them
even emphasised that the agreement suited the party he represents), which
was greeted as a positive and sensational development in the Republic, as well
as in Yugoslavia, Europe, and the world; a few days later those very same men,
in front of the same cameras, now claim that the agreement was no good, that
it did not suit them. Listen, we witness here an incredible lack of seriousness,
so I do not find it puzzling that the citizens’ fear, and a sense of instability, in-
tensified. I do not know how one could now continue holding talks under the
auspices of international community” (NSF 2006a, p. 122).
173
Dražen Pehar
“She [Sremac] is quite right, however, in stating that it

was President Izetbegovic who reneged on the Lisbon
Agreement and that he did so with backing from US
Ambassador Warren Zimmerman. And, as she says, ‘It
set a pattern that continued throughout the war as Eu-
ropean diplomatic initiatives would be foiled by Was-
hington time and again’” (Haskin 2006, p. 63).
It is due to such an exclusive focus on Zimmermann’s

meeting with Izetbegović that the controversy concerning
the February-March 1992 period was to revolve around
the problem of identification of the words Zimmermann
conveyed to Izetbegović at the February 25 meeting. That
is also why the controversy continues to generate the im-
pression of inexplicable one; as there are no documents
concerning ‘the words,’ or the documents remain classified,
confidential, and closed to the public or scholarly eye, one’s
position on the controversy is likely to be determined by
irrelevant factors (such as one’s a priori belief, or disbelief,
in a principally benevolent US diplomacy, or one’s a priori
view of the character of Alija Izetbegović).
For instance, Silber and Little a priori accept the un-
grounded thesis concerning a principally benevolent US
diplomacy, and a special Izetbegović’s character, that they
present as follows:
“Stories instantly sprang up about why the Bosnian le-
ader had changed his mind. This behaviour, possibly the
result of a decade in prison, was, however, typical of him:
Izetbegović was as easily swayed by one argument as he
was by another. There were later allegations that Warren
Zimmermann, the US Ambassador to Yugoslavia, urged
174
him to abandon the agreement. But Zimmermann, a sta-

unch advocate of human rights, was under instruction to
support any agreement reached by the three sides. He said
that he had advised Izetbegović that if the Bosnian Presi-
dent had made a commitment he should uphold it.” (Silber,
Little 1996, pp. 219-220).
Hence Zimmermann had not advised Izetbegović to re-

nege on the Lisbon agreement, because Zimmerman is be-
nevolent, because he himself said so, and because Izetbe-
gović spent a decade in prison. As an explanation, the Sil-
ber-Little narrative is utterly unconvincing.
It is interesting to note that, in Zimmermann’s version/

narrative, though it agrees with the Silber-Little version,
the key words (“if the…President had made a commitment
he should uphold it” in Silber, Little) are not conveyed as
Silber-Little conveys them. In fact, in Zimmerman there
are two versions (this is prima facie strange because there
should be a memorandum from this meeting, containing
the exact wording, which was some time in February 1992
cabled to the US State Department). According to the first,
after Izetbegović complained to Zimmermann that the Eu-
ropeans have pressed him to endorse the Lisbon plan of
partition, Zimmermann simply told him the following: “if
you didn’t like it, why sign it?” (quoted in Binder 1993). In
other words, the question may as well connote a critique of
both the signature and the document. It seems to present
a proposition (“if you don’t like a plan, you should not sign
it”) in the form of a rhetorical question. Later, in his book
of memoirs, Zimmermann quotes his own words in a dif-
ferent way:
175
Dražen Pehar
“I asked Izetbegović why he had agreed at Lisbon to

compromises that he was now criticizing. He said he
had been put under pressure by the other parties, in-
cluding Cutileiro, and felt he had to give in. When he
got back to Sarajevo, his Muslim colleagues upbraided
him for weakness. Now he didn’t know what to do.
Drawing on my instructions to support whatever could
be worked out between the European Community and
the three Bosnian parties, I encouraged Izetbegović to
stick by what he’d agreed to. It wasn’t a final agreement,
I said, and there would be future opportunities for him
to argue his views” (Zimmermann 1996, p. 190).
Hence, in this version, Zimmermann’s words suggest

that what Izetbegović had agreed to was worthy (‘compro-
mises’), and that Izetbegović’s later change of mind, or cri-
tique of ‘compromises’, was problematic.
Interestingly, Zimmermann’s first version appeared in
an article by David Binder, published on August 19 1993 in
The New York Times, under the telling title “U.S. policyma-
kers on Bosnia admit errors in opposing partition in 1992.”
The article carried a significant weight because it presented
some new opinions of some new U.S. policymakers on Bo-
snia (probably from the Clinton Administration). The ar-
ticle also contains a significant statement by Zimmermann
(repeated later in his book of memoirs) which sounds as
a straightforward critique of Izetbegović’s dismissal of the
Lisbon plan, a critique perhaps formulated with hindsight,
which reads as follows: “In retrospect, the Lisbon agree-
ment wasn’t bad at all” (Binder 1993). However, the article
as well quotes an unidentified official from the US State
Department from the period of the Bush Administration:
176
“‘The policy [of the Administration prior to internatio-

nal recognition of the BiH] was to encourage Izetbego-
vić to break with the partition plan,’ said a high-ranking
State Department official who asked not to be identified.
‘It was not committed to paper. We let it be known we
would support his Government in the United Nations
if they got into trouble. But there were no guarantees,
because Baker didn’t believe it would happen.’” (Binder
1993)
Perhaps predictably, Zimmermann later denied that he

played any role in informing Izetbegović of such US po-
licy.
However, in a preliminary view, it is obvious that, by
now, there are two conundrums that strike one’s eye. First,
why has Zimmermann found it necessary, or prudent, to
emphasise in August 1993 that the Lisbon plan was not
bad at all? If, according to his own words, such was the
US policy on the BiH in February or March 1992 already,
the policy that is said to have been officially conveyed to
Izetbegović, then the Lisbon agreement, for the US, was
not bad in February or March 1992 either. Hence, in re-
trospect, such an emphasis in August 1993 sounds stran-
gely out of place and raises one’s brows. Secondly, if the
US policy on the Lisbon agreement was positive since the
very start, in February 1992, why the then US policy was
not strongly and publicly promoted; especially, how is it
possible that the US has not thrown its weight behind the
agreement, defended it, or publicly condemned those par-
ties who, like Izetbegović, hesitated at the time? In other
words, having in mind a lack of some data, and supply of
177
Dražen Pehar
some others, such as the US, and the EU, recognition of the
BiH following an insufficiently legitimate result of the Fe-
bruary 28 and March 1 pro-independence referendum in
BiH, it seems that the claim that the US had a positive view
of the Lisbon plan in February 1992 need to be met with
scepticism and invitations to a further scrutiny.
However, before anything else, we need to listen to
another major voice, the voice of Izetbegović himself. Per-
haps it can give us important hints about the direction in
which we could find some answers to the deep and per-
plexing historiographic controversy. In his book of memo-
irs Izetbegović quotes from his July 19 2000 interview to
an American ‘journalist’ Alan Kuperman.50 To the question
“why did it seem that you have on two occasions, in Fe-
bruary and March 1992, endorsed the Cutiliero’s plan only
to renounce it on both occasions?”, Izetbegović answers as
follows:
“You need to have in mind two facts: first, throughout
the time we were negotiating under the threat of aggre-
ssion; secondly, we were not equal in the negotiations.
The Serbs were negotiating from the position of power
as they were backed by the Army (JNA) which at the
time was ranked fourth in Europe by its combat capa-
city. In such a situation, we were in no position to de-
fend some firm and strict views, we had to manoeuvre
in order to find any solution, to avoid the conflict and
buy some time. At the Lisbon meeting (February 21 and
22 1992), as well as the Brussels one (March 7 and 8
1992), no document was signed. There were only my
statements to the effect that I supported the negotiating
50 Nowadays a lecturer in international politics at the University of Texas (USA).
178
process and hoped for a positive outcome. It was not me

who rejected the Cutiliero’s plan, but the Serbs. They
did so immediately after the Brussels meeting, after
which they definitely confirmed their rejection of the
plan at March 11 1992 session of their assembly. In the
meantime, within the period between the Lisbon and
the Brussels meeting we held the pro-independence re-
ferendum.” (Izetbegović 2005, p. 111)
Kuperman then asks another question: “What have

you expected to happen after Bosnia declares its indepen-
dence?” Izetbegović answers as follows: “I expected that, fo-
llowing the referendum, the international community wo-
uld recognise Bosnia’s independence and defend the state
which they recognised” (Izetbegović, ibid.) To Kuperman’s
explicit question if somebody, perhaps Ambassador Zim-
mermann, suggested to him, Izetbegović, that the interna-
tional community would come to defend Bosnia after the
international recognition, Izetbegović answers as follows:
“No western diplomat, including Mr. Zimmermann, has
suggested or promised to me something in that sense”
Apart from the last statement, which will soon be expla-
ined, the key message of all the remaining statements is
very clear. In this interview Izetbegović actually admits
that, through February and March 1992, he was preparing
for the war, and that for him the war had already started.
He viewed the Lisbon, Brussels, and Sarajevo negotiations
as but a passage through a period of time that should have
been spent on achieving different ends that had nothing to
do with negotiations proper. He viewed the period of pre-
179
Dražen Pehar
war negotiating as a period of ‘fog making’ that would allow

him to implement his strategy marked by the following
sequence “referendum, independence, international reco-
gnition, a defence of the BiH from a foreign aggression.”
In Izetbegović’s mind, those negotiations were not aimed
at an honest and viable solution of the problems, but at a
productive exploitation of the period which was expected
to strengthen ‘his’ military muscle and make it a match to
the BiH Serbs.51 Izetbegović unmistakably suggests that he
chose the strategy of ambiguity52 to maintain a vague situa-
tion until the moment when his side acquires at least a pa-
rity of force vis-à-vis the Serb side. Has somebody from the
American side promised something to him? Regardless of
51 It is important to note that, in a July 1992 interview, Izetbegović gives the

following account of the Lisbon negotiations and Lisbon plan mediated by Cu-
tilheiro (Izetbegović 2004, p. 207): “We hoped that Cutilheiro, after he drew the
demographic maps himself, would have realised that the strategy of cantonisa-
tion was not viable in such a mix. Even if one had applied the principle of ma-
jority, over a half of one ethnic group remained outside the boundaries of the
canton assigned to them – however, Cutiliero has not stopped, as we hoped.
That is why we stopped. And yet, Karadžić then took control of the develop-
ments.” In other words, Izetbegović admits here that, after some hesitation,
he rejected the Cutilheiro’s plan; his statement also assigns very similar roles
to Cutilheiro and Karadžić – Karadžić takes on from the point at which Cu-
tilheiro arrived. This also implies that Cutilheiro has tried to achieve, through
negotiations, the very same ends that Karadžić tried to achieve through the
means of war and aggression. Again, we see Izetbegović who presents peace
talks in terms of a war; a military historian Gow (1997, p. 83), in a tone similar
to Izetbegović’s, frames the Lisbon negotiations in terms of the French-British
appeasement of Hitler, in Munich in 1938, concerning the problem of Sude-
tenland and Czechoslovakia. For the reasons I am in no position to elaborate
here, I strongly disagree with Gow’s use of the Munich analogy.
52 On February 25 1992, at a closed session of the Management Board of the
SDA [the leading pre-war- and war-time party of Moslem-Bosniak people],
three days after the Lisbon talks, Izetbegović conveys a contradictory message
to the members of the Board: a. the SDA representatives emphasised in Lisbon
that they considered “the draft as but a Serb proposal translated into English”;
b. the same representatives (due to, as Izetbegović says, ‘a Croat element’) gave
their “conditional consent” to the Lisbon agreement (Izetbegović’s statement
as quoted in Hećimović 2008, p. 31 and 32).
180
one’s answer to such a question, the most promising rese-

arch strategy, as already emphasised, is one focused mainly
on real acting by political agents in light of which one could
disambiguate, and pertinently explain, those ambiguous
statements, incoherent comments, and post facto elucida-
tions, given by the agents concerned.
First, after the international recognition, Izetbegović’s
loudest request to international community is as follows:
either lift the arms embargo, or, in accordance with UN
Charter, oppose the aggression of the neighbouring coun-
try against Bosnia-Herzegovina! Such a request was repe-
ated time and again during the war in BiH (NSF 2006b,
pp. 265-264; Izetbegović 2004, p. 210 and 232; Izetbegović
1996, p. 27, etc.). Izetbegović takes the following stand aga-
inst Karadžić: do as you please on the ground; I will achieve
my aims through the UN of which Bosnia-Herzegovina is
a new member!53 Then, from the start of the war till De-
cember 1992, he ceased negotiating with Karadžić simply
because he was now a president of a sovereign state54 that
claims its rights through the UN Charter. Secondly, it is
as early as April 1992 that Izetbegović starts disseminating
not only his narrative of aggression, but also the narrative of
genocide (NSF 2006a, p. 170). This supports an important
view: though the war started at a time when Izetbegović
53 Actually, he made a statement similar to that during a joint appearance of

the three national party leaders, him, Karadžić, and Kljujić, at a TV JUTEL
broadcast marking the first anniversary of a new, post-communist government
of the BiH, in December 1991 or January 1992. Unfortunately, due to techni-
cal underdevelopment or under-equipment, the archives of the RTV Home in
Sarajevo are not in possession of the record of the broadcast.
54 Having in mind that his official role was only of a chair of the collective presi-
dency of the BiH; one should also have in mind that, for many reasons including
the necessity of rotation of the seat of the chair, Izetbegović’s performance of
the role throughout the war was debatable in a legal-constitutional sense.
181
Dražen Pehar
was in possession of a minor military capacity, his expec-

tation was that, due to the UN membership, his military
power would increase considerably in a near future. That is
why he did not search for a long-term, negotiated solution
or a compromise – he expected that a military power, soon
to be put at his disposal, would enable him to impose his
own terms on the parties to the BiH conflict. Now, how
does the US act during the first year of the war?
With no hesitation, the US acting may be pertinently
described as a symbolic alliance with Alija Izetbegović. Of
all the great powers, it is the USA only that officially kept
defending the narrative of military aggression of Serbia
against the BiH, and lobbying for either a lift of the arms
embargo or even a limited military intervention; such Ame-
rican narrative continues unabated till the start of military
hostilities, and war, between the Croat and the Bosniac-
Moslem armed forces. UK, France, and Russia defend the
narrative of ‘a civil war.’ Misha Glenny gives a very succinct
and lucid summary of the international relations through
the first year of the BiH war:
“The British and French regarded the war in Bosnia as a
civil war, first and foremost, which had been provoked
by the breakdown of Bosnia’s constitutional consensus.
In the United States, the issue was perceived very diffe-
rently. The war was a straight case of aggression by one
state, Serbia, against another, Bosnia-Herzegovina (the
role of the Bosnian Croats or Croatia was simply not
considered, a fact which caused complete confusion on
the news desks of American newspapers when fighting
between Croats and Moslems started to run out of con-
trol in spring 1993). The issue then was to roll back the
Serbs and send them back to their republic, rather as the
182
Americans had pushed the Iraqis out of Kuwait in 1991.

This was the beginning of a serious diplomatic conflict
between the United States on the one hand and Europe
and the UN/EC Conference on Yugoslavia on the other.”
(Glenny 1993, pp. 222-223)
However, one could argue for an even stronger thesis

on the symbolic alliance between Izetbegović and the USA
– despite its endorsement of the Russian 1993 ‘safe haven’
plan, which was preceded by its harmful opposition to
Vance-Owen peace plan55 (opposition based on a senseless
allegation that the plan appeased Serbs in a way analogous
to the Munich 1938 Conference that appeased Hitler), the
US kept defending Izetbegović’s narrative of aggression all
the way till the beginning of 1994. In early 1994, a concern
of Michael Steiner, a German diplomat who then worked
for the International Conference for former Yugoslavia,
and later, in 1996 and 1997, served as the Deputy High Re-
presentative to the BiH, was presented as follows:
[Steiner] “is very concerned about the lack of objectivity
and understanding of the background and history on
the part of the Americans. He spent a long time trying
to convince Oxman [an American negotiator] that there
were three peoples in Bosnia, not just the Muslims and
a collection of ‘minorities.’ US still sees its role as pro-
tector of the Muslims, and that the others must just fo-
llow along. Steiner is worried that the European voice
will just not be heard.” (Campbell 1998, p. 150)
55 A chapter of David Owen’s memoirs (1995), Balkan Odyssey, carries a telling

title ‘How the US ditched Vance-Owen peace plan.’ Gow (1997, pp. 232-248)
offers a detailed analysis that supports the view that the US indeed ditched the
Vance-Owen peace plan.
183
Dražen Pehar
Hence, we do not know the exact wording of Zimmer-

mann’s message to Izetbegović from Feburary 1992; howe-
ver, to form a plausible view, we do not need to know the
exact wording at all. If we keep our eye focused on the fac-
tor of acting, we can easily conclude that, first, Izetbego-
vić expected that he would acquire a significant military
capacity, or support, through the UN mechanisms, which
made the option of war attractive to him. Secondly, till the
beginning of 1994, the US foreign policy narrative on the
war in the BiH coincides fully with Izetbegović’s. There-
fore, we do not know the exact wording of Zimmermann’s
1992 message to Izetbegović, but, whatever the message
was, Izetbegović interpreted it as consistent with his own
interests that, in February and March 1992, he was willing
and ready to defend first and foremost by military means.
Compared to the actual semantic content of Zimmermann’s
words,56 was Izetbegović’s reading of those words accurate
at least to some degree? This, too, is probable if one keeps
in mind the nature of the American foreign policy-narra-
tive on the BiH during 1992 and 1993. As the then US su-
pport to Izetbegović meant a unilateral support to a party
that prepares itself for a war, a worrisome practice in mo-
ral, political, or diplomatic sense, it was probably couched
in ambiguous, or very general, terms that could not have
been committed to paper.57
56 Gow (1997, p. 88), drawing on his conversation with Zimmermann, claims
that Zimmermann “advised Izetbegović that if he really did not like the agree-
ment, he should not have signed it.” Gow (ibid.) adds that the American am-
bassador openly suggested to Izetbegović to stay in line with his conscience
and his political support, “not that US support would be forthcoming in the
event of catastrophe.” Gow also emphasises that such an American position
was partly a result of intensive lobbying in early 1992 in the US by Moslem-
Bosniac lobbyists, Haris Silajdžić and Muhamed Sacirbey, who were later to be
appointed BiH foreign ministers.
57 There are historical precedents to such a US foreign policy strategy. One
should recall the affair of the US Ambassador to Iraq, April Glaspie who, prior
184
Furthermore, it is very clear that, due to further develo-

pments in the BiH, and especially to the role the US played
in ending the war, Izetbegović could not have found it pru-
dent to confess openly that, in February 1992, Zimmerman
suggested to him that the US would actively defend the
BiH, or support or enable its military defence. To confess
such a thing would mean confessing one’s own naiveté, or
irresponsibility. Also, to confess such a thing would imply
a politically inconvenient message – that a state, which
brought the Dayton peace to Bosnia in late 1995, also con-
tributed to the beginnings of the war in Bosnia, and thus
to its disintegration and suffering, which necessarily cast
doubt on the intentions of the US as a peace-maker. Howe-
ver, it is interesting to note that Izetbegović, in his July 23
1993 interview to Le Figaro, in somewhat general terms
in fact confessed such a thing. Izetbegović starts with the
following statement: “In West you keep saying that you
do not want to get involved with our problems. However,
you have intervened in this war against us, in a tragic way.”
Asked to explain how, he gives the following answer: “With
the arms embargo. That was deadly for us. You have not
to Sadam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait, on July 25 1990 met with the Iraqi pres-
ident upon his own request (which signalled a considerable importance of the
meeting for Sadam); at the meeting she informed Sadam of the American at-
titude to the territorial dispute between Iraq and Kuwait. Glaspie received very
general and ambiguous instruction from Washington (‘USA will not meddle
into territorial disputes between the Arab states, but it prefers a peaceful solu-
tion of such disputes’) which she simply conveyed to Sadam. He concluded
that he could interpret the message from the US government as a ‘yellow light’
to his military incursion into Kuwait (See The New York Times, September 23
1990). For a similar American use of ambiguity in a morally problematic con-
text, from a later period, see Pehar (2005b); interestingly, Milošević launched
his offensive against the KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army) on February 28 1998,
following the February 23 public statement by American ambassador and en-
voy Gelbard to the effect that the KLA was a ‘terrorist organisation,’ for which
see Petritsch, Kaser, Pichler (1999, p. 211).
185
Dražen Pehar
done your job. You have not defended your principles. You
have not kept your promises [italics by Pehar].”58 To the
next question by Le Figaro, “who is it that he resents aga-
inst most?”, his answer is in unambiguous terms, “Europe
and America.” (Izetbegović 2004, p. 296)
58 We should not forget that Zimmermann himself later resigned from the
US State Department partly in protest against the US policy on Bosnia (Silber,
Little, p. 220); he had no reason for such a protest if we assume that the initial
American policy on Bosnia was neutral, or if we assume that the initial Ameri-
can policy supported a kind of internal and negotiated division of sovereignty
– his protest makes sense only if we assume that the initial, or promised, US
policy on Bosnia was pro-Izetbegović, and that the US later changed the policy
and deviated from the promise.
186
Dediscoursation
W
hat is dediscoursation? Contemporary studies
of war and peace are silent about the pheno-
menon or the process. However, the pheno-
menon is as simple as it is undeniable. In any decision in
favour of a war, which implies a decision to cease talking to
the opposed party, on the one hand, and a decision to con-
tinue ‘communicating’ with the party through the use of
violent means, on the other, the belief, that one is likely to
come to an agreement with the party by a peaceful and ra-
tional use of verbal means only, needs to lose its impact and
decrease in significance. In other words, to open the door
to a beginning of military hostilities, one party, or both,
needs to cease believing that further verbal communica-
tion, further discourse as a medium of exclusively verbal
negotiation and as a tool of potential peace-making, makes
sense or difference. Let us assume that all human beings
may be internally divided into two components, one we
can call ens loquens (‘a speaking, language-using being’),
and another we can call ens belli (‘a being of war’). It is clear
that, for a war to begin, the former component needs to be
reduced to a minimum, while the latter needs to rise and
become dominant. Of course, neither component can be
lost entirely. Resumption of negotiations always remains
a possibility, but, no human being will forever renounce
their will or readiness to use the means of violence as a
last resort, at least for the purpose of self-defence, either.
187
Dražen Pehar
It is such a reduction, or retreat, of the component of ens

loquens (a being that defines itself primarily as a commu-
nicator, a speaker or theorist), in the conditions of political
conflict, that gives birth, and name, to the phenomenon, or
process, of dediscoursation.
I consider the theory of dediscoursation as a part of co-
mmon-sense assumptions concerning the causes of war
and violence. For instance, such a theory forms an implicit
part of Clausewitz’s definition of war as a continuation of
policy, and political commerce, by other means. To decide
in favour of the use of ‘other means,’ one needs to lose one’s
faith in the use of ‘primary means,’ the means of peaceful
and peace-preserving politics which simply amount to
words and sentences, language, which in the periods of pe-
ace serve as the only permissible means of influence and of
tackling of the problems faced in the condition of conflic-
ted political ideas, goals or interests. Besides, some theo-
ries of violence, for instance, Toch’s, draw on the assump-
tion of dediscoursation. Toch describes the eruptions of
violence between the American police and American citi-
zens, predominantly Afro-American, in terms of dedisco-
ursation, as a process that takes place in the void created
by the disruption of the will to negotiate or talk through
the problems, that is, by the belief that a dialogue would
not, or could not, pay off (Toch 1978, pp. 153-186). The
theory of dediscoursation also pertains to an important
mark of distinction between civilisation and barbarity. A
Greek geographer and historian Strabo emphasised that to
wage a war is more barbaric than to work on problems by
negotiating (in Todorov 2010, p. 43). In other words, to use
the means of negotiation in tackling the problems is a mark
of civilisation; hence it implies, and depends on, a higher
188
stage of evolution of human beings, a stage at which human

beings view themselves primarily as the users of language,
as one who relate both to themselves and to the others in
the medium of a reasonable dialogue. This as well means
that, for human being, dediscoursation means regression, a
fall into pre-modern, uncivilised ages when the decision to
interrupt verbal communication, and reach for the sword,
was made easily.
Closely related to this, there is no doubt that a kind of
cultural matrix may perform the role of an inherited ge-
nerator of dediscoursation. One may be born in a country
which cultivates a bias in favour of the use of violent means,
and maintains a pattern of interaction which places a higher
value on violent men than on those who believe that social,
or political, problems need to be scrutinised, argued about,
and resolved reasonably in the medium of continued verbal
communication. Partly, this applies to the context of post-
Yugoslav wars where examples are many. One statement,
which almost turned proverbial, found many supporters
in Serb political culture of the early 1990s: “In peace-time
Serbs have always lost their gain from a war-time.”59 Or, re-
call Izetbegović’s statement to the effect that “To Moslems,
weaponry is not an alien thing”, which tightly links an ethnic
identity to the possession of arms and thus promotes mili-
tarization of the identity. However, a war-prone mentality,
or a culture of militarism, are not, and cannot be, self-gene-
rating. Their strength, influence, or popularity, depend on
the will of individual human beings to continue supporting
and reconstituting such a mentality or culture.
59 For a detailed analysis of such and similar ‘mythic’ statements, as elements

of the Serb ethno-political mythology, that is, a cultural matrix that dominates
public discourse, see Čolović (2002, esp. pp. 5-79).
189
Dražen Pehar
Now, there is another, more important phenomenon

that obviously contributes to the effect and phenomenon
of dediscoursation. A party to a political conflict (A) may
use language in such a way that, in another party (B), it
generates a justified belief that it is impossible to figure,
together with A, as an ens loquens; that A uses language
in a way that indicates that, for A, the use of language in
tackling of political problems is inauthentic, that the use is
not engaged with sufficient seriousness, commitment, co-
herence, or rationality in general. A acts upon B in such a
way that in B the belief, that disagreements between A and
B could be resolved within a medium of reasonable disco-
urse, gets drastically reduced, or put into question. Anatol
Rapoport is one of a few theorists of conflict, and conflict
resolution, who recognised such facts and invested some
effort into elucidating them. He dealt with intra-American
dialogue, and debate, concerning both feasible and desi-
rable attitudes to the chief Cold War rival of the US, the
Soviet Union. As Rapoport noticed, to that debate and di-
alogue there were two parties, one he called ‘the defenders
of conscience’ and another he called ‘the defenders of stra-
tegy’. The former consider an ethical debate possible and
think that such a debate should meet the following three
criteria:
“1. the ability and willingness of each participant to state
the position of the opponent to the opponent’s satisfaction
(exchange of roles);
2. the ability and willingness of each participant to state
the conditions under which the opponent’s position is va-
lid or has merit (recognition that any position whatever
has some region of validity);
190
3. the ability and willingness of each opponent to assume

that in many respects the opponent is like himself; that is
to say, that a common ground exists where the opponents
share some common values, and each is aware of this co-
mmon ground and, perhaps, of the circumstances which
have led the opponent to the position he holds (empathy)”
(Rapoport 1967, pp. 79-80).
Also in Rapoport’s opinion, the defenders of conscience

use language in a way which sustains and meets the afore-
mentioned conditions. On the other hand, the defenders
of strategy dismiss the third criterion and use language in a
way which satisfies only the first two. In a paragraph of his
essay, Rapoport raised a serious and critically important
question of the possibility of a sincere and productive dia-
logue between the defenders of conscience and the defen-
ders of strategy. He dismissed such a possibility (Rapoport
1967, p. 96) primarily due to the fact that the defenders
of strategy do not believe in a common ground, or com-
mon values, which is why their use of language, which
should draw on a fund of common values that they do not
recognise, is not genuine. They act upon the defenders of
conscience as a generator of dediscoursation, so that the
latter cease to believe that their ens loquens could work ef-
fectively in co-existence with the former. In other words,
interruption of a dialogue between the defenders of con-
science and the defenders of strategy is inevitable, while
the war between the two parties is highly likely.
Hence the origins and causes of war can be pertinently
and productively analysed also in terms of an attitude to
language. Our attitude to language, that is, our attitude to
191
Dražen Pehar
ourselves, human beings, as the creatures defined by the

ability to use language, is likely to play at least some role in
both the emergence of war and in determination of the na-
ture of the war itself. If our attitude to the other, in the me-
dium of discourse, is such that one can recognise behind
our words and sentences some fundamental and relatively
stable rationality and morality, the probability of war is dra-
stically lowered, if not fully eliminated.60 The key elements
of such rationality and morality include the following: tru-
thfulness/sincerity, coherence, the ability to offer reasons
and to identify reasons that support the views held by the
others, and unceasing openness to further communica-
tion, that is, a continued insistence on, and support to, the
expectation that there will always remain something wor-
thy of elaborating, discoursing and discussing.61
How does the theory of dediscoursation help us to form
a more detailed and more pertinent view of political ac-
ting and decision making by Alija Izetbegović? It does so
in many ways. First of all, let us refer back to the thesis on
Izetbegović’s idea of antinomic character of political phe-
nomena and processes, the idea that was also materialised
in the form of Izetbegović’s massive use, and endorsement,
of contradictions. Both such idea itself and such a massive
use of contradictions acted upon Izetbegović’s interlocu-
tors, including his opponents, as a generator of dedisco-
ursation. In other words, faced with Izetbegović’s attitude
to language, one could not have avoided forming the belief
60 This claim rests on the assumption of a symmetrical attitude, held by all
parties to a political process, towards both language and the other as a lan-
guage-using being.
61 Pehar (2005a), Part Three, drawing on such elements, proposes an axiology
of discourse that is of critical importance for one’s view of diplomatic ambigu-
ity, especially ambiguity as a part of peace agreements.
192
that, as one keeps communicating with Izetbegović, one’s

ens loquens would not receive a proper degree of confir-
mation or recognition. Izetbegović’s attitude to his own
ens loquens was such that, in his interlocutors, it generated
the belief that, to himself, his ens loquens was not of an
essential importance; which is why his interlocutors were
irresistibly driven to the belief that their attitude to him
should be founded on the assumption that ens belli is hi-
ghly likely to overwhelm ens loquens. This also helped ge-
nerate the belief that, first, it would be extremely difficult,
perhaps impossible, to negotiate a peace agreement with
Izetbegović or in a partnership with him; and, secondly, it
helped generate a further belief that, even if one has mana-
ged to negotiate a peace agreement with Izetbegović, such
an agreement would be binding on Izetbegović only in a
very loose sense. This was undoubtedly a key effect of his
“I would-I wouldn’t” attitude to the Lisbon and Sarajevo
peace plans, of his both positive and negative attitude to
the possibility of a compromise with the Serb representati-
ves in 1991, and of his parallel reference to a ‘civil BiH’ and
to the BiH as a state with a Moslem majority. His contra-
dictions motivated his interlocutors to cease believing in
his dedication to logic or reasonableness; predictably, the
interlocutors have not remained limited to the narrow fi-
eld of logic and cognitive rationality, but have justifiably
extended their criticism of Izetbegović to target his lack of
personal, moral and political, integrity as well.62
62 Gojko Berić, a long time commentator in a Sarajevo daily Oslobođenje, in

his book The letters to a celestial people verbalised his view of Izetbegović in
the following way: “Frankly speaking, it seems to me that it would be easier to
catch eel by bare hand, where Neretva river meets Adriatic Sea, than to delve
on political and intellectual profile of Alija Izetbegović” (as reported in Sara-
jevo weekly Start, October 21 2003, p. 21); see also Komšić (2006, p. 330).
193
Dražen Pehar
Those contradictions are not the only important factor.

Focusing on his frequent rejection of the negotiating pro-
cess, based on the erroneous inference that, as the initial
negotiating positions stand far apart, negotiations are very
unlikely to succeed, it is clear that such a rejection can be
elucidated only from the perspective of the theory of de-
discoursation. Due to such an inference, he became the de-
fender of ‘strategy’ in Rapoport’s sense – such an inference
implied not only his doubts about his own ability to offer
reasons in support of his own positions; it also implied his
denial of the assumption that familiarity with the reasons
the others offer in support of their own positions might be
mutually beneficial. Persons with a dominant ens loquens
would never dismiss the possibility of negotiation on the
ground that the positions stand far apart. It is such a dis-
tance between the positions that will motivate such per-
sons to propose their reasons and determine their weight
and plausibility publicly and openly in the course of a joint
debate and discussion. In fact, the initial distance between
negotiating positions poses a challenge to those who enjoy
debating, co-reasoning, and communicating, which speaks
in favour, not against, the negotiating process. The distance
indicates some special reasons for the positions, and such
reasons normally call for exposition and comparison which
require a negotiating forum. Hence, Izetbegović’s attitude
to language was such that a fundamental rationality or mo-
rality has not transpired through his use of language. He
acted upon the others as a generator of dediscoursation,
hence, as firmly set on a start of armed conflict.
It is extremely important to point out another thing.
Izetbegović’s contradictions, and his ‘I would-I wouldn’t’
attitude to negotiations, acted primarily as a generator of
194
dediscoursation; however, they acted upon his political in-

terlocutors in another way. Human beings spontaneously
apply the principle of charity to the propositions and state-
ments made by the others – this means that human beings
attempt to rationalise those statements that at a first glance
seem to be irrational or contradictory. Therefore, of any
two Izetbegović’s contradictory propositions, the interlo-
cutors spontaneously chose the strategy of elimination of
a kind for one of the two. Besides, in the conditions of po-
litical conflict, human beings will naturally and normally
count on a worse possibility. This means that is was very
normal that, during the period of the BiH political crisis,
Izetbegović’s interlocutors, both from the HDZ and the
SDS [the leading Croat and the leading Serb party during
the war], tended to form a view of Izetbegović’s politics
and rhetoric which was not favourable to them and which
was consistent only with those Izetbegović’s statements
that were irreconcilable to their interests. More specifi-
cally, they have not trusted Izetbegović’s thesis on ‘a civil
republic’ or on ‘a compromise with Serbs.’ They trusted
his statements on ‘a Moslem majority’ and on ‘Moslems
who defend Bosnia’s sovereignty with an armed force.’ The
other, and differently phrased, statements by Izetbegović
were interpreted as an effect of his attempt to cover up his
more bellicose attitudes, or perhaps to create some condi-
tions, some advanced justification, for his later defence of
the view that he has been positive and benevolent since the
very start. In other words, his political interlocutors justi-
fiably viewed him as dishonest and deceptive. Accordingly,
during February and March 1992 the Serb representatives
interpreted Izetbegović’s contradictory statements concer-
ning the Lisbon and Sarajevo peace plan as an expression
195
Dražen Pehar
of his rejection of the plan, as a symptom of his decision to

wage war, a decision he could not have announced openly
because of his sympathy for the strategy of deceit.
We need to notice also that the phenomenon of dedisco-
ursation, together with Izetbegović’s frequent contributions
to the spread of the phenomenon, is most directly related
to all the key, strategic political beliefs held by Izetbegović.
‘Force primary, negotiating secondary’ is fully compatible
with Izetbegović’s use of language that generates dedisco-
ursation. ‘War and peace’, that is, Izetbegović’s inability to
recognise the difference between the state of peace and the
state of war, is reflected in Izetbegović as a generator of
dediscoursation – he as a generator of dediscoursation is
incompatible with a human being who identifies a peace-
ful attitude with an honest and ethical use of language; for
whom the state of peace, as strictly irreducible to the state
of war, is a possibility. Izetbegović’s ‘state as a command
giver’ does not offer reasons; it gives orders, hence it redu-
ces language to a means of coercion, of order-issuing that
opens no room for dialogue or for an exchange of reasons.
Also, it is only a shared, divided sovereignty, and political
pluralism in general, that requires a continued negotiation,
an enduring reliance on reasonable and honest means of
communication. That claim too points to the essence of
Izetbegović’s use of language as a means of war, as a tool
of political warfare, a factor of dediscoursation, not as a
means of the quest for a peace-making compromise or a
mutual understanding.
196
Conclusion
(a hypothesis on a metaphysical-
-traumatic syndrome of incarceration)
T
o sum it all up, this essay has proposed and with
available empirical evidence corroborated the fo-
llowing theses:
1. Izetbegović’s decision in favour of a war is unambi-
guously verbalised on January 10 1992 at the latest. It is
then that he, at a session of the BiH Presidency, voiced his
readiness to use the means of violent coercion against the
Serb ‘insurgents’ who he also described as ‘Nazis.’ It is then,
too, that he expressed his opinion that it would not make
sense to continue an honest, open, direct communication
between the democratically elected, legitimate representa-
tives; he questioned both the meaning and the purpose of
negotiations, and showed no sign of the view that ‘com-
promise’ is the most prudent way of the resolving of the
political problems of the BiH.
2. His January 10 1992 stand draws on his key political be-
liefs. Such strategic and long-term beliefs of his form a struc-
ture the effects of which include his January 10 position.
3. Izetbegović resolved the problem of ‘disparity in
arms’ by having formed the belief that ‘his’ military capa-
city would soon increase significantly; the emergence, or
strengthening, of such a belief coincides with his February
and March 1992 meetings with American Ambassador Zi-
mmermann. At the same time his ‘movement towards the
war’ is marked by his rejection of the Lisbon compromise.
197
Dražen Pehar
In other words, Izetbegović makes another contribution

to the beginning of the war by his ‘critique’ of the Lisbon
(and Sarajevo) agreement. Interestingly, the war in Bosnia-
Herzegovina ends with Izetbegović’s endorsement of the
Dayton compromise that, in its essence, is quite compara-
ble to the Lisbon one. The only way to explain such a see-
mingly paradoxical fact, the fact of the preparation for a war
through rejection of a compromise that is later, following a
four-year war, endorsed, is by recognising and emphasising
two facts: first, at the start of the war Izetbegović’s optimal
political goals are defined as either a defeat of the Serb side
or a military control of as large a part of the BiH territory
as possible; secondly, Izetbegović’s attitude to the Dayton
peace was of such a character that one cannot plausibly
defend the thesis that he has really endorsed the peace in
good faith or that he has committed himself to its long-
term implementation. The thesis, that he considered the
Dayton peace as but a continuation of war by other means,
is much more plausible.
4. Despite the fact that, through February and March
1992, he resolved his own problem of ‘disparity in arms’,
during the same period of time, and to a large extent even
earlier, he acted upon the others as a generator of dedisco-
ursation who generated in the others a justified belief that
the political crisis and conflict would have to be tackled
and brought to a solution by the means of armed force.
Such support to the phenomenon of dediscoursation, tho-
ugh, should not be considered as an obstacle to him. Actu-
ally, in a roundabout way, it helped him as it enabled him
to transfer responsibility to the others, and reassured him
in his conviction that the war was inevitable. (Izetbegović’s
acting as a generator of dediscoursation has, with no do-
198
ubt, continued through the period of post-Dayton peace.

Again predictably, his contradictory qualifications of the
Dayton peace agreement have been interpreted in the Re-
public of Srpska as a consequence of his inefficiently con-
cealed intention to dismantle both the Republic and the
Dayton compromise. This also implies that uncertainty
and instability will continue to trouble the BiH as long as
the country remains populated with those who committed
themselves to Izetbegović’s words due to sheer loyalty, or
out of a sense of debt or a sincere conviction, or simply for
a propaganda effect.)
With such facts about Alija Izetbegović in mind, is it fe-

asible today to consider some ‘alternative histories’ of the
wartime and post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina, some flows of
history or ‘historical opportunities’ that were possible at
the time, but were regrettably missed? This is a hard que-
stion to which one cannot give a straightforward, well-in-
formed answer. One can only speculate about such matters
and do a bit of perhaps useless intellectual and meditative/
speculative exercise. However, due to Foucauldian ‘strategy
of problematisation,’ one should invest some time in such
speculative exercise. For instance, it is possible to imagine
that Izetbegović could have made different decisions based
on the very same set of his strategic political beliefs. He
could have believed that the superiority of Islam might be
demonstrated in a different way, not through an extremely
problematic thesis on a Moslem majority in the BiH or
through ‘a war against partition of Bosnia.’ He could have
sincerely and unambiguously endorsed the Lisbon peace
plan, following which he could have viewed the post-Lisbon
peace as a kind of political or intellectual war. Additionally,
he could have had some doubts about his ability to defend
199
Dražen Pehar
in unambiguous terms his narrative of the aggression of a

neighbouring state against the BiH, before the jury of the
international community – in a purely legal sense, his mi-
litary opponent was engaged in a defence of the ‘Serb Re-
public of the BiH.’ Such alternative histories imply a view
of Izetbegović as a person who, in light of his own strategic
beliefs, for himself, remains rational, but also, in the mind
of a scholar or historian, that is, for us, become somewhat
more prudent, more peace-loving, and more reasonable.
However, there is a different way of imagining Izetbe-
gović, which implies that he made those decisions, howe-
ver irrational, which he had to made, that there was no
way for him to escape his own decisions. Such a different
way, which is here proposed in the form of a speculative
hypothesis, implies as well that, for himself, in light of his
own strategic beliefs, Izetbegović was a rational political
agent; yet, we ourselves (as those who believe in negotia-
ting, who work against dediscoursation, and who believe
that political problems may be tackled by a reasonable exc-
hange of verbal messages, in the spirit of a joint search for
an optimal compromise-formula, that is, ‘the defenders of
conscience’) disagree with him and dismiss his rationality
as insufficient, unethical, hostile and non-modern. Such a
way of imagining is premised on the view of Izetbegović
as a perennial prisoner, as one who cannot free himself
from a metaphysical, and traumatic, syndrome of incarce-
ration.63 Such a view cannot be reduced to the claim that
63 Such a view is founded on Foucault’s (1977, esp. pp. 25-30) theorisation of
prison as a disciplinary regime which inscribes into human body the relation-
ships of force/power that constitute a new, modern ‘soul’ as an effect of social
knowledge/surveillance/power; such theorisation replaces the traditional view
of ‘the body as the prison of the soul’ with an inversed view of the soul as “the
prison of the body”, or more precisely, as “the effect and instrument of a politi-
cal anatomy” (Foucault 1977, p. 30).
200
Izetbegović suffers from a trauma due to his suffering in

the prisons;64 actually, even apart from his real experience
of captivity, he views the world itself as a kind of prison.
If one reads carefully the concluding chapter of his book
Islam between East and West, the chapter on ‘submission’
and ‘submissiveness’ (which is one of the renderings of
‘Islam’ in English), one will soon realise that Izetbegović
views the world as a kind of an extended prison. He claims
there that, for a man who lives in the world, his destiny is
a major factor, while his will is extremely limited and con-
strained: the best thing one can do is to embrace the weight
of Destiny, to endure the suffering, pain, and injustice as it
were Allah’s will.
Now, even more interestingly, one can easily recognise
that, during his active political life, Izetbegović every so of-
ten faced with an injustice that he partially created himself
by his acting, or his failure to act, which seems paradoxical.
When the Serbs, in January 1992, ‘expand their house at
the expense of the co-residents,’ Izetbegović claimed it was
injustice. He responded to the injustice by war. However,
the weaponry was yet to be found. He demanded that the
64 For instance, in Izetbegović (2004, p. 98), he recalls the words by a head of

prison to a prisoner who raped his own daughter: “you are the worst, but those
political prisoners are worse than you.” It is impossible not to experience such
words as contributing to Izetbegović’s sense of humiliation or full de-humani-
sation. It is also interesting to note that Izetbegović (1997, pp. 139-140), in one
of his accounts of the years spent in prison, makes the following remark: “I
learned the story of each of those murderers, because I spent six years in cap-
tivity. In many cases, I would have done the same as those murderers. While
looking at those men from this perspective, outside the prison, we tend to view
things in black or white. They are criminals for us, and nothing more. When
it comes to thieves, I do not know what kind of folks are they. But, when it
comes to murderers, it is a special sort of men. In a way they are criminals, in
a way they are firm and honourable men who could not endure an offence, an
injustice, or zulum [a bad deed].”
201
Dražen Pehar
arms embargo be lifted. His demand was not met because,

among many other causes, he has not successfully defen-
ded, nor was he in position to defend, his narrative con-
cerning the right of the BiH, a sovereign member-state of
the UN, to defend itself militarily from an aggression of a
neighbouring state. This, for Izetbegović, was another inju-
stice. He lobbied for a military intervention by the great
powers. He did not get it – another injustice. Izetbegović
expressed his opinion that, to a large extent, this was due
to the fact that, in the BiH, the victims were Moslem; had
Moslems been aggressors, and Christians their victims,
western countries would have surely intervened by mili-
tary means (Izetbegović 2004, p. 298). To every single draft
peace agreement Izetbegović responds by saying ‘this is an
unjust peace.’ Ultimately he signed to an unjust peace be-
cause, as he then claimed, even such a peace was better
than continuation of war. In his book of memoirs Komšić
describes an occasion that took place probably on August
18 1993 in Geneva:
“When we were sitting together in Geneva, at a parti-
cular moment Izetbegović said the following: ‘What sin
have I committed to God to have to endure all of this?’
Perhaps he was not aware of his own words. I was aware
of them. Immediately I responded to him as follows: ‘Mr.
President, you must have committed some wrong. Don’t
misunderstand me! I have certain opinion about you, so
I can tell you this.’ He kept silent as by Pharaoh’s wisdom.
He was watching me without a blink. Even then his eyes
were not giving a sad expression.” (Komšić 2006, p. 232)
However, in Islam, a human being can never get a full
or authoritative answer to the question concerning the sin
202
against God he thinks he has committed. His main calling

is to accept the condition of injustice or pain; he may pose
a question concerning the meaning of the injustice or the
pain, but it goes without saying that such a question will
never be answered. God will not give him an answer; and
anyway, the true purpose of his existence lies not in his fin-
ding of an answer, but in his failing to do so. He could find a
true meaning of life only if he submits, or surrenders, to the
tragedy in order to remain questioned and questionable,
that is, if he abstains from either elaborating the question
or trying to formulate gradually an answer. God is challen-
ging his faith which can be confirmed only if he accepts the
tragedy, ceases asking questions, and views the tragedy as
a manifestation of an unknown X that is known, and can
be known, only by God. In other words, when Izetbegović
finds himself in a situation of an extreme trouble, suffering,
or injustice, it is then exactly that the likelihood of his de-
monstration to himself of the virtue of surrendering, i.e. of
the true Islam, is highest. It is then only that he can respond
to something he does not understand, or cannot justify, as
if it is a situation in which he appeals to God to answer his
question and explain his guilt, to which appeal no answer
from God would come; the only response to such a situa-
tion is to be found in the state of ‘submission’ that does not
transcend, but confirms and deepens, the state of questio-
ning and non-answerability.
Here we have something that does not amount to a Di-
vine punishment, or a proof of his guilt; we have somet-
hing that serves as a mysterious path of being tested by
God, of being temporarily shaken in one’s faith in God, to
which an even stronger, a fully recovered faith follows as an
203
Dražen Pehar
experience of a liminal condition of freedom in the sense of

a “submission to the destiny.” Summarily, this means that,
when Izetbegović designates something as a big injustice
to him, for him such designation implies a positive thing,
which seems bizarre only from an ethical-political view-
point, but not from the viewpoint of Izetbegović’s brand
of faith. We witness here a kind of masochistic attitude – I
accept, or endure, pain because the sense of being free to
do so brings me pleasure. In other words, it is good to be in
the prison-universe because the suffering calls for ‘submi-
ssion;’ moreover, it is good to be in the prison-society be-
cause political suffering calls for a political ‘submission.’ A
human slave is incarcerated in the prison-universe where s/
he lives without a meaning or purpose; the prison-universe
has no sympathy for his or her needs, ideas, or words;65 yet
such a condition is something one needs to thank Allah for.
The human slave is incarcerated in a political universe too,
where his task is not to explain the universe and subject it
to a rational control – his task is to experience the condi-
tion of liminality in which his faith is first shaken but then
recovered and increasingly strengthened. Hence Izetbego-
vić draws from such a condition a maximum of emotional
profit and it is in such a condition that his internal emotio-
nal economy reaches its peak.
What does it exactly mean? It means that Izetbegović
does not approach political problems in a normal, com-
65 Famously, Aristotle defined the slave as a ‘tool that speaks;’ this implies
that the slave’s words are of no importance, and that the slave’s language as
language is not taken into account – the capacity to use language is here taken
merely as a natural characteristic of the slave, not as his human, or moral fea-
ture that should put the slave’s rationality at the same level as the rationality of
a slave-holder. Hence, the slave is not ens loquens. Also, we need to emphasise
here that a communist (and Nazi) prison is the only place at which the state
acts fully in the capacity of ‘a command-giver.’
204
mon-sense way. Common-sense implies a wish to resolve

the problem, to analyse and explain it in order to transform
instability, which characterises all problematic situations,
into relative stability through some active verbal, or intellec-
tual, intervention. Hence, a normal work on a problem im-
plies the need to increase the degree of adaptation of human
beings to their environment, or to each other. Izetbegović’s
emotional profit was not due to the condition of problem-
solving, but to the condition of problem-aggravating and of
problem-deepening. It is only in such a condition that he
was able to sense that his God was testing him, and that he
was submitting to his God in a resurrection of his faith. Is
this rational? It is, for Izetbegović, but for us, it is not.
One key consequence follows from such a view of
Izetbegović’s personality. From the perspective of ‘the
strategy of problematisation’, one could not think of ‘alter-
native history’ in which there is a place for Izetbegović as
a personality marked with a metaphysical syndrome of in-
carceration, or with a special kind of emotional economy.
One could think of alternative history only if one replaced
Izetbegović with a different political agent endowed with a
different kind of emotional economy that in a different way
channels those strategic political beliefs we found in Izetbe-
gović. Izetbegović’s emotional economy is irreconcilable to
the idea of a shared political rationality that can help even
those groups whose interests seem to be mutually opposed
to sustain communication, in the same way that the ethics of
a masochist is irreconcilable to moral principles, especially
to the golden rule “Do unto others as you would have them
do unto you!”
205
Dražen Pehar
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Dražen Pehar
Summary
D
rawing on documentary evidence, and on a com-
mon-sense, discursive-political analysis, this essay
elaborates and supports the following hypothesis:
as to the origins and beginnings of the armed conflict in Bo-
snia-Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegović, the leader of Moslem-
Bosniacs, when compared to the leading representatives of
the Croat and Serb peoples during the relevant period, sho-
uld be considered as at least equally responsible. The essay
also offers a detailed analysis of Izetbegović’s key, strategic
political beliefs in light of which his preference for violent
means of ‘resolution’ of political conflicts, not for a politics of
negotiation or of reasoned argumentation and compromise,
can be pertinently explained and elucidated. Furthermore,
one chapter specifically deals with, and problematises, the
role of the US diplomacy during the critical period from Li-
sbon negotiations (February 1992) till the end of March 1992
and the outbreak of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The last
chapter is focused on a particular trait of Alija Izetbegović,
as a communicator and negotiator, which can be explained
only in terms of the theory of ‘dediscoursation’ as an impor-
tant part of rationalist perspective in the study of the causes
of war and peace. Lastly, the essay presents a concise over-
view of the guidelines for exploration of so-called ‘missed
opportunities’ and ‘potential and alternative histories’ in the
context of Izetbegović’s political decision-making during the
last months of peace in 1992 Bosnia-Herzegovina.
212
Key words: the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina; the cau-

ses of war; Alija Izetbegović, the US diplomacy; negotiati-
ons; political decision-making
213
Ervin Nino Tenino, Koktel slika - Islam (Islamtrend),
fotografija br. 28, preuzeta 1. rujna 2011.
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Tekst na hrv. i engl. jeziku. - Bibliografija:

dvojezično izdanje/a bilingual edition

Alija Izetbegović i rat u Bosni i Hercegovini....................15

Epistemološke pretpostavke ogleda...........................................22

Srbi kao nacisti, država kao naredbodavac –

Izetbegovićeva strateška politička vjerovanja..........................38

Veleposlanik Zimmermann kao rato-tvorac?..........................67

držaja’, no nastojao sam te metodologije ovdje ne upotre-

razlogom; na umu sam imao upravo čitatelja koji treba s

lutno sam siguran da se mnogi Muslimani ne slažu sa tom

Doc. dr. sc. Dražen Pehar

Alija Izetbegović i rat

izrazito pojednostavljenim analizama ne samo rata nego

Također, postoji sklonost da se dopusti gledištu o uzro-

Naravno, to ne bi trebalo biti shvaćeno kao da implicira da ostale etničke

tužba prema kojoj je on islamski fundamentalist, bila neu-

Stokes (2010, str. 95), između ostaloga, dokazuje Izetbegovićevu umjerenost

nog sukoba mogli bismo govoriti u smislu podjednakog

pirijska evidencija koja podupire mnogo snažniju tezu da

biti objašnjene u nastavku ovoga ogleda. Zasada, dat ćemo

istinit povijesni opis A, ili povijesni opis B; no znamo da ti

Drugo, teorija rata unutar koje ovaj ogled operira po-

tijekom vremena u kojemu ne postoji garancija da će biti

Treće, ovaj se ogled djelomice oslanja i na strategiju

otpočinjanja , pa i završavanja, rata u Bosni i Hercegovini

Djilas (1996), iako nudi odmjerenu i nepristranu analizu političkih odnosa u

Četvrto, ovaj ogled nastoji ne povrijediti jedno temeljno

moraju biti shvatljivi i, iz neke perspektive, prihvatljivi (Za

Srbi kao nacisti, država

zila je ‘protumjera’ druge. Na unilateralne poteze odgova-

Pojednostavljeno govoreći, Alija Izetbegović drži lekciju

gović govori o državi, to za njega znači jednu jednostavnu

imati ni malu državu“ (NSF 2006a, str. 84). To dovoljno ja-

o tom preuređivanju kao nečemu zbog čega vrijedi otpočeti

stvarne interese i zahtjeve srpskog naroda (NSF 2006a str.

i Izetbegovićeva]. Mi imamo razloga da vodimo razgovore

Znakovito je i da, 25. veljače 1992., nakon povratka sa Lisabonskih prego-

reagira. On već tada prekida normalnu, ljudsku komuni-

1. Sila i pregovaranje: Za Izetbegovića, sila je uvijek

tvo je Izetbegovićevih rečenica, iz i predratnog i ratnog i

u Izetbegovićevom umu, usmjereni na postizanje kompro-

2. Rat i mir: Za Izetbegovića rat nikada nije predstav-

str. 261). Drugim riječima, ukoliko se netko suprotstavi ideji

‘na tanjuru.’ Naš narod ne može biti izuzetak“ (Izetbegović

nosećem stubu Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma, vodi se

3. Država i suverenost: Vidjeli smo da je na sjednici

U razdoblju prije prvih slobodnih izbora u Bosni i Her-

racije. Dakle, ne radi se o nekim našim ustupcima i kom-

se angažira na obnovi nepodijeljene suverenosti. Drugim

Zanimljivo je da je to, upravo zbog srpsko-hrvatskog rata

Također je zanimljivo podrobnije opisati kontekst