11nassaji 2003 L2 Vocabulary
11nassaji 2003 L2 Vocabulary
11nassaji 2003 L2 Vocabulary
METHOD
I chose introspective methods for the research because the object of
investigation was the set of strategies and knowledge deployed during
Participants
Data Collection
Data were collected in individual sessions in which the researcher met
with each learner in a quiet room for about 45–60 minutes. To guarantee
the equality of procedures, I conducted all the data collection sessions.
Think-aloud techniques, which were used as the main data collection
tool, are procedures requiring participants to verbalize and report the
content of their thoughts while doing a task. Despite some criticism of
the think-aloud procedure, it is a common methodology used in strategy
research (Ericsson & Simon, 1993; Pressley & Af erbach, 1995). More-
over, such data, if not a true re ection of, have at least been assumed to
be associated with the processes participants use in processing language
(Olson, Duffy, & Mack, 1984). Introspective and immediate retrospective
reports were also used in this study. However, the data about the use of
strategies and knowledge sources derive mainly from the introspective
reports because they involve more direct and online reporting of what
learners are doing at the time of the task than do retrospective reports,
which ask learners to recall what they had done before (Olson, Duffy, &
Mack, 1984). The retrospective reports were used mainly to nd out if
the learners had additional comments on their familiarity with the words
or their inferencing processes.
At the beginning of each session, I informed learners of the general
purpose of the study. They then participated in a training and practice
period in which I introduced them to the think-aloud procedure and
explained how they were to verbalize their thoughts. Participants also did
role plays using pictures as well as similar reading texts for training
purposes. After the training and practice period, when I felt that the
learners knew how to think aloud, I presented the reading passage and
instructed them to read it out loud. As they encountered each italicized
target word in the text, I asked them to try to infer its meaning from the
context, verbalizing and reporting whatever came to their mind. I also
asked them to underline and try to infer the meaning of any other words
whose meaning they did not know. I advised them that they could refer
back at any time to an unknown word to try to infer its meaning again.
RESULTS
Results indicate that the intermediate-level ESL learners were not very
successful at inferring word meanings from context in a reading text.
More speci cally, the results show what strategies and knowledge sources
these learners used during the process of inferencing in addition to the
relationship between strategies, knowledge, and inferencing success.
Inferences
Partially
Successful successful Unsuccessful
Total number
Unknown words of responses n % n % n %
This nding suggests that the words’ appearance and their similarity with
other unrelated words may be a major source of problems in inferring
word meanings from context (see also Bensoussan & Laufer, 1984;
Laufer & Sim, 1985). It may also suggest that precise inferencing of
words may be related to how accurately learners recognize and decode
the orthographic form of the word (Ryan, 1997).
Repeating Repeating any portion of the text, “our beliefs waver . . . waver . . .
including the word, the phrase, or waver . . . .” May be . . . waver is
the sentence in which the word has something “beliefs waver . . .”
occurred
Verifying Examining the appropriateness of “but when we ourselves become ill,
the inferred meaning by checking our beliefs waver . . .” our beliefs
it against the wider context change . . . change . . . when we
become ill our beliefs change . . .
yeah.
Self-inquiry Asking oneself questions about the “hazards . . .” should it be pollution
text, words, or the meaning already according to the sentence?
inferred “pollutions?” No no . . . it should
not be that . . . it may be
something different.
Analyzing Attempting to gure out the “and smell of sewage in their
meaning of the word by analyzing noses . . .” sew, age . . . should be a
it into various parts or components kind of smell. But sew is
something, may be it is a kind of
plant, wood.
Monitoring Showing a conscious awareness of “contract some of the serious and
the problem or the ease or infectious diseases . . .” contract . . .
dif culty of the task I think contract is is make from
boss and the staff . . . contract . . .
yes . . . this is easy . . . this easy . . .
maybe it’s dif cult, I am not sure.
Analogy Attempting to gure out the “squalor . . .” may be it is like
meaning of the word based on its square . . . square . . . It should be
sound or form similarity with other something like that.
words
used verifying, 79.19% used analogy, 61.9% used analyzing, and 80.95%
used monitoring, suggesting that not all the students used all the
strategies and that there was variation among students in terms of types
of strategies used.
Knowledge source n %
TABLE 4
Students’ Use of Strategies
Strategies n %
Inferential success
Partially
Successful successful Unsuccessful Total
Knowledge M of
source success SD n % n % n % n %
TABLE 6
Types of Strategies and Inferential Success
Inferential success
Partially
Successful successful Unsuccessful Total
Knowledge M of
source success SD n % n % n % n %
Word repeating .66 .84 45 24.1 33 17.6 109 58.3 187 100
Section
repeating 1.05 .91 50 44.2 19 16.8 44 38.9 113 100
Verifying 1.51 .77 25 67.6 6 16.2 6 16.2 37 100
Analogy .40 .71 5 12.5 6 15.0 29 72.5 40 100
Self-inquiry 1.15 .96 18 52.9 3 8.8 13 38.2 34 100
Analyzing .73 .92 8 30.8 3 11.5 15 57.7 26 100
Monitoring .94 .92 13 38.2 6 17.6 15 44.1 34 100
Total .86 .91 164 34.8 76 16.1 231 49.0 471 100
DISCUSSION
The results of this research offer some insight into the process of
inferencing vocabulary meaning during L2 reading and guidance for
teaching vocabulary through reading.
Knowledge Sources
Pedagogical Implications
This study demonstrated that the ESL students experienced dif culty
in successfully inferring the meanings of unknown words from context,
even though they reported knowing most of the words in the text and
used the strategies and knowledge sources they had at their disposal.
This nding adds to and con rms the literature in both L1 and L2
learning that inferring new word meanings from context is not an easy
task (e.g., Bensoussan & Laufer, 1984; Kelly, 1990; Prince, 1996; Schatz &
Baldwin, 1986; Shu, Anderson, & Zhang, 1995). The low mean percent-
age of correct inferences found in this study (25.6%) seems to replicate
the ndings of Bensoussan and Laufer’s (1984) study, in which context
helped L2 learners with guessing only 24% of the words with no positive
effect on the remaining 76% of the words. These ndings call into
CONCLUSION
Investigating the cognitive structures and processes of ESL students is
a revealing enterprise, offering important insights to ESOL teachers. At
the same time, results should be interpreted in view of the tentative
nature of the data examined in the research. First, the very act of asking
THE AUTHOR
Hossein Nassaji is assistant professor of applied linguistics in the Department of
Linguistics at the University of Victoria. His research interests include L2 reading
comprehension and vocabulary acquisition, focus on form instruction and negoti-
ated feedback, L2 classroom discourse, and the application of sociocultural ap-
proaches to second language acquisition.
REFERENCES
Andre, M., & Anderson, T. (1978). The development and evolution of a self-
questioning study technique. Reading Research Quarterly, 14, 605–623.
Auerbach, E. R., & Paxton, D. (1997). “It’s not the English thing”: Bringing reading
research into the ESL classroom. TESOL Quarterly, 31, 237–261.
APPENDIX
Health in the Rich World and in the Poor
An American journalist, Dorothy Thompson, criticises the rich world’s health programmes in
the poor world. She describes her trip to Africa where she got food poisoning and her friend
malaria:
The town is very dirty. All the people are hot, have dust between their toes and the smell
of sewage in their noses. We both fell ill, and at ten o’clock in the morning I got frightened
and took my friend to the only private hospital in town, where you have to pay. After being
treated by a doctor, we caught the next aeroplane home.
Now, I believe that the money of the World Health Organisation (WHO) should be spent
on bringing health to all people of the world and not on expensive doctors and hospitals for
the few who can pay. But when we ourselves become ill, our beliefs waver. After we came
back to the States we thought a lot about our reaction to this sudden meeting with health
care in a poor country. When assessing modern medicine, we often forget that without more
money for food and clean water to drink, it is impossible to ght the diseases that are caused
by infections.
Doctors seem to overlook this fact. They ought to spend much time thinking about why
they themselves do not contract some of the serious and infectious diseases that so many of
their patients die from. They do not realize that an illness must nd a body that is weak
either because of stress or hunger. People are killed by the conditions they live under, the
lack of food and money and the squalor. Doctors should analyze why people become ill
rather than take such a keen interest in the curative effect of medicine.
In the rich world many diseases are caused by afuence. The causes of heart diseases, for
instance, are far from being mysterious and unfathomable—they are as well known as the
causes of tuberculosis. Other diseases are due to hazards in the natural conditions in which
we live. Imagine the typical American worker on his death-bed: every cell permeated with such
things as chemicals and radio-active materials. Such symptoms are true signs of an unhealthy
world.