UNIT 11 WAJPUT STATES

Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Background : Babur, Humayun and the Rajputs
11.3 Akbar's Relations with the Rajputs
11.3.1 The First Phase
11.3.2 The Second Phase
11.3.3 The Third Phase

11.4 The Rajput States (Raiasthan)

!1.4.1 Amber (Jaipur)
11.4.2 Marwar (Jodhpur)
11.4.3 Bikaner
E 1.4.4 Mewar
11.4.5 Jaisalmer
11.4.6 Bundi and Kota

11.5 The Rajput States in Central India

11.6 Other Rajput States
1 1.6.1 Baglana and I$ar
11.6.2 Hill Rhfiut States

11.7 Mughal-Rajput Reiations in the Seventeenth Century

11.8 Let Us Sum Up
11.9 Key Words
11.10 Answers to ~ h e ' c kYour Progress Exercises

11.6 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you will be able to :
8 understand the policy Babar and Humayun adopted towards the Rajputs;
O demarcate the three phases in Akbar's relations with the Rajputs;
@ understand in brief the emergence of.powerfu1 Rajput States in Central India
and Rajasthan and other minor Rajput states and their political relations with
the Mughsls; and
@ analyse the nature of Mughal-Rajput relations in the 17th Century.

11.1 INTRODUCTION
The Mughal policy towards the Rajputs contributed to the expansion and
consolidation of the Mughal Empire under Akbar and his successors. For long it has
.been held that the Mughal alliance with the Rajputs was determined by personal
religious beliefs of the individual rulers. On this basis, Akbar's libe-alism and
Aurangzeb's orthodoxy were considered the touchstone of their policies and its
impact on the political scene. However, recently the Mughal-Rajput relations are
being studied within the framework of-Mughal nobility as well as the tensions within
the different segments of the nobility itself.
A centralised bureaucratic empire like that of the.Mughals was confronted with the
problem of disrri'oution of power between its various components. The political Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
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.dwd p m ..~r~ ~ M - I B vicissitudes h the Msghal Empire were eovemed to a large extent by the s t ~ g g l efor
'
supremacy or autonomy by the aristocratic elements, i.e., the Mtighal bureaucracy
and, the autonomous rajas anti zamlndars. The socio-cultural factors and the geo-
strategic context of the country are equally important to be taken into account.
Rajasthan (which was the connecting link between the Gangetic valley and the
coastal belt of western India) and Malwa in C~ntralIndia played a pivotal role in
determining the early course of political events in North India. The Mughal-Rajput
conflict cannot be understood independently but should be seen as part of a conflict
which had a past history. It developed against the backdrop of the decline of the
Delhi Sultanate and the emergence of a new state system in Rajasthan, Malwa and
Gujarat.

11.2 BACKGROUND: BABUR, HUMAYUN AND THE

RAJPUTS
With the decline of Jaunpur and the weakening of Malwa towards the end of the
15th century, a new situation developed in North India. There was the contest -
between Rana Sanga of Mewar and the Lodis for domination over eastern Rajasthan
and Malwa. Sanga feared the strengthening of Lodi power and therefore opened
negotiations with Babur against the Lodis. As Babur progressed in accordance with
the agreement, Sanga retraced his steps. He had not envisaged Babur's amval in the
Gangetic valley. His plan was to detain Babur in the Punjab while he confronted the
Lodis in the Gangetic valley. The ascendancy of Babur in the Gangetic valley took
Sanga by surprise. These developments led to the formation of.an alliance between
the Afghans, Rana Sanga and a host of other Rajput princes. The aim was t o hold
back the advance of Babur towards Delhi and the surrounding areas. So far no
Rajput ruler had been successful in mustering support af such disparate groups as
Rajputs and Afghans. The conflict between Sanga's coalition and Babur at Khanwa
was not a contest between Hindus and Muslims, This is amply borne out by the very
nature of the composition of Sangh's coalition. Babur condemned the Afghan
chieftains who collaborated with Sanga as lafirs infidels and mulbids and also
proclaimed the contest against Sanga as jihad. These actions do not suggest religious
zeal but reflect the attempt to meet the challenge by appealing to the religious
sentiments of his soldiers. Later on, Babur concentrated more on countering the
Afghan danger than fighting the Rajputs. He tried to secure his control over the
region adjoining Delhi-Agra zone. Outposts such as Bayana, Dholpur, Gwalior were
firmly brought under control. Mewat and Chanderi in Malwa were taken. The death
of Rana Sanga settled the problem as far as Rajasthan was concerned.
~ a b u wished
r to follow a forward policy in Mewar and Malwa but his practical
understanding prevented him from taking up this policy till the Afghan problem in
the east had been solved. During ~ a b u ? stime, the relations between the Mughals
and Rajputs did not develop along definite and positive lines, rather it was in
consonance with the political needs.
When Humayun ascended the throne, the political scene in Malwa and Rajasthan
had changed considerably. Bahadur Shah, the ruler of Gujarat, had captured Malwa
after defeating its ruler Mahmud Khalji 11. Rana Ratan Singh of Mewar had sided
with Bahadur Shah against Malwa for which he was generously rewarded. This was
an act of political expediency. However, a rupture between Rana Vikramjit of Mewar
and Bahadur Shah led to siege of Chittor by the later. Though Humayun was aware
of the threat posed by the augmentation of the power of Bahadur Shah in ~ a l w ' a
and ~ajasthan,he was hesitant to get involved in the conflict with Bahadur Shah till
the Afghan threat had been sorted out. Humayun's stance as regards Rajasthan was
essentially defence oriented: an offensive policy was postponed for a later date. He
also realised that due to internecine warfare in Mewar its power was waning.
Therefore, for Humayun, its military importance as an ally was inadequate.
Humayun who joined the struggle on Chittor's side had not anticipated the power of
Gujarslt artillery and had overestimated the military strength of Chittor in the wake
of the siege. Bahadur Shah, on the other hand, had not expected Humayun to
counter him in a contest against a Hindu ruler. Chittor was devastated but Bahadur
Shah's success was shortlived.
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 Babu: and Humayun's relations wit;, ~ a j p u t shonld
s be viewed in the context of the Rqlput States
Afghan problem which deterred them from making friendly overtures t c the Rajput
ru:ers.

11.3 AKBAR'S RELATIONS WITH THE RAJPUTS

We can perceive three phases in the shaping of Akbar's Rajput policy. During the
first phase, which ended in 1569-70, Akbar continued with the policy followed by the
Delhi Sultans; in the second phase, Akbar tried to develop and extend the alliance
with,Mjputs but certain components of the earlier policy were retained; the third
and last phase is marked by Akbar's break with Muslim orthodoxy.

11.3.1 The First Phzse

There has been a lot of debate on Akbar's relations with the Rajputs. Some argue
that his policy initiated a system in which there would be no discrimination on the
basis of religion in public appointments. Others hold that it was a ~eliberateattempt
to exploit the martial attributes of the Rajputs for the expansion of the Empire and
also to play them against each other thereby ensuring that they would not unitedly
pose a threat to the Empire. It is also stated that Akbar's Rajput policy was a part
of a broad policy of wooing the zamindars and martial classes which included the
Rajputs and Afghans. Majority of the zamindars were Hindus and specially Rajputs.
It is pointed out that the policy was aimed at using the Rajputs to counter the power
of the Uzbegs and other disaffected nobles. Faithfulness of Rajputs was legendary.
They could serve as important buttresses both within the court and outside.

Rajputs had made an impression on Akbar's mind way back in 1557 when a Rajput
contingent under Bhara Mal, the ruler of Amber, had demonstrated its loyalty to
Akbar. This led to a matrimonial alliance between Bhara Mal's daughter and Akbar
in 1562. But this matrimonial alliance was not unique and such alliailces were a
common feature before Akbar's time also. These marriages were in the nature of
political compromise and did not imply conversion to Islam and break with Hindu
traditions. Bhara Ma1 had submitted to Akbar by personally paying homage to him
in 1562. By encouraging this practice, Akbar was trying to establish intimate
relations with those chieftains who submitted to him personal:^. A personal
relationship, it wr?s felt, would best ensure political a1;egiance. Akbar's period thus
ushered in an era of personal fidelity. Matrimonial alliances did not lead to any kind
of special bond between Rajputs and Mughals. Nor were these alliances with Rajputs
intended to be aimed at countering recalcitrant elements or using the Rajputs for
military gains. The fact that Rajputs did participate in Mughal wars against their
compatriots was not unprecedented. The likral measures such as 'abolition of jiziya,
remission of pilgrim taxes, etc. which Akbar introduced between 1562-64,
strengthened people's faith in Akbar as a liberal ruler. But these measures did not
create an atmosphere of total peace between :he Mughals and Rajputs. The war with
Chittor, is an apt example. The Rajputs offertd firm resistance despite the presence
of Bhagwant Singh with Akbar. Akbar on the other hand proclaimed the conflict as
r jihad and martyrs as ghazis giving the whole affair a reiigious colour. He ascribed his
victory to God's will, therebjr emphasising the religious dimension of the conflict.
L
In the first phase, Akbar's attitude towards Rajputs softened and Rao Dalpat Rai,
the governor (hakina) of Ranthambhor, was accepted in the imperial service and
given jagi. Akbar marriec! Rhagwant Singh's (Kachhawaha prince) sister. That
Bhara Mal became a close confidant of Akbar is evident from the fact that when
Akbar proceeded on the Gujarat canpaign, 4gra was placed under his charge a
gesture shown for the first time to a Hindu Prince. However, Akbar's religious views
his public policies and attitude towards Rajputs developed along separate lines and
coincided only'at a later stage.
1
11.3.2 The Second Phase
Towards the end of 1570, the relations with Rajputs were further established. Rai
Kalyan Mal of Bikanar submitted to Akbar by paying homage personally along with Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
his son. Rawal Har Rai of Jaiselmer and Kalyan Mal's daughters were married to
 P m m d m e M- Akbar. Both rdas were firmly entrenched in their principalities andenrolled in the
Imperial service. The Gujarat expedition of Akbar was an important landmark in 'the
evolution of Mughal-Rajput relations. The Rajputs were enlisted as soldiers
systematically and their salaries were futed for the f m t time. Thus, the Rajputs were
deployed outside Rajasthan for the fmt time and. were given significant assignments
and posts. During the Gujarat insurrection of the Mirzas, Akbar depended largely or
RajputeKachawahas) Man Singh and Bhagwant Singh. Akbar also had to deal
with the Mewar problem. The Rana of Mewar did not agree to personal submission
and wanted to regain Chittor. Akbar remained fm on the principle of personal
homage. In the meantime Mamar was subdued by Akbar.
The battle of ~ a l d i ~ h abetween
ti the Rana of Mewar and Akbar was not a struggle
between Hindus and Muslims. As important groups from among the Rajputs sided
with the M~lghals,this struggle cannot be termed as a struggle for independence from
foreign rule. It can t o some extent be characterized as the pronouncement of the
ideal of regional independence. In the 16th century India, the feelings of local and
regional loyalty were very powerful which could be further strengthened by emphasis
on conventions and traditions. However, this catchword could not be very helpful in
the long run since there was no supreme regional power amongst the Rajput states.
They were vulnerable to internecine warfare and its disastrous' consequences. The
states located along the borders of Mewar submitted to Akbar and entered into
matrimonial alliances. These states had close relations with Mewar but had always
pursued a practical policy of allying with whosoever was the dominant power in the
area. The ruler of Bundi and Mawar, who were in league with the Rana, were
subdued. Thus, the Rana's power suffered a severe jolt and Rajputs were
transformed from mere collaborators into allies of the Mughals.

Till the end of the second phase, Akbar's Rajput p ~ l i c y ~ h anot

d acquired a shape
which would be disapproved by the Muslim orthodox religious elements or which
would be a threat to the Muslim character of the state. Or else why an orthodox
person like Badauni commc 3ded the Mewar campaign?

11.3.3 The Third Phase

The reimposition of jiziya by Akbar in 1575, which was a step in preparation for war
with Mewar, shows that Akbar had t o rely on religion for serving political ends. The
fall from power of the chief sadr Abdun Nabi and the proclamation of the mahzar
are important events which constitute the starting point of Akbar's break with
orthodoxy.

Durinl the mnvasion on Punjab by Akbar's brother M i n a Hakim (the ruler of t a b u Q

in 1580, Akbar relied upon R a j ~ u t ssuch a s Man Singh and Bhagwant Singh who'
displayed considerable valour during the siege and successfully resisted it. Akbar
rewarded them by making Bhagwant Das the governor of Lahore and Man Singh the
commander of the Indus region. An important consequence of Mirza Hakim's
invasion was that from now onwards the Rajputs became the sword-arm of the
Empire and became actively involved in Mughal administration.

A group among the nobility displayed fear over the ascendan~yof Rajputs. However
Akbar was strong enough to brush aside such feelings and continued to rely on the
Rajputs.
Akbar tried to forge close relations &th the Rajput ruling houses. The Kachhawaha
family occupied a special position in the gamut of Mughal-Rajput relations. In 1580,
Mani Bai, the daughter of Bhagwant Das, was mamed to Prince Salim. In 1583,
~ o d h p u rwhich
, was a part of khalisa was .bestowed upon Mota Raja Udai Singh
(Marwar) and his daughter was married to Salim. Rai Kalyan Singh's (Bikaner)
daughter and Rawal Bhim's (Jaisalmer) daughters were also married to Salim. Prince
Daniyal was mamed to a daughter of Raimal of Jodhpur.
These marriages reveal Akbar's desire to compel1 his successor to the throne to cany
on the policy of maintaining close relationship with the Rajputs. In 1583-84, Akbar
initiated a new policy of selecting loyal Muslim and Hindu nobles for performing
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU administrative tasks. Thus, the son of Bhara Ma1 and Rai Lonkaran Shekhawat were
to look after armour and roads; household management was placed under Raisal
Darbari (Kachhawaha); Raja Askaran Kachhawaha of Narwan was assigned the task
of supervising the property of minors; Jagmal Panwar, associated with Raja
Bhagwant Das and Man Singh, was incharge of the department of jewels and other
minerals; Rai Durga Sisodia of Rampura and Raja Todar Ma1 were assigned
administrative tasks in fhe revenue department and Rai Suj a n Hada wits to bring
matters' relating t o religion and faith to Prince Daniyal. Raja Birbal was a close
associate of Akbar and was responsible for justice. It cannot be said 6 t h certainty to
what extent this policy of deploying Rajputs for carrying out administrative tasks
was successful. Abul Fazl gives the impression that it was not properly implemented.
The year 1585-86 marks an important landmark in the administrative sphere when
the subas were given an administrative shape. Each s u b was to have two amirs or
sipabsalars as well as a diwan and a bakbshi. The Kachhawahas got the largest share
of appointments among Rajputs. Lahore. was given to Raja Bhagwant Das and Rai
Singh of Bikaner, Kabul to Man Singh, Agra to Raja Askaran Shekhawat. Ajmer to
Jagannath (son of Bhara Mal). The Rathors and Sisodias were also employed in the
administrative set up but not on a very large scale.
By 1585-86, Akbar's ~ a j ~ policy
u t had become fully developed. The alliance with
Rajputs had become steady and stable. The Rajputs were now not only allies but
were partners in the Empire. Conflict with the Rana of Mewar did not lead to
bitterness in relations with other Rajput states of Rajasthan. Finally, the dispute with
the Rana was settled and he spent the rest of his life in Chawand in South Mewar
(his capital).
For analysing the relations with Rajputs in Akbar's reign, the year 1585-86 can be
taken as a convenient point. Among the Rajputs enlisted in the Imperial Service, the
Kachhawahas reigned suprcme. In the mansabdari(ranking system) which was
developed by Akbar the Kachhawahas held a dominant position. In the list of
mansabdars, as given in the Ain-i Akbari of the 24 Rajputs 13 wertb~achhawahas.
Among Kachhawahas only members of Bhara Mal's family held ranks of 1500 zat or
above. The only non-Kachhawaha Rajput who held a high rank and important posts
was Rai Singh of Bikaner.
A study oT the state structure of the Rajputs is important for understanding their
relations with the Mughals. On the eve of the Mughal conquests, the administrative
structure was based on what is called bbaibant system. It was a sort of a loose
confederation in which a region was held by a clan or kbap by one o r more family
which had close kinship ties with the clan. A member of the leading family was
called rao/rai-rana. There was no defmite law of succession both primogeniture and
the will of the ruler prevailed. But the deciding factors were the support of Rajput
sardars (chieftains) and military might. A clan held a region relying on the support
of Rajput warriors. The leading family of a clan held only a few parganas or mabab
under direct control in a region and the rest were assigned in patta to individual
members of the family who erected their own fortresses or places of residence called
basi or kotM. Holders of these fortresses were called dhani o r tbakur. These holdings
were hereditary. In these circumstances the Rana tried to extend the holding a t the
expense of the tbikanedars (clan brothers) whereas the clan attempted to gain at the
cost of neighbouring clans.

When a Rajput raja was enrolled in the Imperial service, he was given jagir against
his manhb which consisted of mahals o r tsppas where the clan members lived. The
mabals were a part of one or more parganas with a fort or garhi where the raja
resided with his family. This region was the real watao of the raja though,
occassionally, the term was extended to mean the entire tract held by th:daja and his
clansmen. Jahangir refers to this as riyasat. The term watan jagir came lnto vogue
only at the end of Akbar's-reign. Jagirs in close proximity to wabn were considered
a part of the watan and were not transferrable except in case of rebellion, etc. These
watan jagirs were granted for life within Rajasthan. Outside Rajasthan, jaglrs were
transferrable. The term watan jagk is not referred to by Abul Fazl and other
contemporary historians. The first reference to this is contained in a farman of
Akbar to Raja Rai Singh of Bikaner. The Rajput chronicles, for example, Nainsi has
a word utan which could be a corruption of watan. Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
 Regiond Pow- nod M w ~ The change in the state structure of Rajasthan and the evolution of the concept of
wdan jagir which replaced bhaibant is an interesting p1:enomena. By Jahangir's time
the concept of watan jagir was firmly entrenched. Areas held by clan memben and
other clans were brought under the control of the raja. Watan jagirs allowed the
rajas to consolidate their position vis-a-vis the pattayats which was a step towards
the evolution of a stable and centralised state structure. Watam and riyasat at times
overlapped.
When a raja died all the parganas controlled by him as watan jagir were not
inevitab!~inherited by his successor. His successor was given a few parganas
according to his mansab which was lower than that of his prsdecessor. Thus, jagir
rights in a pargana were partitioned. This was a means of exercising control over the
Rajput rajas.

Dispute among the Rajputs for control of certain territories was a problem in which
Akbar also got entangled. For example, Pokharan was claimed by the Bhatis of
Jaisalmer ar~drulers of Bikaner and Jodhpur. Akbar had assigned it to Mota Raja ari.,l
later to Suraj Singh, but the Bhatis continued to resist and dispute could not be
settled in Akbar's time.

The Mughals did not try to create dissensions among the Rajputs but they were
aware of dissensions among the Rajputs on the basis of clan and personal holdings
and took advantage of these differences for their own ends. For example, they
transferred disputed parganas from one to another. The Mughal control over an
autonomous raja was determined by the Mughal concept of paramountcy. attitudes
of traditional ruling elites and politica! expediency. In Akbar's time Chittor and
Ranthambhor forts were under Mughal appointees. The rajas assessed and collected
land revenue according to their custom and norms. but imposition of certain taxes
was disallowed. However, there was no machinery t o enforce these prohibitions
which were often ignored by small rajas, Marwar was under direct Mughal rule from
1563 to 1583. Parts of Mewar were directly controllcd by the Mughals from 1568 to
the early years of Jahangir's reign.-

The Rajput rajas were granted jagirs outside their watan in neighbouring subas or in
subas where they served. The jagirs were situated either in prodactive areas or in
zortalab (rebellious) areas. The proportion of jagirs granted in Rajasthan and outside
differed from case to case. Additional income from jagirs outside traditional holdings
was important. Jagirs in Rajasthan were a more attractive proposition for the
Rajputs as they carried a lot of prestige and enabled them to maintain their links
with the clan which was the foundation of their power.

The establishment of a sort of Pax Mughalica (Mughal peace) was important if the
Rajput rajas were to serve in different parts of the Empirc without being bothered
about their homelands. This meant regulation of inter-state disputes and disputes
among the Rajput rajas and sardars. The Mughal policy of conferring honour on
anyone was a part of the process of weakening the aristocracy by instigating the
middle and lower strata to assert their independence from eristocracy. Therefore, the
Mughals enlisted in the Imperial service many mincr feudatories of the Rajput rajas
themselves.

The issue of succession had invariably caused fratricidal civil wars in Rajput states.
The concept of Mughal Paramountcy implied controlling succession to the throne in
thtse states. This was not an easy task: it depended on the strength of the Mughal
ruler. Akbar had pronounced that the grant of tika was the prerogative of the
Mughal Emperor and could not be claimed as a matter of right. The fact that the
Mughal Emperor could give tika to sons of the deceased raja or his brother or
brother's son could lead to conflicts. But, at least, the issue could be settled without
a civil war due to Mughal intervention.

As the mansab system developed, Akbar tried to encourage nobles to maintain mixed
contigents consisting of ethnic groups like the Mughals, Rajputs etc. However this
was not acceptable to many and exclusive contingents of Rajputs and Mughals were
still maintained. The Rajput soldier was paid a salary lower than his Mughal
counterpart but how far this encouraged nobles to employ Rajputs is not known.
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU Akbar tried to promote heterogeneous contingents to cut across the ethic-religious
'distinctions. But we find that linder Akbar and his successors ethnic-religious ties Rajplrt States
could not be weakened. Many cobles disliked the importance given to the Rajputs in
the Imperial service. The Rajputs, too, found it difficult at first to adjust to the
discipline in the Mughal service.

Akbar's alliance with the Rajputs began as a political coalition but later, it developed
into an instrument of closer relations between H~ndusand Muslims which formed
the basis for a broad liberal tolerant policy towards all, irrespective of faith. Around
this time, the concept of justice also became extensive. It was stressed that justice
should be dispensed to all irrespective of religion, faith, caste and race. Thus
Mughal-Rajput relations were seen as the beginnkg of a secular, non-sectarian state
in which all sectiocs of people would have some interest in its continuation. But this
was not in accordance nith tht social and political reality. The Rajputs were
generally orthodox in their social and religious outlook. They refused to enroll
themselves in Akbar's tauhid llahi and also did not support Akbar in opposing sati.
Like the Rajputs, the Mughal elite was also generally orthodox, The Mughal elite
and ulema feared,tat a broad liberal policy would be detrimental to their dominant
position. Their opposition could be put down only by furthering the Mughal-Rajput
alliance supported by powerful non-sectarian movements stressing common points
between Ibllowers of the two religions. These movements were limited in their
influence and the Mughal-Rajput alliance having no powerful bulwatk became
strained and collapsed.

11.4 THE RAJPUT STATES (RAJASTHAN)

Amber, Mewar, Marwar, Jaisalmer, Bikaner, Bundi and Kota were some of the
important Rajput states in Rajasthan. We will briefly discuss their emergence as
powerful Rajput states and their political relations with the Mughals.

11.4.1 Amber (Jaipur)

Amber is identified w i h the present day Jaipur. Located in eastern Rajasthan, it was
ruled by th:: Kachhawahas. During the early years of Akbar's rcign, the n ~ l e rof
Amber was Raja Bharma]. wehave already discussed Akbar's relat~onswith Amber.

At the time of Akbar's death, the relatlon5hip of Raja M a n Singh witn Pnnce Salim
became estranged. Raja Man Singh in !e~guewith Aziz Koka, (a h4ughal noble)
favoured the candidature of Prince Kh-rau agamst Salim for the Mughal throne.
Khusrau was the nephew (sister's son) of Man S a g h and the s~n-:n-!aw of Aziz
Koka. This issue also divided the Kachhaw*&ds. Ram D s and Raisal Carbari sided
with Salim. At that time, both were Incharge 01 the dhazana-i-amira (imperial
treasury). Man S~nghand Aziz Koka wantea to gain control over the treasury but
those incharge of the treasury resisted and succeeded in safeguard~ngthe treasury.
Even~uallywhen Jahangir became the Emperor, he was hostile to Man Singh and
others who had opposed him. Man Singh was sent away to Bengal, and none of the
Kachhawa has nobles were given the charge of any office ihroughout Jahang~r'sreign
Ram Das and Raisal Darbari wsrt. favoured and were raised to the rank of 5000 zat.
Though Jahangir was unhappy with Man Singh, political exigency did not allow him
to severe his relations with the powerful K a ~ ~ w a h a c h i e f t a rTherefore,
n. in 1608, he
married the daughter of hian Singh's deceased eldest son Jagat Singh. Raja M a n
Singh heid the rank of 7000 zat and 7000 sawar till his death in 1614-l5.

In 1614, Jahangir, instead of granting the gaddi of Amber to Maha Singh, gave tika
to Bhao Singh who was also given the title of Mirza Raja and a rank of 4000 zab
which was raised to 5000 zat. According to the law of primogeniture prevaiiing
among the Kachhaw* clan, the gaddi should have gone to Maha Singh who was the
son of Jagat Singh, the deceased eldest son of Man Singh. During Prince Khumam's
rebellion, the Kachhawha chieftain Mima Raja Jai Singh was cautious and showed
'his indifference to the whole affair. His neutrality earned him the cooodwil\ of Prince
Khurram. When the latter became the Emperor, Jai Sicgh was gven promotinns and
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assigned some offices. Mima Raja Jai Singh, who held the mansab nf 4000 zat and
 R- POW- e M-
md n 2,500 sawar at the time of Shah Jahan's accession, continued to earn promotions
during the course of military service in the Deccan. By 1637 he had acquired the
status of 7000 zat and 7000 sawar. He served as a commander during ~urangzeb's-
expeditions against Balkh and Qandahar. Besides the Mina, many other Kachhadaha
hobles also held ranks of various degrees. Many offices such as faujdar and quila' dar
were assigned to them. In c. 1650, Mirza Raja Jai Singh became the faujdar of Delhi
and, in the same year, his son Kirat Singh became the faujdar of Mewat. Earlier,
Mirza Raja Jai Singh Was appointed subadar of Agra and faujdar of Mathura.

In the war of succession between Princes Dara Shukoh and Aurangzeb,.Mirza Raja
Jai Singh favoured the imperial cause and earned Jaswant Singh
superseded Jai Singh in the heirarchy due to Dara's support who was favoured by
.Shah Jahan. Jai Singh's nephew's daughter was married to Dara's son. By
distinguishing himself against Prince Shuja in the eastern part of India, Mirza Raja
Jai Singh had acquired the mansab of 7000 zat and 7000 sawar (5000 du aspa sih
aspa). After the battle of Samugarh when Aurangzeb's position had became strong,
the Raja and his son Ram Singh defected to Aurangzeb's side. Aurangzeb rewarded
him with the jagir of one kror dams. He became a close confidant of Aurganzeb. The
Raja continued to render military service to Aurganzeb. He remained in the Deccan
and fought against the Marathas, Bijapur and Golconda. After Shivaji's escape from
Agra, he was removed from the viceroyalty of Deccan. Shivaji was in his son's
custody and Aurangzeb blamed him for the flight. After him, the Amber state was
governed by his son Ram Singh and great-grandson Bishan Singh. During the period
of Sawai Jai Singh, 11609-1743), the Ambar state became powerful. In 1707, after
Aurangzeb's death, there ensued the succession problem. Sawai Jai Singh became
entangled in the succession strife. He was disliked by the new emperor Bahadur
Shah who first installed Jai Singh's brother Bijay Singh as the chieftain of Ambar
and subsequently the Emperor brought Amber state under imperial control. But, in
the subsequent period, Sawai Jai Singh got possession of Amber. Taking advantage
of internecine conflicts and party politics a t the royal court, he expanded his power
and prestige by enlarging the boundaries of the Amber state. He founded a new city,
Jainagar, presently known as Jaipur. At the time of accession, he possessed a small
territory around Amber, but he sought revenue assignments of many parganas
around Amber region, and also took revenue contracts (ijara) of many parganas. In
this way, he succeeded in establishing the powerful Jaipur state.

11.4.2 Marwar (Jodhpur)

The Rathor chieftains of Jodhpur came from Qannauj region and estblished a
monarchy. Rao Jodha (1446-53) founded the city of Jodhpur and it became the seat
of power. Gradually, the Rathors extended their control over the large desert tract of
north-west Rajasthan. Many Rathor states, namely Merta, Bikaner, Kishangarh and
Nagaur came into existence, and the ruling families of these states had lineage links
with the Rathor family of Jodhpur. In 156344, Jodhpur under Chandrasen was
subdued by Akbar. It was conferred upon Mota Raja in 1583. Matrinomial alliances
were established with the ruler of Marwar and mansabs were granted to him and his
sons.
During Jahangir's reign, after meritorious services in the Deccan and the Chittor
expendition, Suraj Singh had earned the position of 5000 zat. After his death in
1619, his son Gaj Singh was granted the gaddi of Jodhpur and the mansab of 3000
zat and 2000 sawar. Gaj Singh served in Deccan and rose to the rank of 5000 zat
and 5000 sawar. He did not participate actively against Shah Jahan who had rebelled
-against Jahangir. When Shah Jahan became the 'Emperor, Gaj Singh was confirmed
in his previous rank. He was deputed against the rebel MughaL noble Khan Jahan
Lodi and thereafter against Adil Shah of Bijapur.
After his death in 1638, accordipg to his will, the gaddi of Jodhpuf was conferred on
his younger son Jaswant Singh instead of t,he eldest son Amar Singh. Jaswant Singh
was also given the title of Raja and the mansab of 4000 zat/ 4000 sawar. Shah Jahan
also gratified Amar Singh (who was in Kabul), by augmenting his status to 3000 zat
and 3000 sawar with the title of rao. He was also favoured with the grant of a new
watan jagir in Nagaur. Shah Jahan's generosity was on account of Jaswant arld
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU Amar Singh's blood relationship with the Emperor's mother Jagat Gosain.
 Raja Jaswant Singh .rendered service in Qandahar first under the command of Prince Rajput State
Dara Shukoh and thereafter under Prince Aurangzeb. Earlier he was the acting
governor of Agra. The Raja had now acquired the status of 6000 zat and 6000 sawar
(5000 du aspa sih aspa). His status was further raised by grant of the title of
Maharhja and he fought on the imperial side against Aurangzeb in the battles of
Dharmat and Samugarh which he lost. On the eve of this struggle, Jaswant Singh's
mansab was raised to 7000 zat and 7000 sawar (6000 du aspa sib aspa). Jaswant
Singh's sympathy with Shah Jhhan and Dara Shukoh and his frequent defections
had vexed Aurangazeb and the latter confiscated his gaddi of Jodhpur and conferred
it on his nephew Rao Rai Singh, the son of Amar Singh of Nagaur. The Rajputs had
no special sympathy for Dara nor Aurangzeb had any reservations regarding the
Rajputs. But when eventually Aurangzeb emerged successful in the war of succession
he reinstated Jaswant Singh on his gaddi as well as to his mansab. He was also
appointed governor of Gujarat. It was not advisable for the Mughal Emperor to
annoy the powerful Rajput chieftain who commanded a large following. Aurangzeb
followed the policy of winning oyer the Rajputs. Thereafter, Jaswant Singh rendered
services in Deccan and Afghanistan. However, his negligent conduct during and a f g r
Shivaji's surprise attack on ShaistaKhan's camp in 1662 was a source of worry to
Aurangzeb. Jaswant Singh was charged with sympathising with Shivaji but
Aurangzeb continued to favour him. His last assignment was as thanedar of Jamrud
in Afghanistan. This was a low post and amounted to demotion and virtual
banishment to far-off places away from the Mughal court. After his death, the
Rajputs were not involved in ~urangzeb'sDeccan campaings which signalled the
revival of a forward policy in the Deccan after 1676. This formed the background of
Aurangzeb's breach with Mewar and Marwar.
Although Aurangzeb was orthodox in his religious views in the early years of his
reign, the Rajputs became partners in the Empire. Gradually, however, relations
between the two became strained. The acts of territorial aggrandizement, and,
matrimonial alliances contracted by the Rajput Rajas without the Mughal Emperor's
consent were resented by Aurangzeb.
A major crisis which occured around this time is popularly known as the Rathor
Rebellion. Jaswant Singh had a son Prithvi Singh who had died during his lifetime.
At the time of his death, his two wives were pregnant but there was no certainty of
the birth of a male child. It was also not possible to keep the Jodhpur gaddi vacant
for a long time. The gaddi could also not be conferred on Rani Hadi (the chief
queen) according to the Rajput tradition. The rule of primogeniture did not prevail
among the Rathors and the son whose mother was the favourite of the father was
nominated to the gaddi. In case the successor was a minor, the state was
administered by an Imperial nominee. In Marwar there were two claimants to the
gaddi-Rao Anup Singh of Bikaner (the son of a daughter of Amar Singh) and Indra
Singh of Nagaur (his grandfather was Amar Singh whose claims to the throne of
Marwar had been set aside when his younger brother Jawant Singh was given the
gaddi of.Marwar). Both offered a huge amount of pesbkasii (tribute) and Anup Singh
also volunteered to escheat Jaswant Singh's property to realize the dues he owed to
the government, but Aurangzeb issued orders that the state of Marwar including
Jodhpur should be taken into kbalisa. It was a part of the Mughal Empire though
P
autonomous in internal matters. Disputed succession was one of the reasons for a
state being taken into kbalisa, something which was not unprecedented. Another
reason was that many zamindars who had been subordinate to the Maharaja
ii withheld reuenues and created trouble. Jaswant Singh had given most of his villages
in patta to sardars and was unable to recover the dues from them. He was therefore
in debt to the state. Some of his parganas were claimed by the neighburing states.
The inclusion of Jodhpur into kbalisa was accompanied by the grant of parganas of
Sojat and Jaitaran for the maintenance of Jaswant Singh's family. Howiver, Rani
Hadi was not prepared to surrender Jodhpur although she had no objection to the
rest of Mewar being taken into khalisa. She wanted to postpone the issue and
awaited the birth of Jaswant Siogh's chilg hoping that it would be a male child. Rani
Hadi was supported by the Rathors and Rana Raj Singh of Mewar. Aurangzeb
offered to transf~rmthe pattas of Jaswant Singh's followers into Imperial pattas in
order to reduce their anxiety that they wguld be dislodged if Jodhpur was. brought
under kbalisa. Rani Hadi refused to surrender Jodhpur. Aurangzeb decided to strike
a blow. Marwar was subdued and Mughal officers including qazis and muhtasilis Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
 Regional Powers and The Mughak (public censors) were posted at Jodhpur. However, the fort was retained by Rani
Hadi. Meanwhile, two posthumous sons were born to the Ranis of Jaswant Singh.
The claims of the sons were backed by Rao Anup Singh, the ruler of Bikaner and
Khan Jahar., the Imperial bakhshi. Finally, Aurangzeb bestowed the gaddi of Marwar
on Indra Singh for a peshkash of 36 lakhs of rupees. Earlier Rani Hadi had made a
secret offer that Rathors would destroy all the temples in Marwar if the tika was
granted to a son of Jaswant Singh. The Rani had wanted to postpone the decislon in
favour of Indra Singh. She had made this offer at the behest of Tahir Khan the
faujdar of Jodhpur. This amazing offer was rejected by Aurangzeb. It shows tbat
Aurangzeb's acclons such as deputing officials snd stone-cutters to demolish temples
in Marwar and his decision to reimpose jiziya were being misconstrued by Rajputs
and his officials. Ultimately, the Rani suggested that Jodhpur might remain under
Khalisa rather than being given to Indra Singh.

If Aurangzeb had wanted to fulfill the objective of forcible conversion of the Hindus,
he would have kept Marwar under khalisa. He could also have administered it through an
imperial nominee till the sons of Jaswant Singh came of age. However, the Rajputs feared
that Indra Singh's accession would establish an unhealthy precedent that the claims of a
direct descendant of the Raja would not be considered by the Mughal Emperor
arbitralily. The destruction of temples in Marwar at Aurangzeb's behest also caused a
great deal of anxiety among the Rajputs.

The two minor sons of :aswant Singh were brought to Delhi and their claims were
backed by mir balrhshi, etc. Aurar~gzebhad decideJ to partition the kingdom to
satisfy both Indra Singh and Ajit Singh (the son of Jdswant Singh). Tika was to be
given to Indra Singh, while Sojat and Jaitran were to be held by Ajit Singh. The
division of the staie was meant to weaken Jodhpur which was a p a n of the policy
of Aurganzeb towards the Rajputs-a policy of restraint in promoting the Rajputs.
All this led to an uprising of the Rathors against the Mughals. Aurganzeb converted
one child of Jaowant Singh at Agra to Islam to iorfeit his claim t o the gaddi. He
now also did not accept the other child af Jaswant Singh as the genuine heir.
Finally, Jodhpur submitted to Aurangzeb. Durga Das escaped with the child of
4
Jaswant Singh to Mewar.

11.4.3 Bikaner
The ruling family of Bikaner is of the same lineage as the Rathor ruling family of
Jodhpur. Rao Bika (1472-1504) d~sassociatedhimself from the Jodhpur family and
came to the region of the Thar desert and established the principality of Bikaner
known after his name. Ht. and his descendants subdued the local Jat chieftains and
brought them under their hegemony. Jaitsi (1 526- 1542) seems to have joined the
service of Emperor Humayun But when Rao Maldeo of J o d h ~ u emerqedr as a
powerful chieftain he brought Jaitsi under his authority. Jaitsi's son and successor
Kalyan Ma1 joined Sher Shah's service and extended the limits of his doqinion by
getting the ass1gnn)ents of many parganas from Sher Shah.
When Akbarvs regent Bairam Khan revolted in 1560-61, he: sought shelter in
Bikaner. After this event, Raja Bhagwant Das Kachhawaha, who was related to
Kalyan Mal, brought the latter to join Akbar's service in 1570. A Rathor princess of
Bikaner was also married to Akbar. Rao Kalyan Ma1 and his son Rai Sin& were
given the mansab of 2000 zat and 4090 zat respectively. Rai Singh's son Dalpat was
also granted the mansab of 500 zat.
Rao Rai Singh along with his son Dalpat rendered m~ditaryservice in the ~ u g h a l
.campaigns in dgferent parts of the Empire. They participated In the campaigns of
Sind, Punjab, Bengal and subdued the chieftains of Sirohi and Abu.
The bond between Rao Rai Sinph and the Mughal rulirlg family was further
strengthened by the marriage ot the daughrzr of the Rao wits Prince Salim. The
Rao was appointed the subadar of suba Lahore in 1586-87. The soclai status of Rao
was enchanced when Akbar conferred the title of raja on him.
Jahangu, atter his accession In 1605, #romoted Rao Rai Singh to the mmsab of
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
5000, zat and appoicted the Ra_ia to guard rhc harem wlile he himself decided to
chase the rebel Prlnce Khurran~.Rai Singh neglected his duty and went to Bikaner.
He was later on pardoned by Jahangir due to the intervention of Amir ul Umra Rajput States
Sharif Khan. After his death in 1612, his son Dalpat succeeded him, Rai Sin&, due
to his love for the mother of his younger son Sur Singh, had chosen him as his
successor. But when it was reported to Jahangir, he overruled Rai Singh's cholce
and personally gave tika t o Dalpat. By this action he made it clear that the power of
granting succession rested with the central power only, i-e., the Mughal Emperor.
Later on, Dalpat rebelled against the Emperor and Sur Singh, who helped to arrest
Dalpat, was installed as the ruler of Bikaner. Sur Singh by rendering meritorious
services had risen - to the status
-A - of 3000 zat and 2qOO Saw= during Jahangir's reign.
shah ~ a h a nifter
, assuming power, promoted the Rao to the status of 4000 zat and
3000 sawar. The Rao participated in many campaigns. After his death in 1630-3 1,
his son Karan was granted the gaddi with the title of rao and a mansab of 2000 zat
and 1000 sawar. Satar Sal, another son of Sur Singh, was given the mansab of 500
zat and 200 sawar. Rao Karan served in Deccan and played a significant role in
subduing, many zamindars of the region. In the war of succession, the Rao decided
to remain neutral and went to Bikaner instead of siding with either of the
contending Princes for the Mughal throne. Aurangzeb, after his accession, forced
the Rao to rejoin his service. He was given the mansab of 3000 zat and 2000 sawar
and deputed to Deccan. In the campaign against the zamindar of Chanda, he played
a dubious role which cost him his position. His son Anup Singh with the mansab of
2500 zat and 2000 sawar was given Bikaner. The deposed Rao settled in
Aurangabad where he died in 1666-67. Anup Singh's services in Deccan earned him
the title of raja. He fought against the Marathas and was appointed the qila' dar of
Nusratabad. After his death in 1699, his son Sarup Singh was given the tika with a
mansab of 1000 zat and 500 sawar.

Mewar was one of the largest Rajput states in Rajasthan. It had three strong forts,
i.e., Chittor, Kumbhalmer and Mandal. It was ruled by the Sisodia chiefs. The
trade-route from Agra to Gujarat passed through the Sisodia territory; therefore, it
had great importance for the Mughal Emperor. The Sisodia chieftains had brought
many local chieftains under their hegemony. The contest of Rana Sanga with Babur
has already been discussed. Mewar's defeat attracted external invasions. Bahadur
Shah of.Gujarat attacked Mewar and succeeded in forcing the Rana to accept his
suzerainty.
Rana Udai Singh, the successor of Rana Vikramjit, gave shelter to Baz Bahadur, the
ruler of Malwa. Akbar led an expedition against Chittor in 1567 and captured it.
Rana Pratap succeeded Udai Singh. He refused to pay personal homage to Akbar
but sent his son Amar Singh along with pesbkash to the court. The result was thc
battle of Haldighati which proved ruinous for the Rajputs. Mewar had always defied
Mughal authority due to its size, terrain and geographical location. Under Akbar no
favours were given to Mewar. In 1614, Prince Khurram led an expedition and forced
Rana Amar Singh t o submit. The Rana sent his son Kunwar Karan to the court
where he was treated favourably. He was given the status of a mansabdar of panj
bazari (5000 zat). However, the treaty which was contracted between the Rana and
the Mughals, granted many privileges to the Rana. It was decided that the Rana
would not render military service to the Mughals in person, but he would depute a
person with only 1500 troopers. It was also decided that the Rana would not get the
fort of Chittor repaired. The Rana enjoyed the status of 5000 zat in the Mughal
mamab hierarchy. In 1619, when Rana Amar Singh died, Kunwar Karan succeeded
him with the title of rana and the mamab of 5000 zat. After his death in 1628, his
son Jagat Singh received the mansab of 5000 zat and 5000 sawar from Emperor
Shah Jahan.
In 1654, in violation of the treaty of 1614, when Jagat Singh began to repair the
fort, Shah Jahan deputed Sadullah Khan in 1656 to take action against t h e Rana.
T o punish the Rana for the violation of the treaty, some pargaaas were sequestered
and annexed to the imperial Kbalisa. Rana Jagat Singh's successor R a m Raj Singh
approached prince Dara Shukoh, and, through his intervention the Rana saved his
dominion from large scale devastation by Sadullah Khan. However, the Rana
continued to depute a person with a fixed number of troopers for rendering military
service to the Mughal Emperor. Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
 R W d Powers and The M ~ h a b In the war of succession, Rana Raj Singh remained a silent spectator but, when the
decisive battle of Deorai near Ajmer was imminent, both Dara Shukoh and
Aurangzeb became keen to seek help from the Rana. Dara Shukoh had taken
position at Deorai hill which was very important strategically. If Jaswant Singh and
Rana Raj Singh had both joined Dara it would have been disastrous for Aurangrcb.
Aurangzeb, visualising all these aspects, hastened to promise the Rana that he
would restore him to the honour enjoyed by Rana Sangram Sin&. But he did not
keep his promise. However, Aurangzeb raised him to the mansab of 6000 zat and
6000 sawar. The parganas confiscatkd from the Rana were restored to him. The
territories of Dungarpur, Banswara and Deolia whose chieftains had fought against
Aurangzeb were also assigned as ghaif.amali jagir to the Rana. In addition, two
kror dams were @anted in inam (revenue free land grants) to him. Rana's interest in
Mewar succession dispute was mainly to reassert the importance of Mewar in
Rajput politics. When Rana Jai Singh became the ruler he was forced to cede the
parganas of Mandal, Bidur, etc in lieu of jiziya and also not to support the Rathors.
But the unity between the Sisodias and Rathors had already suffered. R a m Jai
Singh did not wholeheartedly support Ajit Singh's succession to the gaddi of
Marwar due to secret attempts made by the Rathors to sequester territories in
Mewar. However, in 1696, the Rana of Mewar married his neice to Ajit Singh.
Finally tika was given to Ajit Singh, though Jodhpur was retained by Aurangzeb.

11.4.5 Jaisalmer
In the Western Thar desert of Rajasthan, there were many Bhati chieftains
independent of each other. Muhta Nainsi, a compiler of the Khyat in the second half
of seventeenth century, has referred to many of them ruling over Pugal, Bikanpur,
Derawar, Motasar, Hapasar and Jaisalmer. They did not have a centralized political
organisation but Jaisalmer was the largest and the most powerful Bhati state among
these. Rao don Karan (1528-50) subdued the chieftain of Derawar and included it
in his temtory. Rawd Har Raj of Jaisalmer, who was related to the Kachhawaha
family by matrimonial ties was brought by Bhagwant Das to join Emperor Akbar's
service in 1570. His acceptance of Mughal suzerainty was accompanied by the
marriage of his daughter to the Emperor. Further, this bond was strengthened by
giving Har Raj's son Rawal Bhim:s daughter in marriage to Prince Salim. She was
given the title of malilra i Jahan. RawaLBhim (1578-1614) rendered military service
to the Mughab in Sind and was given the mansab of 3000 zat by the i d of Akbar's
reign.
In the absence of any male issue, Jahangir after Rawal Bhim's death (related to the
Kachhawaha family) in 1614, granted succession to his younger brother Kalyan. He
got the maasab of 2000 zat and 1000 saw= and the hereditary title of rawal. After
his death in 1647, his son hlanohar Das became the Rawal of Jaisalmer. The line of
succession changed when Manohar Das died in 1649. Ram Chand, being the heir-
apparent, became the rules of Jaisalmer, but Shah Jahan overruled his succession
and gave tika to Sabal Singh who was from the lineage of Rawal Maldeo (1550-
1561), the ruler of Jaisalmer. Shah Jahan seems to have intervened in succession
because of the internecine feuds among the Bhatis in Jaisalmer. Sabal Singh was the
son of Mirza Raja Jai Singh's sister and had rendered meritorious service in
Peshawar where he protected successfully the imperial treasury from the recalcitrant
Afghans.
Shah Jahan due to all these considerations decided to grant tilra to Sabal Singh. The
Emperor asked Maharaja Jaswant Singh of Jodhpur to instal Sabal Singh on the
gaddi Jaisalmer. After Sabal Singh's death, his son Amar Singh became the Rawal
in 1659. Amar Singh's energies were spent mostly in fighting with the local Rajput
refractories and the neighbouring Rathor chieftain Anup Singh of Bikaner.
Aurangzeb assigned Pokharan,' Phalaudi and Malani pmrganas in jagk to Amar
Singh, but after his death in 1701 his jagk 'was seized by his neighbours-the
Rathors and Daud Khan Afghan of Shikarpur.

11.4.6 Bundi and Kota

The southeastern region of Rajasthan was known as Hadauti also. The Rajputs
who governed the region are known as Hadas. Before the second half of the 16th
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU century, the Hadas were not in prominence. They were subordinate to the Rana of
 Rajput States
Mewar. Rao Surjan Ha&, who was the incharge of the impregnable fort of
Ranthambor on behalf of the Rana of Mewar, submitted to Akbar in 1561 52. The
Rao and his sons Duda and Bhoj joined the Imperial service and they served the
Mughals in Bihar, Orissa and Deccan. Rao Surjan and Bhoj held the mansabs of
2000 zat and 900 zat respectively.
Rao Surjan had divided his dominion between his sons Duda and Bhoj. When the
eldest son Duda rebelled against his father, Bundi was given to the younger son
Bhoj. The Hada daieftains continued to render military service to the Mughal
Emperor: Ratan, Hada had become a favounte of Jahangir and he played an
important role in suppressing Prince Khurram's revolt in Burhanpur. He got the
mansab of 5000 zat and 5000 sawar, and the: titles of Sarbuland Ray and Ram Rai.
The latter title was considered the highest honour in Deccan. His son Madho Singh
and brother Hriday Narain were also given mansabs.

Shah Jahan, after his accession, decided to curb the power of the Ha& chieftains of
Bundi. In 1631, after Rao Ratan's death, the territory of Bundi was divided into two
parts-Bundi and Kota. The Emperor gave tika of Bundi to Satrsal who'was the
heir apparent of Bundi, and Kota was given to Ratan's son Madho Singh. Since
then, Bundi and Kota became separate independent states. The Hada chieftains of
Bundi and Kota continued to serve the Mughals in their military campaigns. Rao
Satrasal fought on the imperial side against Aurangzeb in the war of succession and
was killed in the battle of Samugarh. When the Mughal central authority weakened,
the chieftains of Kota and Bundi fought with each other for domination over the
region.

Check Your Progress 1

1) What were the basic features of Babur and Humayun's policy towards the
Rajputs?

2) Distinguish the three phases in Akbar's Rajput policy.

11.5 THE RAJPUT STATES IN CENTRAL INDIA

The important Rajput states in central India were Dhandera, Rewa and Orcha.
4
Dhandera
It was a Rajput principality in the suba of Malwa. The chieftains of chandera were
connected to the Bundelas and Panwars.

Orcha
A large principality in central India known as Orcha was in the possession of the
Bundela Rajputs. It was situated on a strategically important route linking the
North and Deccan. The Mughals taking advantage of the internal dissensions among
;he Bundehs c u r d l e d their power by dividing their territory among different
families. Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
 Regional Powen and The ~ u g h a l s Bandhogarh or Rewa

The chieftains of Bandhogarh are known asBaghelas. Their territory was large and
was a part of Allahabad suba.

11.6 OTHER RAJPUT STATES

Certain lesser important Rajput states were the hili Rajputs states and Bag!ana and
Idat.

11.6.1 Baglana and Idar

The chieftains of Baglana claimed their descent from the R:ithors of Qannauj.
According to a tradition, three Rathor chieftains came from Qannauj to Pall in
Rajasthan and established three'independent states in Jodhpur, Baglana and Idar.
The Rathor chieftains of Baglana founded their states after dispossessing the Bhils.
The chieftain of Baglana was called Birji. The territory of Baglana lay between
Gujarat and Deccan and was a very rich territory. It had seven strong forts
including Salher and Malher. Baglana remained subordinate to either of the two
states of Khandesh or Gujarat. Like Baglana, the Rathor chieftains of Idar, too,
owed allegiance either to Gularat or ~ e w a r .

11.6.2 The Hill Rajput States

There were a number of hill Ra!put states in North western India. Some of them
emerged powerful in the 16th century. Since these states were remotely situated in
hilly, inaccessible tracts, it was not easy for the centre to keep them under control.
The chieftains of Jammu, Nagarkot (Kangra) Mau-Nurpur, Gular (a branch of
Kangra family), Chamba and Kumaon were subdued by Akbar, but intermittently
they used to defy Mughal authority. They were well versed in fighting in hill regions
and the Mughals installed them in the North-Western frontier. The Mughals
interfered in the succession issue in these states. They contracted marriage alliances
with the hill states, granted mansabs t o the hill chieftains and sequestered their
territories. Of the hill states, only Kuman succeeded in establishing a centralised
administrative system.

11.7 MUGHAL-RAJPUT RELATIONS IN THE

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
Mughal-Rajput relations in the 16th century developed according to the political
requirement of the two main ruling elites in North India-the Mughals and Rajputs.
In the 17th century however it suffered a setback against the backdrop of steady
expansion of the Empire, internal conflicts among the Rajputs and proclamation of
the principle of regional autonomy by different sections.

Jahangir and Shah Jahan

During t6e reign of these rulers the alliance with the Rzjputs established by Akbar
was strengthened despite certain hurdles. The most creditable achievement of
Jahangir was the cessation of war with Mewar. H e did not press upon personal
submission of the Rana and accepted the homage paid by his son. T o Rana were
restored all those territories which had been taken from him either in Akbar's time
or Jahangir's time. Rana's son was also favoured with a mansab and jagir. Jahangir
established the tradition that Rana's son or brother shculd serve the Emperor.
Matrimonial relations with Mughals were not forced upon the Rana. The Chittor
fort was a bastion which had consistenti): disregarded Mughal power and
Jahangir did not want it to be repaired to its former shape. Jahangir carried
forward Akbar's policy of establishing matrimonial relations with the Rajput rajas.
However, after Mewar's submission these marriages took place less frequently. Most
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of them took place while Mewar was opposing the Mughals. Once Mewar had been
humbled, the alliance with the Rajputs had become stable. Thus, to some extent,
t Rajput States
these marriages served only a fixed political aim. Marriages did bring about
amicable relations between Mughals and Rajputs. They were mostly contracted in
anticipation of imminent contest for power.

During Jahangir's reign the rulers of fcur leading states of Rajputana-Mewar,

Marwar, Amber and Bikaner-held the mansab of 5000 zat o r above. The
Kachchawahas lost theit dominant position in the nobility. The rulers of the Rajput
states now got higher mansabs in comparison to Akbar's time. During the first
decade of Jahangir's reign there was a sharp fall in the total rnansab granted to the
Ra~putsfollowing Khusrau's rebellion. An analysis of the rnansab and offices
conferred during Jahangir's reign shows that they were type-cast on the basis of
ethnic origin, caste, etc. The Rajputs were mainly employed a s qib' dars of forts o r
as faujdar. But this type casting was not inflexible nor rested on communal
considerations as Jahangir was liberal in matters pertaining t o religion.
During Shah Jahan's reign, they were given important commands and were granted
high mansabs. This reflects that he trusted the Rajputs and assigned them important
duties. Shah Jahan, however, discontinued Jahangir's policy of not granting
subadari to the Rajput rajas of leading houses. However, these assignments were few
and infrequenr. The Rajputs continued to be given posts such as qila' dar and
faujdar. Tlie differentiation between civil and military was still made on the basis of
caste and ethnic origins. During Jahangir's and Shah Jahan's time, the Rajputs
continued to be allies but their role in administration was negligible.

Two confl~ctsaga~nstBundelas and Mewar took place during Shah Jahan's reign
and both occurred due to conflicting interpretations of concept of paramountcy and
suzerainty. As suzerain power, the Rajputs indulged in military raids for gaining
territory at the cost of their neighbours and for extorting money from those who
were theoretically subordinate to them but could reb:l against them whenever the
opportunity arose.
The Mughals who held hegemonic power wanted to control these conflicts out of
self-interest and because the subordinate chieftains had direct relations with the
Mughals to protect t h e m s e h s and seek Mughal help whenever necessary. Thus, the
class allies-Rajputs and Mughals-had common interests as far as coilection of
land revenue and maintenance of law and order were concerned, but there were
differences as far as rights and privileges were 'concerned. They could be sorted out
by a process of give and take or could lead to tensions. The Mughals tned to make
it clear that no subord~nateraja could extend his territory without the consent of
the Mughal Emperor. If he was prepared to part with the gains of conquest, he
could be grafited permission. This reflects thc C ~ I S Sndture of the struggle between
Mughals and Rajputs.
Conflict with Mewar should be examined in the light of the coniept of Mughal
paramountcy. Certain subordinate principalities of Mewar had asserted their
independence during Akbar's time. But, in 1615, overlordship of Mewar over these
states territories was recognised. Later, these subordinate chieftains again asserted
their independence and tried to expand Into neighbouring areas. They were
supported by the Mughals. Conflict for control over territories took piace between
the Mughals and Mewar. Refortitication o i Chittor by the Rana was only a pretext
for war with Chittor. Shah Jahan destroyed the fort and sequestered many parganas
m Chittor.

Aurangzeb's policy towards the Rajputs from 1680's onwards caused wony both t o
the Rajpurs as well as to a section of the Mughal nobility. This is evident from the
Rajput-Mughal nobles' complicity in the rebellion of Prince Akbar. The rulers of
Mewar and Marwar were dissatisfied with Aurangzeb's policy and they wanted
restoration of territories sequestered by Aurangzeb. A section a t the Mughal court,
e.g., Prince Azam cons~deredAurangzeb's Rajput policy faulty and attempted to
conspire with the Rana of Mewar expecting his help in the war of succession. In the
second half of the 17th century Aurangzeb became lukewarm towards the Rajputs.
Rajputs were not giver1 important assignments. He interferred in matters reiating to
marrimonial alliances among the Rajputs. However. Aurangzeb's breach with
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Mewar and Marwar did not man a breach with the Rajputs in general. The rulers of
 Regional Pow-d The Mughals Amber, Bikaner, Bundi and Kota cont~nuedto receive rnansabs. But they were not
accorded high ranks or positions in Aurangzeb's reign like during the reign of
Akbar and his successors Jahangir and Shah Jahan.

It cannot be said that wars with Mewar and Manvar signalled the discontinuation of
Akbar's policy of alliance with tlie Rajputs. In fact, the wars reflect the conflict
between the policy of alliance with the Rajputs and the broader policy of winning
over the local ruling elites, i.e. zamindars. We cannot say that Aurangzeb's
orthodoxy solely shaped his Rajput policy. There were other factors at work. As the
Mughal Empire got consolidated in the north, the next step was to extend its
boundaries southwards which meant alliance with local ruling elements, i.e., the
Mvathas. The Rajputs lost their prominent position in the Mughal system. The
importance of the Marathas increased in the second half of the 17th century. Now
the Rajputs needed the alliance with the Mughals.

The wars with Mewar and Manvar were a drain on the treasury but not a serious
one and did not in any substantial way affect the overland trade t o the Cambay sea-
ports. However, Aurangzeb's Rajput policy reflected his incompetence to deal with
issues effectively which affected the prestige of the Empire. It led to political and
religious discord which demonstrated lack of political acumen. All this gave impetus
to rebellions by the Mughal Princes in league with the Rajputs.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Which were the important hill Rajput states during this period?

2) What were the main tenets of Mughal policy towards the Rajputs in the 17th
century?

11.8 LET US SUM UP

I

Mughal alliance with the Rajputs did create an atmosphere of interaction between
Hindus and Muslims but it was limited in scope. It basically served the purpose of
realpolitik for both the Rajputs and Mughals, but it did not succeed in extending
the social base of the Empire which was the need of the times. Recourse to religion
was by and large a measure of political expediency.

11.9 KEY WORDS

Dam : A Mughal Copper coin; 40 dams - 1 Mughal silver rupee.

Gbair Amli )Jag@ : Jagirs granted to pesh kashi zamindars.

i

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 Some Useful Books for th5 Block
11.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1

1) See Section 1-1.2
2) See Section 11.3 and Sub-sec 11.3.1, 11.3.2 and 11.3.3

Check Your Progress 2

1) See Sub-sec 11.6.2
2) See Section 11.7

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

1) Satish Chandra, Medieval India.
2) Satish Chandra, . Mughal Religious Policies, Vi kas Publication, 1993
3) H.R. ~herwaniand P.M. Joshi, History of the Medieval Decean in 2 "01s.
4) Radhey Shyam, The Kingdom of Ahmednagar
5) Jadunath Sarkar, Shivaji and His Times
6) S.N. Sen, Rise and Fall of the Maratha Power
7) G.S. Sardesai, New History of the Marathas Vol. 1
3) J.F. Richards, M q b a l Administration in Golconda.

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