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Giulianotti 1999 Intro

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167 views15 pages

Giulianotti 1999 Intro

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zopauy
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Football For Mum and Dad A Sociology of the Global Game Richard Giulianotti Polity Press est aor ten nse ncn th Mca nom aon A pd bP es isn th hel Pi 09 os SEE rae eed Rate gin mar xt unin en page re ups of hin diy 0 ae tenner ene om, er mtn peso ngewe wer sre cnt tn ain wach edna ic ‘i acnetng epi te ee peste moma gr” mem Cerne ec ahiclefrnct(p.)aninde. SERENADE NS Came ossear07 00 oP err—Scal apst 2 Soxer—Hstar. 3 Spes— See cre ‘ewes sige “ypin sun Tie ce iy iran La aon Comea Contents Acknowledgements Giossary Foreword 1 The Essence of Footal: the Historical and Social Bases ofthe Ctobal Game ‘The Twenteth-centary Spor: Footbal, Class and Nation Spectator Cultures: Passio at Play in Europe and Latin America Footbal Grounds: Emotional Attachments and Social Control “The Price of Vietry Football Finance an the Television Revolution ootalls Players: from Local Heres to Intemational Stars 17 The Goal of Winning? Football Science, Tactics and Aesthetics {8 The ColtralPoies of Pay unity, Gender and the “Post fan’ Menality Aierword Notes References Indes 0 iw 166 ry 185 wi Foreword shiing power relations within football throughout the twentieth centr. The “Matos bovomes the most endarbeatalfotball unit underpinned by css hd qoetlst soca es. As we ener the hited millennium, however, we nd that the reee otal nations dike the USA or Australia) no Tonger uz the game 0 ‘ement sensesofnaonal ‘belonging’ "The rind ofthe book i devoted to Tookng atthe history and sociology of speci football issues, Chapter 3 examines supporter culties inthe UR et sfems and vouthem Earope an Latin Ameria, Football ‘spaces in pri Tar fool stadia re disused in chapter 4, T tum to Took atthe busiest ‘Hhncoion of football in chaper 5, and then examine the changing economic ht call ceumatances of football players in chapter 6, The istoical see cis and playing se of football re the subject of chapter 7; the fina ‘fapcr looks atthe contemporary cultural polis of football with regard to SIaR nly and gender sues. I conclude the book through an afterword ‘hat yates some ofthe Key points ofthe earlier chapters, and outlines ome sus for tre sociological research. 1 The Essence of Football: the Historical and Social Bases of the Global Game ‘An Barly Kick-Off: the prehistory of football “To explore football's social history we must begin by discussing the game's ‘oie Mistral scholars have established that some ofthe ears chviliza ‘don played folk variate of fotall. Some pont o central Americ and the ‘Amazon a ocbell’ cultural foontin where ball gues were played bythe Fndigenous tribes as erly as 1500 9 (Galeano 1995: 27). Metntosh (1987: 33) fos thatthe eas forms of football were played in Antguty, perhaps i Jie Roman game of harpastn ofthe episeyros of Greece. However, doubts rena sbeut the proximity of thete games tthe sport we know today Mapes {933.4 Sweet 1987: 96) More likely, Chin has the most compelling claim {o the Longest football history (eee Walsin 1994 11). Stone balls were mani- {ature to be kicked around in games in Shan Xi province during the Neolithic Inge Later cuje was played ring the Han Dynasty (206 ne-ao 220) with rules very smart football? ‘Sunt ioigcanus peoples payed thrown football games. Pilgrims ami {ng in North Ameria inthe early seventeenth century found he indigenous ‘eoplesplasing pase quaktohowog which might translate a “hey gather to vray foal (Fouls and Haris 1999 7-8) The indigenous peoples of Chile played plimaun while those of Patagonia played rchoekah, long before the Fsiw of the Conquistadors (Oliver 1992: 2). The Romans had ben espoo- ‘efor Soducing ball games to cr conquered peoples, but such practices Ulbcady had indigenous roots in northern parts as ancient religions ceremonies {avokingfetity and worship ofthe clement, The Gauls of nother France, for example, performed ital gumes in honour ofthe sun Baker 1988: 43). ‘Throughout ie Bish Isles, flk football took numerous forms, The game of | | 2 ‘The Essence of Football cud emerged atleast a thousand year ago and was popular among all Cele peoples, pariculary in tela (Sugden and Barner 1993-71. In Wales he {gare was Known as Lnappam and, ike Cornish hung, coold be played on horseback Glas and Dunting 1986: 228). In the Orkney Islands, the ba game as been played botwoon the "Uppis’ and “Doones’ of Kekwall since the lghteent century, on Christmas and New Year's Day. More commonly, these feothall games were played in English and Seotish counts from the thi teenth century onwards as mass pastimes during breaks fom werk on holy ‘ays. Fol foothall was also payed on the continent Preach peasants have payed the violent ball game of sue since medieval ines (Brombergt1995b: 1276). Florentine calcio was played from the thirteenth to eighteenth ceatry, ‘becoming increasingly the preserve ofthe aritoracy and gentlemen of the ‘Renalssance (Gutmann 199; 57), The modern Italian game i stil known by this archaic term (De Bis and Lanfranchi 1997: 6). ‘Most ofthese folk games generated distrust or animosity among the ruling classes. In China, during the Ming Dynasty, the empecor Zh Yuanzhng tunned fotball in 1389; offending oficers would have thei foot cutoff as Pnishmemt. The ban was repeated in 1625, Bdward It banned football in England in 1314 wallow more time for archery practice (Stu 1969: 94), James of England later upheld this and further bans, empowering his officials ‘one tansressors (Brey 1993 42). During the sixteenth and ery seven teenth century, the youth of Seotish owns ike Aberdeen were regularly ‘charged with profane condict onthe Sabbath, by drinking, dancing and pay ing football (Magoun 1938: 92). The declining inten of the monarchy did lite to promote fotball. The puritanical Pariamentrians Usted football ss ‘one of many proscribed sporting pastines Bralsford 1991 36), "Historical interpretations of football's development, from these early games to its moder association form, have tended to follow the related perspectives ‘of Max Weber and Norbert Elias. These emphasize the Limited degree of ‘modernization toe found in fol ochal, in terms of rales and oresization. ‘Most games permitd handing and Kicking of the ball and her player) Opposing eams were rarely balanced in nmbec or ski evel, bat were wally composed of eval groups of males from neighbouring towns and vilges, ‘There ws ile dsinetion between spectators and players, no playing param ces, and certainly no refere. Most commonly, the objective ofthe game wis ‘0 wrestle the later ball into the opponent’ “goa, the dimensions of which ‘were highly variable Signy 1965: 15)? Finally tere wae no bueabeitic pparats appointed to oversee the runing af the games (see Weber 1978 3m, Folk focball might also be regarded as notably violent and “uncivilized” compared tothe modern game (ee Bis and Dunning 1986). Daggers were commonly cared by plyersin the thiteenh and fourteenth century snd ible to cause serious injury, a8 much by accident as design (Biley 1993: 32). Hacking, punching and general fighting were commonplace as old sores were The Essence of Football 3 seid by rival players: broken bones, serous injures and deaths were not ‘expected outcomes (Elias and Dunning 1970: 119-20) The play als lacked ‘organization in tems of playing positions or tam tacts "The elated Weberan perspective pins Further othe limited secularization cof fotal (se Gutmann 1994 2) By the sixteenth ceatary fle fothall was ‘mos likely to be played on eligious days, soch as Carival in Europe, ot ‘Shrovetide in England, when the eaaivalesque would predominate as the symbols and Rgres ofthe euling elte were ritually toyed with or inverted (Bisley 1993; 60)" "oy bishops’ were elected in some towns to preside over the people for the day. Games might be organized bythe landed gentry or. ‘more urban areas, the masters ofthe guilds, Chat football matches between rival villages, towns or guilds, weee important adjancts to these pends of fevely, along with other music pleasures, sich a8 cock-ighting and dog- tossing 2 sine would argue het ha folk oehal funtioned 6 maintain soil order and o-etpratosndvidualsieethe loca evel nthe ‘manner of many carnivals, thse football matches promoted log term social ‘order by giving youth is head. Local apprentices pratsed the game vo mak their elevation t the gud through his mae ita, the rts de passage fom ‘nolescence to manhood were publicly consecrated, Generally, fottallfs- ter a stong sense of social solidarity, Matches were played parish versus preh, one prt ofa ow aginst ancher, bachelors against maried mea, Imarid women against unmartied women, schol agunst school, or tow against countryside (Magoun 1938 136) Public School Association: the early history ofthe ‘contemporary game ‘The historical materialist perspective of Marx has the most immediate vale ‘when we tum to explain the specific iamsition of folk football t modem ‘sociation football (socce?). The ‘rationalization’ and secularization’ ofthe ‘ume (as discussed by Weberans ad Eisians), and its capaci for nuturing focial onder (Duke), were promoted in Briain bya paivleged social lass ‘wth town material interes. ootell may have been populist in character, but it was also keenly and regularly played by Oxbridge undergraduates from a est he sntoenth cenury (Walvn 194% 24), By the erly nineteenth ce tury, England's pli schools had degenerated into hotbeds of anarchy and Incipient revolt with outreaks of rioting repularly enlivening the curiculum {Dunning and Sheard 1979-2: Mason 1980: 11. In 1828, Thomas Armold ‘became headmaster a¢ Rugby and revolutionized the moral education ofthe saton’s wealthy youth, Sport and physical culture became central 1 this Ison. Games ere ntudaced as character-ullding, teaching the vires of leadership, loyalty and dscpin, eptomizing the noble philosophy of mens 4 ‘The Essence of Football sna in corpore sano. Te new “Christan gentlemen’ would maintain the political and economic order at home and late underpin imperial expansion road (Hargreaves 1986: 39) The social standing of games was also ity proved in being ‘elevated othe moe serious an absorbing stat of pt” (Lowerson 1993: 65). Footbal ules Were codified and matches overseen by school housemates, However, major inconsistencies soon emerged between the football coves of rival institutions As Birley (1993: 257) reports, football “wae not xo mich ‘single game as an anay of roughly smile tba cds prefered by different public schools By the 1860s incr-ollepate fixtures had divided the young selemen into two general camps. Old Ragbeians and Btoians favoured 8 hacking and handing game, whe Harovians prohibited these actions, The laters rules were adoped by the st football iv, Sheffield PC, formed in 1854 by ‘new money" clases, such as industrialist nd merchants Nie years later, Cambridge fll nto line, The Harovians tok te intative in pining ‘les asthe Foorball Assocation was formed, leaving the Rugblans form lat their eponymous cde wih hacking and handing stil permed. Through the missionary like 2a of C. W. Alcock, old Harrovian and FA Seeetry for ‘oventy-fve yeas the “rbbng game’ was ingodvced to all puts of Brin, In 187, the FA Cup was fst contested under the pubic school knockout system, and the fit ul termational was played beoveen England sn Sect: Tandin Glasgow (Walvin 1994 48,75). The laws of esocation fothall were formally coed in 1877, roing out any zemaining inconsistencies (Mason 1980: 15). ‘Technically, footbal’s modernization seems 1 be highly Weberian Ce tainly the folk game underwent ratoalization; the new rules allowed forthe xublishment of spotng exchanges, nally been oobal playing schools, ‘butthen across regions and nations. As fothll developed town autonomous field, o the FA became the organizing body to which all lube and lower Insitutions wer affliated. The FA guaranteed the roles ofthe game among all ‘embers and exercised a dsspinary power that was guaranteed bythe sate (Gourdien 19914: 360), Nevertbeless, the actual pace and diection of this process andthe conics that underpinned it are more legitimately explained in Marist terms, though not long simple “cptalis verso poeta lines, A Toorball expanded during the late nineteenth century, hegemonic bates took place along class and regional lines. The major confit occured within ‘he mide classes, divided by repo and over the question of professionalism (Mason 1980: 69-81; Lowers 1993: 181-2) Inthe south, the FA's amateur ‘thos and general elitism predominate, symbolized by the Corinthian Foot. bull Club which refused to believe gentlemen would commit fouls and so Aecined penis (Mason 19892: 147). In mortem England and the milands, the professional mide classes, indus nd pty bourgeoisie controled ‘he most siceesfl clubs. Here atin indastial Scand th power of capital prevailed. Olympian vies were a poor reward for financial investment in The Essence of Football 3 teopy- hungry clubs (Wagg 199Sh 2; Tranter 1998: 46). Well-heled directors vere soon making Undercover payment 1 the best players, especially the "Sootish profestor’ red south to edcate the English in the fnesies ofthe game, Another Sos, the daper Wiliam McGregor, became a director of ‘Aston Vila and organized norm clubs into the Football League the fist ‘hmpionship was contested in 1888 with immediate suooes. A Scotish League followed two year later, although it was implacably opposed bythe Queca's Park cin, the Scotish equivalent ofthe Corinthians an sil staunchly ams- teurto thie dy. "The FA filed limi peyment to ‘reimbursed expenses and so reluctantly recognized professional players in uly 1885 (Bisley 1995a: 32). More aristo- ‘rate southern teams were 0a losing regulary to professional porter sides, though the Corinthians often defeated the northern FA Cup holders in chal Tenge matches? while regular places (including the captaincy) were reserved for top amateurs inthe Englnd tam. The “geslemen and players’ dispute limaned in the creation ofthe short-lived Amateur FA which operated in the South from 1907 to 1918 forthe inereasngly anachronisi, non profesional lib. The new commercial order accounted net only for the Hest amateur teams, but also edgeling professional outs iy of over-extonding them sels In Scotian economic rationalization was severe: of the fourteen founder rembers of the League in 1890, six were out of business within a decade (Crampeey 1990: 7). The pace of change continued unabated as lu after cub converted fom association atu to limited bility company replete with Shareholders anda board of directors Brly 1995: 42). conser raed Hutchinson (1982: 9-10) points ot hat, between 1820 ‘and 1860, a hoge vacuum had appeared in poplar leisure, Oid bucolic pas- times like bearing, cockigting and vilage folk foosball largely

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