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Habitat International 30 (2006) 396–411

www.elsevier.com/locate/habitatint

Modernist architecture and ‘the tropical’ in West Africa: The

tropical architecture movement in West Africa, 1948–1970
Ola Uduku
Department of Architecture, University of Strathlclyde, 131 Rottenrow, Glasgow G4 ONG, UK

Abstract

This is a short account of the evolution and development of the Tropical Architecture movement in
British West Africa, from the late 1940s to the early 1970s. It considers the conceptual grounding for
Tropical Architecture, its key architects and a select number of buildings that describe the era. Set in a
chronological format the paper considers the socio-political, economic and aesthetic reasons for the
movement’s initial rise and eventual demise. Whilst focusing specifically on the architecture of British West
Africa at the time, it argues that the issues being dealt with and the Tropical Architecture produced in this
region had resonance and similarities to what was going on and being built elsewhere in the world, indeed
that tropical architecture was a globalised phenomenon in the 1950s, well before the contemporary
discourses on globalisation. It concludes by discussing the demise of the movement and the banality of the
contemporary, ‘post-tropical’ architecture, which is prevalent in West Africa today.
r 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Tropical architecture; West Africa; Modernism; Architectural association

Introduction: the tropics and colony

Tropical architecture, used as a description of modernist architecture in Africa, had its birth in
British West Africa, comprising the Gold Coast (Ghana), Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and the Gambia
at the end of the Second World War. This was initiated by a group of architects who designed new
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O. Uduku / Habitat International 30 (2006) 396–411 397

Fig. 1. University of Ibadan (Fry Drew, 1951).

buildings in West Africa mainly at the behest of the then British Colonial government. African
colonial policy, as elsewhere in the British Empire, had become more responsive to the
development needs of the region and responded to the earlier reports on development in Africa.1
The findings of these reports advocated better educational provision for natives and this resulted
in a major school building programme; the First Gold Coast Schools Programme, being
inaugurated in Ghana in 1945. In Nigeria also plans were put in place to inaugurate West Africa’s
first degree awarding institution, the University College Ibadan (Fig. 1). This has also been
interpreted by historians to be the Colonial Government’s response to the push for self-
determination by some groups in West Africa at the time: the Government hoped that by
providing better services and infrastructure to the masses it might ward off the growth of the
independence movements. This had special relevance in West Africa, where members of the West
African Frontier Force had seen combat in North Africa and elsewhere as part of the
Commonwealth armed forces contribution to the War effort.
At the same time in the United Kingdom, architecture was gaining a transformed profile as the
post-war economy picked up and there was the economic boom that followed. This was coupled
with the international reach of the Modernist Movement through the CIAM2 (Congress
Internationale d’Architecture Moderne) meetings held throughout Europe, including the meeting
held in the UK at Bridgewater in 1947, and culminated in the CIAM Athen’s Charter in 1952.
British architects and Architectural Schools were equally influenced by this new ‘international’
movement. The Architectural Association (AA) by virtue of its location in central London and its
international connections, had students and tutors who were at the forefront of the movement. In
connection with the ‘tropical’ also the AA’s close proximity and working relationship with the

1
See, for example, Lewis (1962) and Colonial Office (1953).
2
The International Congress on Modernism, or CIAM. See Mumford (2000).
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School of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene created the background to the evolution of tropical
design.
Many of the AA students at the time also found themselves billeted to tropical regions as
research officers or part of the engineering corps as part of their time spent after graduation on
national service. Thus when the architect Maxwell Fry, who had already spent part of his national
service in the Gold Coast, was unable to secure employment in the United Kingdom he was
suggested that he should consider working in the colonies. His initial appointment in Ghana as the
planning advisor to the colonial office in Accra, can be seen as a key starting point of the era of
tropical architecture in West Africa. Using the activities of Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew and their
associates in Africa as a chronological design-time frame, the paper will discuss the movement’s
impact on the region, selecting three buildings which epitomise the design aspirations and
achievements of the era, considering environmental design, socio-economic success, and building
durability of each (Table 1).

Tropical relationships to colony

Maxwell Fry’s inauspicious entry to work in the tropics placed him in a unique position to see
both colonial planning and architectural design from the inside and also the great potential that
the region had for architectural projects. His service background in the tropics also gave him the
requisite qualifications which must have helped him gain acceptance and build a working
relationship to the colonial office. His wife Jane Drew also at his suggestion came over to Ghana,
where they both initially had appointments as advisors in Town Planning in Accra.3 Thus with the
initiation of the Colonial Government-funded First Gold Coast School Building Programme
(1945–1950), the couple were appointed as project architects.
Their engagement with this work and the information they gained led them, especially Fry, to
become a regular speaker at the AA, Drew’s architectural alma mater. This constant contact with
the mother country, specifically London, where they maintained their ‘head’ office, also fostered
the links that were made between the Building Research Institute and mainly British Architects in
West Africa who needed technical advice on materials and environmental design for the tropics.4
It also led to their joint-authorship of the book, Village Housing in the Tropics (Fry & Drew,
1947) which gives a charmingly dated account of both a Westerner’s view of the architecture, and
social anthropology of life amongst the ‘natives’ in the tropics.5 It also can be read as an early
development of their ideas in environmental design that they applied to their architectural design
in the tropics.
Probably the most important development of this relationship between Fry and London was
the power that his speaking engagements in the AA and elsewhere had in getting the word around
the close architectural network in Britain that there was architectural work to be had in the British
Colonies. This influenced both Leo De Syllas, a founding member of the Architects
3
Information Source Drew J.
4
The upshot of this was the establishment of the Building Research Institutes in Lagos, Nigeria, and Kumasi Ghana,
both of which still function in the area of building research today. See, Building Research Establishment (1950–58).
5
Fry and Drew (1947).
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Table 1
Timelinea

Date Activity

1945 Maxwell Fry does national service in Ghana.

James Cubitt does national service in Burma.
Leo De Syllas works in Jamaica.
1944–46 Fry and Drew serve as town planning advisers in Gold Coast.
1945–1950 First Gold Coast school building programme.
1947 CIAM Conference, Bridgewater, (Fry, Drew, de Syllas attend).
Village Housing in the Tropics published (Fry and Drew).
James Cubitt sets up office in Gold Coast (1951).
1953 Tropical Architecture Conference, University College, London.
Fry & Drew appointed Architectural Advisors in Chandigarh.
1954 AA school of Tropical Architecture commences (Fry director).
Architects Co-Partnership (ACP) set up office in Lagos.
Ove Arup sets up office in Lagos.
1956–1957 Oil drilling commences in Oloibiri, Southern Nigeria.
Christ Church Cathedral School (Godwin and Hopwood).
1958–1960 Ghana independence (1958) Nigeria (1960).
University of Ibadan complete 1959 (Fry, Drew).
Co-operative bank Lagos 1959 (Fry, Drew).
Bristol Hotel.
1961 Elder Dempster offices Lagos (James Cubitt).
1963 Education building course AA Tropical School.
AA restructure Architecture course at Kumasi.
University of Lagos staff flats & playground (Vaughan–Richards).
1966 IDA, Education Project, Nigeria (1966–1977).
Coups d’etat Ghana and Nigeria.
Nigeria-Biafra civil war (1966–1970).
Oluwakitan House, Alan Vaughan–Richards.
1970 AA Tropical Architecture School closes and moves to UCL with Koenigsberger to become
Development Planning Unit.
1972 Oil crisis–Nigeria achieves short term financial windfall, non oil producers sink into recessionary
climate, End of era.
a
Adapted from Le Roux and Uduku, 2003.

Co-Partnership, who had earlier worked with Robert Gardner Medwin team in Jamaica on the
Colonial Government-funded new housing redevelopment plan in the late-1940s, and James
Cubitt, who had done national service with the Navy in Burma, both AA Alumnae, in their
setting up practices in West Africa in the 1950s.6

6
Interview with Grice M. (2003) and Uduku and le Roux’s (2003).
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Another key figure in the British Tropical Architecture and education movement was Otto
Koenigsberger, the founder of this journal. Initially employed as a research fellow at the school of
Tropical Medicine in London, Koenigsberger had had earlier careers; as an archaeologist in Egypt
and as an architect to the Raj in India. He moved over to the Architectural Association in 1953, to
help set up and run the Tropical Architecture School. He had been instrumental to the School’s
founding through his encounter with the Nigerian student, Adedokun Adeyemi and his help with
the subsequent planning of the first conference on tropical architecture, organised by the
University College London, (UCL) and the London School of Tropical Hygiene, in 1953.
The conference deliberations called for the initiation of a Tropical Architecture School to
provide relevant architectural training for students from the Tropics.7 The University College
London’s prevarication in setting this up led the AA to run the course instead. Thus in 1954 the
AA School of Tropical Architecture was inaugurated with Maxwell Fry as its first Director for 2
years but run and subsequently headed from 1956 for more than a decade by Otto Koenigsberger.
During his headship, he became involved in numerous research projects and acted as consultant
to the United Nations on a number of missions to developing countries. He was also co-writer of
the seminal textbook on tropical architecture, Manual of Tropical Housing and Building.8 The
Tropical School had a lifespan of 17 years within the AA, and finally moved to the University
College London, where it became an autonomous body: the Development Planning Unit, with
connections to the Bartlett School of Architecture, other University Departments and
international bodies and still exists to the present day.9
An offshoot of the AA Tropical school was the Architecture School at the University of
Kumasi, in Ghana. Otto Koenigsberger, the then director of the AA Tropical School, had been
invited by the University of Science and Technology Kumasi’s Vice Chancellor to redevelop the
architecture course there. Most of the staff at the newly oriented architecture school had been
lecturers at, or students of the AA Tropical Architecture course. This fledgling school was at the
epicentre of architectural education in West Africa for its first decade of existence, with eminent
architectural visitors such as Buckminster Fuller, and an international cast of academic staff.
After the 1966 Military coup d’etat in Ghana it lost much of its international staff and linkages,
although the school remains in existence today.

Theoretical concerns

This background underpinned the evolution of the Modernist, ‘Tropical’ Architecture

Movement, and its embodiment of environmental design and architectural technology within a
tropical context. The development and establishment of a Tropical Architecture movement in
West Africa has a wide context. There are the issues of independence and nation, and what that
means in the physical built form. The issues of ‘comfort’, as perceived and measured in a warm
humid climate, different from the temperate context, and finally those of building materials—in
both technical and socio-aesthetic terms. These are seen in the context of the ‘‘them’’ (those being
7
Foyle (1954).
8
Koenigsberger et al. (1974).
9
See Wakeley (1983).
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Fig. 2. Christ Church Cathedral School (Godwin and Hopwood, 1961).

built for) and ‘‘us’’ (those who were designing the buildings) frame. Considering each of these
contexts from a chronological perspective, one notes that the body of ‘tropical’ buildings in West
Africa were all built within a specific time frame; the late 1940s to the late 1960s. The colonial style
that had preceded this, establishing a recognisable post-vernacular architectural style. By the late
1960s, the post-tropical era, had commenced, marked by anonymous generic corporate design
aesthetic, that adopted the faceless banality of the glass fac- ade and the bland utilitarianism of the
breeze-block structure punctured with louver-glass windows and the ubiquitous air-conditioning
unit.
In contrast, most of the tropical buildings had been successfully designed to respond to climate,
as the building research laboratories and design primers written by Fry and Drew and others had
suggested. Considering the research and analysis carried out to attain the design guidance in the
1950s was done devoid of significant computing power, this must have been a particularly onerous
undertaking. School design was particularly suited to the passive-cooling, approach.10 The ACP’s
Olowogbowo school (1953) and Godwin and Hopwood’s Christ Church Cathedral School (1956)
both built in Lagos, aptly highlight this (Fig. 2). The most ambitious of these passively designed
buildings being the office blocks such as Fry and Drew’s Co-operative bank, Lagos (1959) that
was built to be entirely reliant on passive cooling, with no designed central air conditioning system
for the building.
ACP architects in Nigeria developed a window-sunshading system for their primary school
designs, whilst the development of patterned templates for wall sunscreens reached its peak in Fry
and Drew’s University of Ibadan library complex (1951); here the functions of materials,

10
Passive cooling is a phrase encompassing all modes of producing building comfort without the use of mechanical
systems; such as fans or air-conditioners. Schools were generally designed to make maximum use of natural cross
ventilation, though appropriate building siting in relation to prevailing wind direction.
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structure, comfort and aesthetics coalesce to achieve an entirely appropriate architectural

response to the functional and programmatic responsibilities of a symbolic academic building in a
tropical context. Thus these buildings became ‘laboratories for living’ as pronounced by the
Modernists in the Athens Declaration.11
To appreciate the ‘tropical’ response to architectural design in Africa one needs to consider the
core relationship between local building use and their reading of the modern building.
Anthropologists long established that daily transactional life amongst West Africans occurred
outdoors, with buildings only performing the function of shelter from more adverse elements such
as rainfall, and as places to sleep at the end of the day. The need for appropriate passive cooling
and environmental design could on the one hand thus be relevant to those who worked in the
small formal Western sector, and not that of the masses, who were quite able to negotiate their
own ideal comfort zone in day to day life; literally by sitting in the shade with a cooling breeze in
the midday sun. When considered in relation to the knowledge that most vernacular architecture
has adequate thermal insulation to provide comfort in the evening and early morning, when
sleeping occurs, there is a question as to what this new form of environmental conditioning
brought to everyday life. On a similar basis, Michael Grice, a founding member of the ACP
group, who worked with the ACP offices in Lagos in the 1950s, confirmed that none of the school
buildings his firm built during their time in Nigeria, were able to be built within the specified
budget.12 The brises soleils, or louvered fac- ades, and reinforced concrete shells exact an economic
as well as environmental price to pay. In some ways it could be said that the costs that were
associated with the pristine nature of the tropical modernist architectural style helped to bring
about its short period of popularity on a continent that could never really afford this investment
in style.
The ‘‘them and us’’ mode of thought, as touched upon when discussing building use, is central
to the appreciation of tropical architecture’s success, or otherwise in becoming integrated into the
mindset and design aspirations of its receiving public. In the case of this early genre of tropical
architecture in West Africa it seems that there is a level of disassociation in expectations and
aspirations between those for whom the architecture was designed and those who produced the
design. Revisiting the example of Fry and Drew’s Co-operative building in Lagos, one notes that
since the mid-1970s the building has been fitted out with air conditioning units—despite its being
designed to function as an entirely passively cooled building. Here, we have a direct conflict
between user aspirations and satisfaction and known function. The key element to note here is the
symbolic perception of the air conditioner, not as simply a machine to provide comfort, but as a
status symbol—working in a modern office block, like driving a modern car (in tropical West
Africa) requires air conditioning—even when the ambient temperature is tolerable. It also gives
another clue to the demise of tropical architecture in Nigeria particularly, where with cheap fuel
costs in an albeit short-lived crude oil-financed economy, the pragmatic functionality of tropical
modernism lost status to the high-energy steel and glass boxes from the USA.
From a programmatic or functional viewpoint the off-quoted example of low-rise flats designed
to house low-to-middle income ‘Lagosians’ who were decanted from slums and areas to be

11
See footnote 2 Mumford (2000)
12
Interview with M. Grice, AA London, January 8th 2003.
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Fig. 3. Holy Cross School, Lagos, Fry, Drew and Partners (c.1961).

demolished for the construction of the city’s road system, probably illustrates this best.13 The flats
were designed with modern kitchens and balconies, but soon had to be altered to allow women to
use their mortars and pestles in the kitchen and not on the balconies that were at risk of collapsing
due to the reverberations caused by constant mortar-pounding at meal-times.
Much of the architecture produced in the tropical era was not so functionally inappropriate,
but spaces that had often been designed as part of the aesthetic composition of the modern, such
as pilotis and corridors became quickly appropriated by users for unscheduled uses; thus in
schools balconies were frequently extra classrooms or staff office areas, whilst the free flowing
space of the pilotis, regularly became filled in and used a ‘functional’ space (Fig. 3). On a more
pragmatic note, the pristine cool white buildings beloved of the architectural photographers, were
generally un-maintainable in the high humidity West African climate where much of this
architecture was situated, (or in the case of Northern parts of West Africa the Sahara sand-
carrying harmattan wind was equally detrimental to buildings). Many of these buildings have
endured layers of over-painting or been left to deteriorate. Given these climatic conditions and the
continual heavy use of many of these buildings especially the public schools, it is a testimony to
their design that most remain in use 50 years since their construction. Three key buildings of the
era, are analysed here.

Tropical buildings

Considering again the chronological frame of Fry and Drew and their architectural legacy in
West Africa one can attempt to categorise tropical buildings either by time, or by type: early
13
See Peil (1991).
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tropical in construction being pre-1955, (the Ghana Schools project), mid-tropical being 1955 to
early 1960s (University of Ibadan), late tropical being late 1960s to the early 1970s (Student
Hostels University of Lagos). Typologically one could have educational institutions, offices and
private residences. In an attempt to cover both frames, Fry and Drew’s Ibadan University
complex, James Cubitt’s Elder Dempster Office building, and Vaughan Richards’ private house
design have been chosen as examples of both type and era of the Tropical Movement.

University of Ibadan (Fry Drew and partners, 1951)

The University of Ibadan was designed by Fry and Drew to entirely modernist principles.
Ibadan, situated in the warm humid zone, was designed with environmental considerations
uppermost in its conception. The master plan sprawls across the contours of the site, determinedly
orientated north south, in long thin strips to take advantage of prevailing winds for ventilation
requirements. There is the continued use of glass louvres and concrete shading devices such as
screen walling on north and south west- and east- facing walls as a form of protection from direct
sunlight and overheating. West and east facing walls are generally blank. The campus is
comprised of teaching residential and public facilities. The teaching facilities comprising lecture
theatres, the library and laboratories have been designed particularly with environmental
considerations in mind, learning blocks being oriented with their longer sides facing north–south
and single depth in design.
The library was designed with access corridors on each bank and interior shutters to protect
books from storm damage. Screen walling with insect filters from copper mesh also has been
incorporated on each major elevation. The residential blocks for students were designed around
courtyards as ‘halls’, the design keeps the main blocks oriented appropriately for optimum cross-
ventilation. The blocks focus in on the courtyard that is an external social space in its own right,
being semi-overlooked by the screen wall clad residential blocks. The basic design of these blocks
have not changed although these structures have been most affected by the phenomenal increase
in student numbers and subsequent overcrowding of rooms in The University of Ibadan, built on
a generous government commission, had a palette of materials based on framed concrete and infill
breeze block construction. Pre-cast screen walling was also used extensively as were concrete
louvres. For the refectory block, folded concrete shell was used as a roof, which was also used
later for the Chapel. Whilst these materials were not indigenous, they were readily available for
import and were used successfully under good contractual building supervision on major projects.
Fifty years on, these spaces still work within the contemporary contexts that they have had to
adapt to. This has often meant that buildings now endure heavy use by significantly more students
than had been planned for, and are subject to minimum maintenance and upkeep.14

Elder Dempster offices, Lagos (James Cubitt and partners, 1961)

The second of two corporate offices, the first built in Freetown, this building is placed on a
corner site with a very narrow frontage onto what was then the Lagos Lagoon, (now it is
14
A version of this description has already been published in Le Roux H. and Uduku, O. The AA in Africa,
Exhibition, Architectural Association, London 17th January–14th February, 2003.
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Fig. 4. Elder Dempster, Lagos (James Cubitt, 1952).

reclaimed land, and the site of a major flyover) (Fig. 4). As the maximum height that had been
imposed by the Lagos town planning authority the top part of the building, bearing the
company’s logo had to be set back from the main fac- ade. It is built on a concrete raft foundation
and as a reinforced concrete frame. It is glazed on all sides, and then has a layer of sun breakers
that have been designed to reduce heat gain but still allow views to the Lagoon. Fully air
conditioned, and comprises a service core including vertical circulation. The moulded forms on
the roof bear the company logo, the service floor and the staff canteen. Inside there is also parking
space and a profusion of art work which provide both abstract and direct references to the
shipping business.15

15
Abridged from notes of John Baker, founding member, James Cubitt and Partners, 2003. See also West African
Builder and Architect (1964a), 130 Elder Dempster, Lagos.
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Environmentally the building abdicates much of its responsibilities by being fully air-
conditioned, however the design of the louvres, discussed below meant that there had been some
thought to solar glare that the large areas of glazing were sure to cause. Its use of relatively high
technology materials for 1960s Lagos although adding to the aesthetic quality of the design, does
make it a high profile commission at a cost of £450,000 in 1961. John Baker, one of the founding
partners of the practice had this to say about the louvers:
‘‘The sun breakers were carefully designed to minimise the solar heat load on the building
without completely excluding views of the harbour, and the finish of vitreous enameled steel was
chosen to resist, without maintenance, the highly corrosive mixture of salt air and smoke in
conditions of high humidity. It was this finish which offered the possibility of giant abstract
patterns over the fac- ade in the house colours of the shipping line, red and white over a
background of sage green’’ Baker (2003).

Vaughan Richards house, Ikoyi–Lagos

This house was designed in phases by the architect Alan Vaughan-Richards, a former student of
the AA Tropical School. Alan Richards arrived in Nigeria, initially employed to run the ACP
office and its West Africa projects in Lagos. He eventually took over the office and set up his own
practice when ACP pulled out of Nigeria in the early 1960s. Some of his most well-known
works of the period are the Staff Flats and Jaja Hall, both at the University of Lagos (see West
African Builder and Architect, 1964b). Married to a Nigerian, Ayo Vaughan, from the well-
connected Lagos family, Vaughan Richards subsequently merged his own practice with Royce
Ibru, and the joint practice won a number of commissions including the University of Lagos
master plan.
Vaughan Richards house is an exploration in design and function, as the architect explores the
boundaries of the formalistic architectural design schedule with the plasticity and organic nature
of Western Nigerian architectural and artistic form. It carries on in its exploration from his
Olaoluwakitan house (1965) designed for a Lagos family in Ikeja, Lagos (Fig. 5). His move
towards this exploration of form was deliberate, in attempting to work within a freer design
context. It also enabled him work successfully with artists and other designers contributing to the

Fig. 5. Olaoluwakitan House, Lagos (Alan Vaughan Richards, c.1966).

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final design.16 He advocated the eventual use of pressurised, treated timber, for his designs, but
accepted that until there had been more research done on the product, poured reinforced concrete
was the practical material that could be used. Environmentally the buildings were well designed to
avail themselves of natural cooling through air circulation through and under the building.
By using plastic exploratory forms, aesthetically Vaughan Richards’ buildings were unique in
their merging of traditional architecture in West Africa with the modern. The architecture’s
uniquely recognisable form made it identifiable and popularly accepted as new Nigerian
architecture within the Nigerian public. Unfortunately its cost of production meant that there
were only a few of such buildings that were constructed, in more affluent areas of Lagos. His most
publicly accessible work is the public play sculpture in the grounds of the University of Lagos staff
quarters. This is actually a scaled down model of his proposal for Akerele House, at Alagbon,
Lagos—the house was never built but the play sculpture is a fitting interactive three-dimensional
marker to his work.
A sample of books which best epitomise this tropical era in West Africa would include the
earlier mentioned Village Housing in the Tropics, Koenigsberger’s Roofs in Warm Humid
Climates, and Koenigsberger et al’s Manual of Building in the Tropics.17 All three publications
share the theme of environmental design for the tropics. Their range and depth differ
considerably. Village Housing in the Tropics is a narrative that incorporates rules of thumb for
tropical design as were common in the 1950s. Roofs in Warm Humid Climates, the most
technically written of the three, shows the level of research and development that was carried out
into tropical architecture in the 1950s and 1960 s, mainly in research laboratories, with field tests
taking place in locations such as West Africa, the West Indies and South East Asia. This level of
tropical research activity has possibly only now been again attained by the use of computer
modelling and design analysis, mainly in South East Asia, possibly in Arup’s passive-cooling
designed office block (in Harare being the only exception).18 The final book in the trio, remains in
publication in Saudi Arabia Emirate and India, and could be considered the seminal handbook on
tropical architecture. It remains a ‘manual’ for Tropical Architecture schools throughout the
world as had been intended.

West African tropical in context

West African Tropical Architecture can be studied ontologically, with a chronological overlay,
however, to appreciate its contribution or significance to the wider, international legacy of ‘early’
16
This is a key distinguishing feature of Vaughan Richard’s work and the third phase of the West African tropical
design movement. His temporary accommodation for the university of Lagos at Idi Araba, Lagos had him collaborate
with the major artists of the time, Onabrakpaya and Enwonwu, (West African Builder and Architect, Vol. 4 no. 1 pp.
2–5, 16), whilst later work by James Cubitt and Partners, (Senate House University of Lagos, 1979) and Design Group,
(National Museum Kaduna, c.1985) would commission major artwork from Nigerian artists.
17
Fry and Drew (1947), Koenigsberger (1965), Koenigsberger et al. (1974).
18
Similar to Fry and Drew’s Co-operative bank, this office building was built to depend primarily on natural
ventilation and cool air being drawn through the building to produce cooling, thus doing away with the typical central
air conditioning systems. See Architectural Review, Vol. 200 no. 1195, Sept 1996, Special Issue, Sustainable
Architecture, ‘‘Mixed Development, Harare, Zimbabwe, Pearce Partnership, (article by Catherine Slessor) pp. 36–40.
Also Arup Journal (1997).
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(pre-1975) tropical architecture, it is important to consider the relationship of this architecture

and its era with other tropical sites in the world. Beginning with the architects Maxwell Fry and
Jane Drew, the links between West Africa and Asia are seen to have been complimentary as their
standing as key architects of the tropical movement in Africa influenced their appointment as
advisors to Le Corbusieur and his team in their construction of Chandigrah. Leo De Syllas, a
founding member of ACP, (Architects Co-partnership) who worked intensively in Nigeria for a
decade producing a credible body of work also had worked in Jamaica, prior to his helping the
group set up partnership in Nigeria. There is no doubt either that there was a relatively limited,
select magazine market which publicised architectural work that was being built outside Europe,
specifically in this case, the UK and to a lesser extent the USA. These journals such as the
Architectural Review thus became the source and form of advertisement for the new Tropical
architecture scene in many countries as far apart as South East Asia, the West Indies, West Africa
and parts of Latin America.19
There was also the influence of the technical literature discussed earlier. The Building Research
Station at Garston published its overseas building notes, which provided technical information on
tropical materials to an international audience of architects and builders throughout the British
Commonwealth and further afield. The short-lived magazine, the West African Builder and
Architect also was published in the UK and thus had limited circulation in Britain as well as its
publishing commitment to the major practices and firms with interests in West Africa. Most
architectural books that discussed tropical architecture at the time were engaged in the
representation of these buildings as seductive coffee table images, and less in the interrogation of
the ideas and concepts behind the design. The visual imagery of the buildings portrayed in
Kulterman’s Africa Builds,20 is very much the mediated image of the author, similar to the
stylistic images and plans of the glossy architectural magazines. Chronologically the late 1940s to
the early 1960s cover two of the most important decades in the architectural life of the tropical
modernist movement the cities of Brasilia and Chandigrah were being built, Britain’s now
discredited post-war mass housing project was under full steam, and in the US the Bauhaus
refugees including Mies van der Rohe were making their architectural statements in America’s
cities and university campuses.
Parts of Latin America and the Caribbean also had their cities influenced by the movement,
pre-revolution Cuba had the middle class Havana suburb, Vedado planned and designed in the
modernist idiom.21 (Scarpaci et al., 2002) In other parts of Africa, including the Southern African
cities of Durban, Cape Town and Johannesburg, and also Nairobi and Dar es Salaam in Eastern
Africa, a number of buildings, clearly show the influence of the tropical modernist movement.
However, the less exacting climatic character of Southern and Eastern Africa has produced an
architectural style, which is arguably closer to the ‘mainstream’ modern. North Africa also was a
test bed for new architecture; the ACP group who had worked in Nigeria went on to design a
number of schools in Tunisia. Le Corbusier also produced his plan for Tunisia also at this time.
Aside from ACP, there were other companies that had links and networks that transcended
national boundaries: James Cubitt worked in Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, and then in Libya,

19
See for example Architectural Review (1959).
20
Kulterman (1963).
21
See Scarpaci et al. (2002), Chapter 2. pp. 80–86.
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the Max Lock planning group, responsible for the Kaduna plan (1966) (see, Lock & Partners,
1967) had worked earlier in Iraq, and Ove Arup, the consulting engineers, had offices throughout
Africa, many of these firms had architects planners and engineers moving to and from different to
countries and even continents.
The central link was however that between the UK and the cities in West Africa where project
offices had been set up. With this constant criss-crossing of people companies and ideas it is no
wonder that there was a constant evolution and revitalisation of this architecture over the two
decades of its peak existence. It is also interesting to note that although we think about
globalisation as a relatively recent phenomenon, Tropical Modernism was truly ‘international’ in
character, due much to the global linkages of the people, institutions and companies that were
involved in its planning and delivery.22

Tropical meets the contemporary

By the late 1970s a number of factors contributed to the decline of the Tropical movement in
West Africa. Principal amongst them was the political instability in both Nigerian and Ghana in
1966 after a series of coup d’etats, culminating in Nigeria in a bloody civil war. In Ghana the
decline in cocoa prices created major economic demise. These events ended any serious
construction projects for over a decade. Nigeria’s post-war 1970s oil boom, boosted the economy
into false illusions of wealth. The building industry and its patrons in turn became more involved
in turn-key building contracts, and American-style high-maintenance architecture.
This American-style architecture is common both in the office arena and at domestic level.23
Built on the premise that energy is cheap and style is more crucial than substance, contemporary
architecture in West Africa today has little of the identity or the rigorous design approach that the
tropical architecture era produced. The highly serviced glass box remains the standard office type
and in domestic dwellings American suburban vernacular has made major inroads into urban
areas, as well as ‘hometowns’, where the rich build their vacation dwellings. The anonymity of the
architecture and the architects of this movement equally leaves this architecture with a glaring
theoretical void. Issues such as climate, environmental awareness, and local consultation also are
notably absent in the discussion of the architecture and philosophy of the era.

Conclusions

The success of the modernist or tropical architecture movement in West Africa has been its
robustness and longevity. Most of the key buildings of the era are now over half a century old and
still in use. Its relevance and architectural ‘fresh-ness’, stand it in direct contrast to the more
contemporary architectural styles that are prevalent in much of West Africa today. The
fundamental underpinning of tropical design: designing with climate, has become a secondary or
22
See Crinson (2003) for an alternative theoretical view; especially in Chapter 6, Dialects of Internationalism,
Architecture in Ghana (pp. 127–156) where he considers Ghana’s post colonial architecture within a post empire
theoretical framework. Also see Tzonis et al. (2001) for a global critique, unfortunately with little reference to Africa.
23
See Uduku (1996).
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forgotten design frame for much of this architecture. With the exception of the earlier mentioned
‘Arup-sustainably engineered’ office block in Harare (see, Slessor & Catherine, 1996), and a
strong environmental design movement in South Africa, West Africa and the rest of the continent
have to rediscover much of the design theory and principles that were developed in the tropical
era.
This need to re-discover if not re-invent the wheel, is now becoming crucial as the issues of
sustainability have to be addressed at every stage of the building process. There is also a
reinvigorated interest in designing relevant buildings which have a regional if not local design
response—the idea of the original only being perceived as ‘native’ or ‘vernacular’ has been
superseded by a more informed perception of the value of building upon and developing the
indigenous to create a more unique climatic and environmental design response, as aptly shown
by Vaughan–Richards work in the late 1960s. In this area the unchallenged leaders today are the
architects in South East Asia, who have successfully created a regional design style of global
significance.24 The onus is on West African architects, whose architecture this paper has shown
was once of international significance, to achieve a 21st century architecture, which aspires to, and
surpasses what has gone before.

Acknowledgements

The AA in Africa research project was a joint undertaking with my colleague Hannah Le Roux
at the Department of Architecture, University of the Witwatersrand. I acknowledge the funding
received for this project by the Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) and the research leave
grant received from the Arts and Humanities Research Board (AHRB). I also wish to specially
thank Michael Grice, Pat Wakely and Mrs R. Koenigsberger, for allowing me interview them,
and have access to material related to architectural design in West Africa, in the course of my
research, without which this paper would not have been complete.

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