Jan Tavernier On The Sounds Rendered by The S-, Š - and Z - Series in Elamite
Jan Tavernier On The Sounds Rendered by The S-, Š - and Z - Series in Elamite
Jan Tavernier On The Sounds Rendered by The S-, Š - and Z - Series in Elamite
Jan Tavernier
Louvain-la-Neuve
1. Introduction
The study of Elamite phonology is a difficult task. Four reasons make it
extremely hard to get a hold on how the Elamites pronounced their
language (Reiner 1969:71; Grillot-Susini–Roche 1987:10; Khačikyan
1995:105; Krebernik 2005:161). Firstly, Elamite is written by means of
the Sumero-Akkadian cuneiform writing system, a script which was not
devised for expressing Elamite. As a result of this, the Sumero-Akkadi-
an cuneiform signs cannot render in a clear way all Elamite phonemes,
and as a consequence of this, some signs had to render more than one
phoneme. Secondly, given the isolated status of Elamite, there is no
comparative linguistic material for the study of Elamite phonology. Al-
though McAlpin (1981) reconstructed a Proto-Elamo-Dravidian sub-
strate language and thus proposed a connection between Elamite and
the Dravidian languages, the link between them is still too weak to allow
far-going conclusions on Elamite phonology. Thirdly, one should keep
in mind the possibility of Elamite dialects, which may touch on phono-
logical issues. Finally the phonological system also had its own dia-
chronic development.1
These sources can easily be divided into two groups: internal data
have no connection whatsoever with a non-Elamite language (No. 3),
whereas external data (nos. 1–2) do have a connection with text attesta-
tions in languages other than Elamite.
This article focuses on a particular phonological issue, the sounds
rendered by the s-, š- and ´/z-series in Elamite. It is not certain how
many sibilants and/or affricates Elamite possessed (Foy 1898:129;
Reiner 1969:72–73) and therefore several scholars have published vari-
ous ideas on this topic. With Old Persian phonology in mind, Wester-
gaard (1845:343, 348–349, 355–356) believed in the existence of El. /č/,
/s/, /š/ and /z/. Holtzmann (1851:147, 154, 168–169; also Weissbach
1890:47 and Grillot-Susini–Roche 1987:10) accepted the existence of /s/,
/š/ and /z/. Four years later Norris (1855:39, 44 and 50) mentioned /č/,
/ç/, /s/ and /θ/, whereas according to Mordtmann (1862:31) Elamite pos-
sessed /ç/, /s/, /θ/ and /z/. Other scholars assume the existence of only /s/,
/š/ and /č/ (Hüsing 1898:15; Bork 1910:569–571 and 1925:74; Weidner
1917:32; Paper 1955:25–29; Reiner 1969:72; McAlpin 1981:65, 90–91).
In his study on Proto-Elamo-Dravidian (PED) McAlpin includes a his-
torical phonology of these three phonemes. PED /*š/ remained /š/ in
Elamite (whereas it disappeared in Dravidian). PED /*c/ became Proto-
Elamite /*c/, but subsequently had a more complicated development, as
the following table shows:
phology and syntax. Only with regard to the writing system it should be slightly
modified, in the sense that the Middle Elamite period is divided into two subdivi-
sions: Classical Middle Elamite (the royal inscriptions) and Late Middle Elamite
(the administrative tablets from Tall-i Malyān).
J. Tavernier, On the Sounds Rendered by the s-, š-, ´/z-Series… 1061
2
As the sign ZU had disappeared by the Achaemenid period, a clear distinc-
tion between /cu/ and su cannot be made.
1062 Limited-corpus Languages of the Ancient Near East
and Old Iranian ones (cf. Foy 1898:128–129; Cameron 1948:40–45 and
1954–1959:471; Paper 1955:29–30;3 Khačikyan 1995:106–107 and 1998:
7–8). There are not many Akkadian expressions rendered in Elamite, in
contrast to the numerous Iranian proper names and loanwords appear-
ing in Achaemenid Elamite texts. Nevertheless the Akkadian expressions
are important, since they are, contrary to the Iranian proper names and
loanwords, not limited to the Neo-Elamite and Achaemenid period. Al-
though CVC-signs are not valuable for this study, one example of an Ak-
kadian sibilant (ziqquratu) rendered by CVC-signs, is here included, since
it is the only attestation of Akkadian /z/ in Elamite.
Table 2: Akkadian and Aramaic names and words in Elamite
Akkadian Period Elamite
ÚAL
Attar-sūrī- (Aramaic), PN AE At-tur-r[u-i]š-šu-ri-iš
ÚAL
Bēlšunu, PN AE Be-ul-šu-un
AŠ
ešertu ‘chapel, shrine’ ME i-ši-ir-tu
kiššu ‘bundle’ (pl. kišati) ME ki-ša-a-ti
d
Išme-karāb, a theonym ME Iš-ni-ka4-ra-ab
Man-ištūšu, a royal name4 ME Ma-an-iš-du-uz-zu
misarru ‘(metal) band’ ME mi-za-ru-um
mīšaru ‘justice’ ME mi-ša-ri
nikassu ‘account’ AE nu-ik-kás-su-um-me
nisannu month name AE nu-šá-an
paspasu ‘duck’ ME ba-as/z-ba-as/z
AE ba-is/z.KIMIN
pašīšu anointing priest NE I–II ba-ši-šu
qištu ‘wood, forest’ ME ki-iš-tu4-um
ÚAL
Sîn-qatēni, PN AE Ši-in-ka4-tan-na
´almu ‘statue’ ME sa-al-mu-um (1 time)
ME za-al-mu (14 times)
NE I za-al-mi (1 time)
NE I za-al-mu (11 times)
NE II za-al-mi (2 times)
NE II za-al-mu (14 times)
AE (AHam)5 za-al-mu (3 times)
3
Paper made the mistake of including Babylonian renderings of Old Persian
names and loanwords in his table of sibilant correspondence-sets. These names
and loanwords, however, do not yield reliable information on Elamite phonology,
but rather on Old Iranian phonology.
4
The later spelling of this name is Ma-ni-iš-ti-iš-šu (Steinkeller 1987–1990:334).
5
The inscription on a stela of Atta-¶amiti-Inšušinak (EKI 86–89) was formerly
dated to the second half of the 7th century BC (Vallat 1996:391) but recently the
idea was expressed that this king could very well be identical with the rebel
J. Tavernier, On the Sounds Rendered by the s-, š-, ´/z-Series… 1063
ite phonology. In the first category, the names and words whose Iranian
original is attested in Old Persian are collected. As there are no Old Ira-
nian texts dating from the Neo-Elamite period, there are no Neo-Elamite
Iranica belonging to this category. The second group includes Neo-
Elamite and Achaemenid Elamite Iranica that differ only slightly from an
attested Old Persian name or word, for example because a proper name
or loanword belongs to another Iranian dialect or because it is a younger
equivalent of an Old Persian name or word. The third category contains
non-Iranian names and loanwords that were transmitted to Elamite
through Old Persian. The fourth category is composed of Iranica whose
Iranian original is not preserved, but which can be reconstructed accord-
ing to the transpositional system constructed on the basis of the expres-
sions of categories one and two (Tavernier 2007:3–4).
Old Iranian /č/ is mostly rendered by ´/z-signs. More seldom it is ex-
pressed by s- or t-signs. The sequence /ču/ had to be rendered by SU,
because ZU had disappeared from the syllabary and was no longer
available for the scribes. Old Iranian /ç/ was always written by means of
š-signs. There is only one exception to this: *dauçaka- ‘sacrifice,’ appears
in Elamite as da-u-si-ka4 (Hinz 1973:108–109 and 1975:91; Koch
1977:127; Henkelman 2008:212–213; Tavernier 2007:462, No. 4.4.22.8).
Old Iranian /j/ is almost exclusively expressed by El. ´/z-signs. /Ju/ is ex-
pressed by SU because of the lack of ZU and the name *Jīča- is once
spelled Si-iz-za (Tavernier 2007:220, No. 4.2.895). Old Iranian /s/ and
/š/ are rendered by š-signs, with two exceptions: *patisēka-, a kind of
payment, is twice written bat-ti-zé-kaš (Hallock 1969:135, 676; Tavern-
ier 2007:444, No. 4.4.10.15) and *Pēšiyāhvādiya- appears mostly as Be-
zí-ia-ma-ti-ia (Tavernier 2007:74, No. 2.3.36). Old Iranian /z/ is mostly
represented by El. ´/z-signs, but El. š-signs could also be used to render
this phoneme. Because of the already mentioned problem with ZU, the
sequence /zu/ was rendered by SU, which could also be used in order to
write /za/ before /w/. Finally Old Iranian /ž/ was rendered by El. s-, š- or
´/z-signs.
The Elamite s- and š-series were, next to the d/t-series, also used for
the transcription of Iranian /θ/.
Table 3: Elamite names and words in Akkadian (see also Krebernik 2006:84–90)
No. Elam. spelling Elam. period Akk. spelling Akk. period
1 ak-sir6 ME, NE II ak-si-ir7 OBSu
ak-sír7 ME ak-še-er OB
ak-še-ir ME, AE ak-sìr7 MB
ak-ši-ri7 NE II
ak-ši-ra AE
2 Az-za-za NE II A-za-za OAkk.
BE/ÚAL 7
3 Úal-lu-iš NE II, AE el-ta-aš OBSu
mÚa-lu-si
NA
mÚa-lu-su
NA
mÚal-lu-si
NA
mÚal-lu-ši
NA
mÚal-lu-šú
NB
4 ¶al-taš7 NE II ¶al-taš7 OBSu
ÚAL
Úal-da-iš AE al-da-a-še NA
al-da-še NA
al-da-si NA
al-da-su NA
¶al-da-a-šú NA
al-da-šú NB
ìl-da-šú NB
5 ¶a-né-eš7 OE ¶a-né-eš Ur III, OB
¶a-ni-iš ME, NE II ¶a-ni-iš7 OBSu
6 *hašša ¶a-aš-ša OBSu
7 *hupirririša ¶u-pír-ri-ri-ša OBSu
¶u-ši- ¶u-si- 7
8 ° NE II, AE ° OBSu
9 *hutliš ¶u-ut-li-iš OBSu
10 dKi-ri-ri-ša ME, NE II7 Ki-ri-ri-ša OBSu, MBSu
d
Ki-ri-ri-šá AE
11 dKir-wa-si-ir OE Ki-ma¶-si-ir OAkk.
d d
Kir-ma-sir ME Ki-ir-me-si-ir MBHT
d
Ki-ir-wa-si-ir MBHT
d
Ki-ir-<<sa>> NA
-ma-as
12 *Kutuzuluš Ku-du-šu-lu-uš OBMa
Ku-du-zu-lu-uš OBSu
13 *kuššuku Ku-uš-šu-ki OBSu
14 *Kušum Gu-šum OBSu
Gu-ú-šum OBSu
6
As an element in anthroponyms and toponyms.
7
Attested as an abbreviated form Kiriša (dKi-ri-iš-ša) in EKI 76:34.
1066 Limited-corpus Languages of the Ancient Near East
8
Although this is written with a CVC-sign, it is certain that š is meant, since
the verbal endings of the third person singular of conjugation I are exclusively
written with š in Elamite.
9
Dossin (1962:157) reads Ši-il-¶a-¶a on an inscribed bronze axe from Luris-
tān. Nevertheless the sign traces on his plate rather point to Si-il-¶a-¶a than to a
reading Ši-il-¶a-¶a.
J. Tavernier, On the Sounds Rendered by the s-, š-, ´/z-Series… 1067
34 Zí-it OE Si-it OB
Ši-ti UrIII or OB
35 zu-kir OE su-kir OAkk. Susa
su-gìr ME, NE I zu-uk-ki-ir OBSu
su-un-gìr ME
su-un-ki-ir ME
zu-uk-ki-ir ME
zu-un-ki-ir ME
Elamite š-signs are mostly rendered by Akk. š-signs as well. The (at
first sight) exceptional Akkadian writing Simut for Šimut is explained by
the occurrence of Old and Middle Elamite Simut. Neo-Assyrian has a real
variation of s and š in its renderings of Elamite š, but this is probably due
to Assyrian phonology itself, where an s/š-variation exists (Parpola 1974:
1–2; Fales 1986:61–63; GAG § 37). If the strict diachronic approach is set
aside, i. e. if transpositions of different periods are included, it becomes
apparent that the transposition El. š—Akk. š is maintained, with one ex-
ception: El. akšer (ME—AE) is once rendered by ak-si-ir (in a personal
name) in an Old Babylonian text from Susa.
Elamite s-signs are rendered by signs belonging to the s- and ´/z-series. This
pattern remains unchanged, when including non-diachronic transpositions.
Finally Elamite ´/z-signs are mostly written by means of ´/z-signs (Old
Elamite—Ur III and Old Babylonian, Middle Elamite—Middle Babylo-
nian; see, however, below, No. 1). In two cases they are rendered by
s-signs (Old Elamite—Old Akkadian, Old Elamite—Old Babylonian), but
each of these examples is attested only once. The first example may be
due to Old Akkadian orthography while the usual spelling of Ziwepalar-
huhpak in the Old Babylonian texts from Susa is with z.
If the strict diachronic approach is set aside, one can see that Old
Elamite ´/z is exclusively rendered by Akkadian ´/z-signs, both in Mesopo-
tamia and in Elam.
10
Possibly the following nasal had influence on the real character of this sibi-
lant.
J. Tavernier, On the Sounds Rendered by the s-, š-, ´/z-Series… 1069
The following tables incorporate all the data in a clear overview. The
italics in Table 7 indicate that these transpositions are not very frequent.
Table 5: Akkado-Elamite transpositions
Akkadian Elamite
Voiceless alveolar fricative (/s/) s (rare)
š
´/z (rare)
Emphatic alveolar fricative (/´/) s
´/z
Voiceless palato-alveolar fricative (/š/) š
Voiced alveolar fricative (/z/) z
Table 6: Irano-Elamite transpositions
Old Iranian Elamite
Voiceless palato-alveolar affricate (/č /) s (seldom)
t (rare)
´/z (frequent)
Voiceless alveolar fricative (/ç /) s (once)
š (frequently)
Voiced palato-alveolar affricate (/j/) s (rare)
´/z (frequent)
Voiceless alveolar affricate (/s/) š (frequent)
´/z (once)
Voiceless palato-alveolar fricative (/š/) š (frequent)
´/z (once)
Voiceless interdental fricative (/θ/) d/t
s (frequent)
š (rare)
Voiced alveolar fricative (/z/) š (rare)
´/z (frequent)
11
This study is based on material from ElW. Additional Old Babylonian ex-
amples are Ri-ib-Ši-mu-ut (BIN 10, 157:7), Si-el-¶a, Še-el-¶a, Šim-še-il-¶a (Whit-
ing 1987:29, n. 90) and dŠi-mu-ut-a-bi (OECT 15, 95:22).
1070 Limited-corpus Languages of the Ancient Near East
12
Examples: akšir, ¶uši- and Šimumu.
13
In Neo-Assyrian only.
J. Tavernier, On the Sounds Rendered by the s-, š-, ´/z-Series… 1071
the Old or Middle Elamite down to the Achaemenid period (halsa-, izzi-,
niški-, sari-, sira-, šalhu-, šera-, etc.).
More information comes from the spelling variations, of which there
are various types. The first one is s/š. Foy (1898:129; also Khačikyan
1995:106) mentions a shift from Old Elamite s to Middle and later Elam-
ite š, with reference to Old Elamite sutet > Middle El. šutme and to Old
and Middle El. Simut > Middle and Neo-Elamite Šimut. That this shift
should be considered a “rule,” as Khačikyan puts it, is, however, exag-
gerated. A closer look at the various examples yields a modified result.
There is certainty on the alternation s/š. Examples are (1) hipis (AE) ~
ipiš (NE II) ‘axe,’ (2) Insušinak (OE, ME, NE I) ~ Inšušinak (ME, NE I),
a theonym, (3) musika (AE) ~ mušika (AE) ‘it is counted,’ (4) pepsi- (ME) ~
pepši- (ME, NE II, AE) ‘to renew,’ (5) sil¶a- (ME, NE II14) ~ šilha- (NE II,
AE) ‘strong,’ (6) s[ip]ari (ME TTM) ~ šipari (AE), a month name, (7)
Simut (OE, ME) ~ Šimut (ME, NE I–II, AE), a theonym, (8) Si[ruktu¶]
(OE) ~ Širuktu¶ (ME), a personal name, (9) suhter (ME) ~ šuhter (ME;
only once) ‘altar,’ (10) sut- (OE) ~ šut- (ME) and šit- (AE) ‘night’15 and (11)
šasika (AE) ~ šašika (AE) ‘left over.’
In some cases the variation seems to have a diachronic nature. In oth-
ers, however, both variants occur in the same time period (e. g. nos. 3, 4
and 8). Remarkably, the diachronic examples all concern an initial varia-
tion: silha, sipari, Simut, Siruktuh, suhter (su-u¶-te-er, su-u¶-ter) and sutet
(su-dè-et). Four of these forms concern a sequence rendered by the sign
SI, which can easily be read ší (as Glassner–Herrero 1990:12 and Stolper
1982:60 transcribe).16 In that sense, this could be used to argue against
any shift or variation. Fortunately the fifth and sixth form differ from the
four other ones and corroborate the variation. It is, however, still possible
that the variation only applies to the sequence /su/.
The general pattern seems to be that Old Elamite and Middle Elamite
s (in the cases of silha-, sipari and Simut) became š during the Middle
Elamite period. This is, however, not a general rule and may thus point
14
In the adjective si-ul-¶i-te-ek-ra, attested three times in the inscriptions of
Hanne (ca. 625–600 BC). These attestations are rather exceptional, appearing at
a time when all other attestations of the lexeme šilha ‘strong,’ are written with š.
Perhaps a dialect aspect of Hanne’s inscriptions could be seen here.
15
S/šut- is the stem and appears in such forms as sutet, šutkume, šutme and
šitmana.
16
One should also keep in mind that i may have a palatalizing influence on
sibilants.
1072 Limited-corpus Languages of the Ancient Near East
17
According to ElW 472 this form was pronounced /kitsa/.
J. Tavernier, On the Sounds Rendered by the s-, š-, ´/z-Series… 1073
4. Analysis
What conclusions can be drawn from this data? According to Khačikyan
(1995:106; 1998:7; also Stolper 2004:71) the s-series must render an af-
fricate for three reasons: (1) the connection between s and OP /θ/, (2) the
variation s/š and (3) the variation s/š/t. This is not probable. As the ´/z-
series also indicates a fricative, the interchangeability of s and z must be
seen in this connection. Moreover, a variation s/š/t/z does not exist, since
the spellings with s all come from Mesopotamia and are probably the re-
sult of popular etymology. Moreover, there is one example of a variation
s/š/z, signs which again can all render fricatives.
18
The variations between Hutekašan and Hutekazan on the one hand and
Kutušuluš and Kutuzuluš on the other hand might be explained by assuming
that the former ones are palatalized pronunciations of the latter ones. In fact
there are both diachronic and synchronic (geographic) differences between the
various spellings. Diachronically, in later Elamite the palatalized equivalent of /z/,
i. e. /ž/, is mostly rendered by a š-sign. Synchronically, the Mari texts seem to have
a preference for š. The two names attested in these texts are Kutušuluš and Šep-
larpak, which appear with z (Kutuzuluš and Ziwepalarhuhpak) in the Old Baby-
lonian texts from Babylon and Susa.
1074 Limited-corpus Languages of the Ancient Near East
Accordingly, these reasons are rather indications for the s-series de-
noting a fricative. In addition to this the external data favour a connec-
tion between the s-series and fricatives: El. s = Old Ir. /θ/. It must be ac-
cepted that the s-series expresses a fricative. The character of this frica-
tive is, however, not known with certainty (see below).
It is also possible that the s-series can express an affricate. This suspi-
cion is raised by the variation between s- and z-signs (Stolper 2004:71).
This (and not the three reasons mentioned by Khačikyan) is the main in-
dication for this idea. Again the character of the affricate is far from cer-
tain. The spelling variation s/z shows that the affricates behind s and z are
not very different. The affricate closest to /č / is its non-palatalized equiva-
lent /c /. Khačikyan (1995:107; 1998:6) observes that the external evi-
dence (El. s = OP /θ/ and El. ´/z = OP /č / and /j /) suggests that the s-series
renders /c /, whereas the ´/z-series was used to express /č /.
With regard to the š-series the situation seems quite clear (Khačikyan
1995:106 and 1998:7). Both the external data (e. g. Akk. and Old Ir. /s/
and /š/ are mostly rendered by š) and the variation s/š indicate that this
series renders one or more fricatives. Mesopotamian orthography sup-
ports this, since the š-series is used for the notation of historical non-
affricates in Akkadian (Diakonoff 1988:37). In all likelihood the š-series
rendered both /s/ and /š/.
The ´/z-series only rendered one phoneme according to Khačikyan
(1995:106). Nevertheless the external data favours a connection of the ´/z-
series and affricates on the one hand and a connection of the ´/z-series
and the voiced alveolar fricative /z/ on the other hand. The latter is not
abnormal as this series was also used to render this phoneme in Ak-
kadian. It can be assumed that this series is the usual notation for an af-
fricate, but it is not sure which affricate is meant. Here the internal varia-
tion š/t/z may be important and may point the researcher in the direction
of a phoneme /č / (Paper 1955:29–30; Khačikyan 1995:106; 1998:7; Stol-
per 2004:71),19 although Labat (1951:28) is reluctant to accept the exis-
tence of such a phoneme in Elamite. The forms ku-iz and ku-ti-iš then
represent spoken /kuč /, while ku-ti-iš-da and ku-iz-da render /kučta/.
19
Stolper’s idea that spellings like ku-iz-iš-da and ku-iz-da-ti-iš-da served to
clarify a cluster /tšt/ does not pose a problem for this assumption since this cluster
contains an affricate. ElW 308 believe that this variation (s/š/t) indicates the inter-
dental fricative /θ/ (probably because s, š and t are the three sign series that can
render OP /θ/).
J. Tavernier, On the Sounds Rendered by the s-, š-, ´/z-Series… 1075
Variations Phoneme
s/š Alveolar, interdental or lateral frica- /s/, /ś/, /š/
tive; or Palato-alveolar fricative or /θ/
s/z Alveolar affricate /c / or /s’/
š/t/z Palato-alveolar affricate /č /
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