A

III GUIDO III

A.
• BONATTI •

Liber
A. Astronomiae X•
• Parti

'
p* Translated i ;

by /foftert Zoller

by Robert Hand -v^-

I Project Hindsight I

Latin Track -A.

Volume VII

II III
 GUIDO BONATTI

Liber Astronomiae
Part I

Translated by
Robert Zoller
Edited by
Robert Hand

Project Hindsight

Latin Track
Volume VII

The Golden Hind Press

 Project Hindsight is entirely funded
by the astrological community through
subscriptions and donations.

©Copyright 1994 by
Robert Zoller

Published by the Golden Hind Press, P.O. Box 002,

Berkeley Springs, WV 25411
 Table of Contents

Edition of Erhard Ratdolt iii

Translator's Preface by Robert Zoller vii

Latinized Forms of Arabic Names that Appear in Bonatti xix

Liber Astronomiae of Guido Bonatti,

First Tractate 1

Showing the Utility of Astronomy in General.

Chapter I 1

That the Stars Imprint [Their Influences] on Inferior Bodies and

that the Mutations Which Happen in This World Happen by
the Motion of the Stars.

Chapter II 5
In What Way the Science of the Judgments of the Stars is

Discovered and How It Is that It Is Able to be Excused.

Chapter in 6
Against Those Who Say that the Science of the Stars Is not Able
to be Known by Anyone.
Chapter IV 7
Against Those Who Say That the Stars Do Not Have Anything to

Signify Concerning Generation and Corruption nor Anything

Which Happens Concerning These Things on This Side of the

Chapter V 11

Against Those Who Say that The Planets Have Signification

Concerning Universal Things Only.

Chapter VI 12

Against Those Who Say that the Stars Signify Only Two Things:
The Necessary and the Impossible, but not the Possible.
Chapter VII 12

Against Those Who Contradict the Judgments of Astronomy and

Who Condemn It, Not Knowing Its Dignity, because It Is not
Lucrative.
Chapter VIII 15

Against Those Who Have Said that the Science of the Stars Is not

Useful but rather Damned because It Induces Sorrow and

 Anxiety in Those Who Foresee the Future, whence They
Suffer from the Causes before the Impediment Happens to

Chapter IX 18
Against Those Who Say That the Judgments of the Stars Are of No
Value, nor Elections, Saying that It Is Able to be So Elected
for an Enemy as for Him for Whom It Is Elected,
Chapter X 24
Against Those Who Say Universally that There Is no Astrology;
and the Demonstration of Its Existence and Nature.
Chapter XI 27
What Astronomy Is: Namely the Practical Part.
Chapter XII 29
That this Science Should Not Be Condemned Since the Holy
Fathers Used It.

Chapter XIII 33
For the Purpose of Demonstrating that Astronomy is an Art and
One of the Four Mathematics, indeed the Doctrinal Science.
Chapter XIV 35

Second Tractate

Part On the Division of the Orb of the Signs and their Being and
I:

How They Are Ordained and Disposed and Why There Are only
Twelve, Neither More nor Less, and Why They Are Named with
Their Names, and the Things Related to These 38

On Orb of the Signs and That The Signs Are

the Division of the
Only Twelve: Neither More nor Less.
Chapter
I 38
How the Signs Act on the Elements, and on Which Elements Each
of the Signs Act.
Chapter II 41
Why the Elements are so Disposed and Ordered.
Chapter III 45
For the Demonstration that the Elements Are Only Four, Neither
More nor Less.
Chapter 1 1 1 1 46
Why the Signs Were so Ordered or Disposed.
Chapter V 47
Why the Enumeration of the Signs Begins from Aries and not from
Some Other Sign.
 Chapter VI 49
Why the Signs Were Named with These Names.
Chapter VII 51

Here Begins the Second Part of the Second Tractate on the Essential
Being of the Circle 53
On the Division of the Orb of the Signs into Twelve Signs and of
Each Sign into Thirty Degrees and of Each Degree into Sixty
Minutes and of Each Minute into Sixty Seconds.
Chapter I 53
For Showing What Signs are Northern and What Southern.
Chapter II 54
Which Signs are of Direct Ascension and Which are of Crooked

Chapter III 55
On the Order of the Circles of the Seven Planets and Their
Disposition and Courses and in What Times They Complete
Their Courses.
Chapter IIII 58
The Powers which the Planets have in the Signs.
Chapter V 58
On the Houses of the Planets.
Chapter VI 59
On the Detriments of the Planets.
Chapter VII 65
On the Exaltations of the Planets.
Chapter VIII 67
Why Aries is the Exaltation of the Sun and Libra is its Descension
and Why the Other Signs are the Exaltations of the Other
Planets.
Chapter IX 67
On the Fall or Descension of the Planets.
 .

Introduction to Guido Bonatti

by
Robert Hand

With this booklet the Project Hindsight Latin Track begins its most
ambitious project to date, the first complete English translation of Guido
Bonatti's Liber Astronomiae, one of the longest and most comprehensive
introductions to astrology ever written. We have not reached a perfect
estimate of how many booklets this translation will take up, but it is

clear that this translation will take more than a dozen of our booklets
and could comprise an entire twelve issue set or more by itself. It is not
our intention to drop all of our other translations in the Latin Track. The
translations of the Liber Astronomiae will be interspersed among our
other translations until it is completed. However, the reader who is not
familiar with Bonatti might well be moved to ask if it is fitting to

devote such an effort to a single work. The answer is unequivocally

yes!
The Liber Astronomiae, a work which goes by a number of titles,
is probably the most important single astrological work written in the
Western tradition between Ptolemy and the Renaissance. It is not an
original or ground-breaking work, but it is a nearly complete and
exhaustive compilation of the Western astrological tradition as it was at
a particular point in history, the point just after astrology had been
restored to Europe from the Moslem Near East. Bonatti's work is a
summation of the ideas, methods, and techniques of virtually every

major Arabic astrologer of the Middles Ages, and the earlier astrologers

whose ideas had survived into the Middle Ages.

Bonatti, himself, was not a mere compiler. Even while he
summarized all of the methods with which he was familiar, he also
reviewed them critically based on his own, extensive experience. As
Robert Zoller points out in his Translator's Preface, if Bonatti were not
a practically skilled Medieval astrologer, his work would be of less

interest even given its scope; but in fact he was, as far as we can tell,

We have chosen to use this particular title, but in fact the work is referred
1

to by a number of titles, the most common of which is Liber Astronomicus.

However, since it is the only book by Guido Bonatti, any reference to a work
hy Bonatti is a reference to this work. See also page xv, note 1
a highly skilled astrologer. As the translations unfold the reader will be
treated to examples of his acumen, especially in the astrology of war,
a field of activity not open to modern astrologers!
Bonatti's work is also unique among almost all other astrological
works in that he seems to be telling us virtually everything he knew,
insofar as it can be contained within a book. We have commentary and
description on virtually every aspect of practical Medieval astrology,
complete with examples, not perhaps as many examples as we might
want, but certainly enough to give us an adequate idea of his methods.
The Liber Astmnomiae is appropriate as a text for persons all the way
from the most advanced astrological
relatively inexperienced to the

student. In fact one of themore curious criticisms that was leveled at

the book in its own day was that Bonatti had made astrology so clear
that even a housewife could learn it. This of course assumes that one
1

was dealing with a housewife who could read Latin! Such "housewives"
were indeed rare.

As Zoller points out in his preface, the work is too long to give an
decent summary of its contents in a space as short as I have here. The
table of contents alone of the complete Liber Astronomiae would be
over thirty pages. It is often described as consisting of ten treatises or
tractates, but if one actually scans the text, the actual number of
sections in the Ratdolt edition of 1491 seems to be greater than that, but
in the introduction Bonatti describes the book first as having six
sections, and then he breaks the six sections into ten treatises. There
seems to have been a degree of arbitrariness in dividing the book into
sections, and it appears that various copies of the manuscript have
different numbers of treatises in different orders.

Because your translator, Robert Zoller, has provided an extensive

introduction to the material that is covered in the first book of this

series, I will not go further in this respect. However, it appears that the
edition of 1530 that Zoller has used as the basis of his translation does
not contain an introduction to the whole work which seems to have
been written by Bonatti, himself. This introduction is contained in the
Ratdolt edition of 1491 which I have used for the editing of the
translation. Therefore I have taken the liberty of providing a translation
of that text myself as part of my introduction. Also this text contains the

'
This is not my choice of words. This is how it was actually put at the
aforesaid summary of the text, as well as Bonatti's dedication of the
work to God, to Jesus, to the students who may find the book of value,
and to his nephew. In this introduction he declares his intention to

create a work that can be understood by those who are relatively

unlearned in the other sciences of the age, but who are willing to spend
the time and effort to learn. From what we have seen thus far of the
Liber Astronomiae, he succeeded. Here then is what purports to be
Bonatti's introduction to the Liber Astronomiae from the 1491 edition
published by Erhard Ratdolt.

Introduction to the Liber Astronomiae Contained in the 1491

Edition of Erhard Ratdolt.

In the name of the Lord, Amen! Here begins the introductory book on
the judgments of the stars; and it is not only an introduction to
judgments, but to the astronomy of judgments, which has been brought
forthby Guido Bonatti of Eorli of the province of Romandiola in Italy.
He has gathered in this work those subjects out of the sayings of the
philosophers which seemed to him to be useful in introducing those
persons who desire to consider the judgements of the stars. [He also has
gathered] those subjects which seemed to be suitable for those persons
who wish to judge according to the significations of the stars, and also

those subjects which pertain to certain other matters concerning

judgments.
In the name of the Our Lord Jesus Christ, who has mercy on us,
holy, true God and true man, to whom there is no equal, nor similar,

nor can there be, and of his most blessed mother Mary, always virgin,
glorious, and of the blessed Valerian martyr, prince, governor and
defender of the Commune of Forli,' who with the Father, and at the
same time with the Holy Ghost, in the unity of essence and in the
trinity of persons, is prayed to by the faithful, and also glorified as the

three and one. Nor is there another God beyond him who made heaven
and earth, and everything in them, who made it firm and who brought
forth everything for the use of Man, who ornamented heaven with the

an unknown reference, but seems to refer to a patron saint of

1

This is

Forli, Bonatti's home city. What is confusing is that the text immediately
afterward again refers to the trinity of which a patron saint cannot possibly be
stars, and such illuminating lamps' that by their virtues they dispose and
rule all inferiors, and similarly offer guidance to Man insofar as it is
2
granted; and he has placed rational souls before all other animate

beings so that everything might serve them, and preferentially causes

these same [rational beings] to know and to understand; he has
manifested to them also the motions of the supercelestial bodies and
their significations; he has spread out heaven for rational beings as a

parchment sothat they can recognize in and through heaven, which

communicates and reveals the divine wisdom, not only the past or
present, but also [so they can] guard against, foresee, be able to
pronounce upon future matters.
have studied something of astronomy, and have looked at the
I

many works of our predecessors, which must be much honored and

revered by us. Nevertheless some of these [predecessors] who loved
brevity said that, whatever [else] they might say by way of introduction,
it was their intention to speak to those who are [already] advanced in

other sciences, even though they need to be introduced to astronomy,

especially to judgments, and [are] unlearned [in these. Therefore I,

Guido Bonatti of Forli, desired to compose this work and to compile out
of the sayings of the ancients the more useful subjects, which seem to
me to have gone on the way of truth, [and] which have been found in

those sayings. To this end [I desired] to put in this work anything in

astronomy that would be useful for those who have not been [already]
introduced extensively into other sciences, so that these persons might
easily, although not necessarily quickly, be able to arrive at the desired

goal of [making] judgments. Although seeking wisdom and divine

benevolence I am advanced in days, may it be deemed worthy that I be
granted grace with the wholeness of body and attendant life, so that I
may finish this work for the glory of God, and of all of those others
who desire to study, and for your advantage, my nephew Bonatti.

And because this work will be long and prolix, and because long,
difficult, and very entangled subjects cannot be unentangled fully in all
of its parts by a small number of words, in order more completely to
avoid prolixity, I do not intend to put forth disputations and large

1
lucernis. There is a pun here because this word means both 'lamp' and

2
Complete and perfect guidance from the stars and planets is not permitted

to mankind.
numbers of proofs, although some will be put forth in this work. I

intend that [this work] be put forth not only for the utility of students,
but also for your utility, Bonatti.
I have divided this work into six parts. Of these the first is a
general introduction; the second part is [about] interrogations; the third
part, elections; the fourth part is [about] the revolutions of the years and
of the world, and conjunctions are also included; the fifth part is about
nativities; and the sixth is about showers and rains.
By way of introduction I shall proceed thus: first I shall treat of the
advantage which we gain from astronomy and the judgments of the
stars, and in confirmation of this I shall speak likewise of its nobility;

and I shall oppose certain persons who wishing to speak against

judgments of the stars, or elections; and [I shall speak] of other matters

pertaining to this. In the second [tractate] I shall treat of the division of

the circle of the signs, in what manner they are ordered, that there are
naught but 12, why it happens to be so, their denomination, and about

the accidents [which pertain] to this. Third I shall say what happens to

the seven planets among themselves, and what befalls each of them
from another, and concerning those matters which pertain to the eighth
In the fourth [tractate] I shall give advice concerning certain
1
sphere.
2
conjunctions, and explanation of certain chapters. In the fifth [tractate

I shall speak] concerning certain considerations which refer to

judgments. Afterward in the sixth [tractate] I shall place a section on

judgments. In the seventh [tractate I shall speak of] elections. In the
eighth, revolutions. In the ninth, nativities. In the tenth and last [tractate
I shall speak of] the revolutions of seasons, or showers and rains.

The End of the 1491 Introduction.

The reader might get the impression from the breadth of the book that

the material is treated in brief or superficially. Bonatti often states, as

he does in the introduction translated above, that he gives only a brief
treatment of some matter, but this is usually only in philosophical
many of the treatments of subjects which Bonatti
discussions. In fact
provides in the various treatises would constitute books of quite

2
et expositionem quorundam capitulorum. The sense of this is not entirely

clear, unless Bonatti refers to chapters written on the subject by other authors.
reasonable lengths in their own right. This is particularly true of the

treatises on horary astrology, electional astrology, revolutions, and natal

astrology. The Liber Astronomiae is a truly encyclopedic set of treatises

on Medieval astrology, and provides nearly complete coverage of
astrology at the moment when it had just come, back to the West.
 Translator's Preface by Robert Zoller

As the Hindsight Project is publishing the Liber Astronomiae in a

number of installments, seems unwise to attempt to present an
it

introduction to the entire work at the very beginning. The Liber

Astronomiae is over 800 pages long and contains much that the modern
astrologer will find new, and much that requires an introduction. To
attempt to provide such would constitute a booklet in itself. A wiser
approach seems to be to provide an introduction to each segment of the
book as we publishit. In a later edition these introductory remarks will

be gathered together into an introduction to the book. Therefore,

pursuing this course, the following introduction is restricted to a

discussion of the First Tractate and part of the Second.

What is the Liber Astronomiae and who was its author?

Bonatti's Liber Astronomiae was written sometime after 1282 C .E. Lynn
Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science, vol. II,
in his

chap. LXVII, p. 825, calls the Liber Astronomiae, "The most important
astrological work produced in the 13th century." During the preceding
century Western scholars, largely in Spain and Sicily, prodded by the
discovery of Arabic Science, which the West learned of as a result of
the Crusades, furiously translated Arabic scientific works
1
on astronomy,

So, at any rate the story is usually told. Richard Lemay, in an article

entitled, "Translators of the Twelfth Century: Literary Issues Raised and Impact
Created," which appeared as an Appendix to "Medieval Philosophers" in the
Dictionary Literary Biography, vol. 1 1.5, Gale Research 1992, Detroit, Mich.,
of
suggests that we may not have full understanding of what led to the wave of
translations of Arabic texts into Latin in the 12th century. He says, pp. 367-368,
"With the beginning of the twelfth century a deliberate and systematic
movement of committing to the Latin language the scientific treasures of
contemporary Arab science (essentially mathematics and astronomy) began to
manifest itself. Whether this Latin demand represented a new awareness
engendered by protracted contacts with higher levels of Muslim society during
the Crusades, both Eastern and Iberian, it is not possible to determine."
He
begin
points to the fact that the Jewish translator John of Seville is the first to
the translation effort. His translation of Abu Ma'shar's Greater Introduction was
astrology, alchemy, medicine, mathematics, and philosophy. The 13th
century was the century during which these translations were
disseminated and assimilated. Bonatti's work is a Summa of astrological
practice. Encyclopedic in scope, it collected all known Latin translations
of Arabic astrology, and, as such, is one of several comprehensive
treatments of the art to have survived. It is therefore a treasure chest of

Medieval astrological techniques and theories.

The latter are as important for us as the former because the
successful application of the Medieval techniques depends to some
degree in the right conceptualization of the art. This we get throughout

Bonatti's work, but especially in the First and Second Tractates. This

booklet includes all of the first and part of the second. The next booklet
will contain the remaining part of the Second Tractate.
The Liber Astronomiae is of particular importance in that, unlike
most of the Greek works, it is a complete treatment by a professional
practitioner. Unlike the Arabic astrological works, such as the very
important Greater and Lesser Introductions of Albumasar, Bonatti's
work was compiled from the Latin translations of most of the Arabic
works available in the period to a European practitioner. Furthermore
Bonatti wrote in Latin, the universal medium of communication in
Medieval Christendom. This means that in the Liber Astronomiae we
are confronted with a full and accurate compendium of the actual
practice of the Medieval European astrologer shortly after astrology's
transmission and re-introduction to the West from the Arabs. And,
because it was written in Latin, it could be, and was widely dissemi-

Arabic astrology had reached its acme around the time the Crusades

completed in 1133. John seems to be responding to political events as well as

to a new European demand for Arabic scientific learning. The First Crusade was
launched in 1095 and Jerusalem was liberated in 1099. In addressing this

question we must also keep in mind that the "Crusades" referred to may mean
cither those in the Levant, or those in Iberia, which began at more or less the

same time as the First Crusade. Toledo was taken by the Christians in 1085. A
Crusade was launched against the Moslems in the Ballearic Islands in 1 1 14 and
Alfonso I of Aragon took Saragossa in 1118. Lemay, in the article cited,
suggests that Frederick II's 13th century educational reforms, which encouraged
the study of the natural sciences, including astrology, also created a climate
favorable to the preservation of the 12th century translations.
began. The transmission of Greek Science to the Khalifates in the 8th-
10th centuries had given the Moslems both astrology and Aristotle, two
treasures they preserved and passed on to the West in the 12th century.
Aristotelian philosophy had, by the 6th century C.E., become intimately
wedded to Neoplatonism. The latter School exploited the former to
provide scientific support for the more religious views of Alexander
Aphrodisius, Plotinus, Proclus, and the Syrian School. Under Islam,
Aristotle's logical and scientific Works were put to similar use. In the
Latin West, however, the scientific works of Aristotle were lost after the
6th century, and the logical works were known incompletely,
occasionally, and indirectly, until what Haskins has called, "The
Renaissance of the Twelfth Century." Thus the 12th century saw the re-
introduction of science to the West after roughly 600 years of darkness
during which the Christian West had only the Trivium, and precious
little of the Quadrivium to occupy themselves with. And it must be
pointed out that the "science" that was re-introduced to the West
included not only the Arabic interpretations of Aristotle, but an Aristotle
intimately wedded to Astrology. ;<

Bonatti's work must be seen in this context. As is apparent from

Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos, the Hellenistic Greeks had pressed Aristotle into
service in order to create a scientific astrology. We find this scientific
astrology being transmitted to the Moslems in the 8th-10th centuries

along with the tradition represented by Dorotheus, one which appears

to be more empirical and less philosophically oriented, and which may
be closely connected with the transmission of the astrological
Hermetica. It is certain that Dorotheus' astrology has such close
affiliations with the Hermetica. Under the Neoplatonic influence of the
Isma'ilis, as documented in the Rasa'il, the encyclopedia of the 9th

century Brotherhood of Purity, all sciences are subsumed under

astrology, alchemy, and magic, and these are seen as so many paths to
Allah. Islam, philosophy, and Hermeticism grow together into Sacred
Science.
Both the Aristotelian and the Hermetic astrological traditions flow

through Albumasar in particular, as well as his teacher Al-Kindi, and

many other of Bonatti's sources into the Liber Astronomiae. Moreover,
Aristotle listed by Bonatti as an astrologer. This may indicate that his
is

scientific works such as Physica, De Caelo, De Generatione et

Corruptione, and his Metaphysica qualified him as a "Natural"
astrologer. It may equally be that Bonatti was drawing on Latin
translations of Arabic astrological texts purporting to be by Aristotle.
Such was the prestige and influence of "The Philosopher," and such the
literary practices of the day, especially in esotericand occult circles. As
a result we find in this Summa of Medieval astrological praxis

important expressions of the philosophical and Hermetic astrologies all

merged into one and plopped down in the midst of Medieval

Christendom.
The Liber Astronomiae was an extremely popular book in
manuscript. It shows up in the lists of books in the libraries of
numerous persons of importance. For instance, Marsilio Ficino, Pico
della Mirandola, and John Dee are known to have possessed copies. It
was translated into several vernacular languages, and went through
1

numerous editions as a printed book. It clearly provides the backdrop

to theworks of Gaurico, Schoner, and Lilly. Morin's rants against
Arabisms and the improper usage of "Universal Significators" is aimed
principally at Bonatti's work. Pico's Adversus astrologiam divinatricem
on the carpet.
specifically calls Bonatti
About Bonatti not much is known. Salimbene mentions him in his
Cronica as disputing astrology with a certain Brother Hugo. He is said
to have taken an active part in the defence of his home town Forli in

which he acted as military adviser to Count Montefeltro, who was

opposed to Pope Martin IV. They succeeded in defeating the Pope's
army in the first assault on Forli, but Bonatti is said to have followed
his patron Montefeltro into a monastery following their defeat in the

following year. Dante placed Bonatti in the Eighth Circle of the Inferno
in his Divine Comedy along with others who attempted to predict the

Astrology in Bonatti's day was a questionable (though, apparently

it could be profitable) pursuit which had been repeatedly condemned by
the 13th century Church (most recently in 1277 in Paris), and was
2
maligned at the time as devilish superstition. The art's heathen origins

1
Not however, English, except for the 147 aphorisms translated by Coley.
[RH]
1
It wasn't until 1250, after the completion of Albertus Magnus' Speculum
Astrologiae that it was safe to publish books on astrology in France. Albertus'
book helped the Church establish criteria for approving certain aspects of
astrological lore and condemning others. Apparently what happened was that
the initial translations of the Twelfth century raised serious questions regarding
were only barely veiled in Bonatti's sources. The Medieval Church
rightly saw that astrology was its old foe risen again in the west like a
phoenix after a centuries long hiatus to compete with the faith of Christ.
Bonatti was drawing on Arabic sources in Latin translation and, while
his Arabic were Muslim for the most part, there was
sources
nonetheless a strongly Hermetic undercurrent in many of them, notably
Al-kindi, Abu Ma'shar, Thebit Ben Qurra, and others. This Hermetic
tradition formed the esoteric tradition of the West in the Middle Ages,
the Kabbalistic tradition being the sole possession of the Jews, and quite
possibly only in its early stages in Bonatti's day.
The Church knew full well that this same Hermetic Tradition was
one and the same with the Sabian religion which survived in
Mesopotamia, and even thrived in Baghdad until about the end of the
12th century, when Muslim fundamentalism arising in reaction to the
military and propagandistic threat of the Christian Crusades all but
destroyed all heterodox sects in its sphere of influence. With the coming
of the Mongols in the 1 3th century additional pressures beset heterodox
groups.
One area which remained rather safe for nominal Muslims who
were syncretists and crypto-heathens was Ommayid Spain where at this
time Jews, Moslems, Christians, and, apparently, clandestine Sabians all
enjoyed relative tolerance.It is in 11th century Andalusia (Ommayid

Spain) that the Hermetic Sabian magical text, the Picatrix, was written.

Hermetic Sabianism survived in the Middle East in 9th through

12th century Harran.

1

It was a continuation of classical heathenism, yet

remarkably the community was accorded religious toleration under

heresy and doctrine. The Church's response, formally expressed in a series of

condemnations promulgated from the bastion of orthodoxy, the University of
Paris from 1210, was to put the entire subject was under the ban. This made the
ownership of astrological books by anyone in the city limits of Paris punishable

by death at the stake. Outside Paris the ban had little effect until the

Condemnation of 1245 which extended it to the whole of France. In Sicily and

Italy in general, it seems, things were different. Frederick II Hohenstaufen,
the

Holy Roman Emperor, openly flaunted the Condemnations of 1210 and 1215,
and encouraged the study of the natural sciences, including astrology, as the
basis of his program of educational reform. Many thanks to Professor Richard
Lemay for clarifying this point for me. Bonatti is said to have ties to Frederick's

court and Michael Scot certainly did.

1
In southeast modern Turkey, then part of Syria.
Koranic Law as a "People of the Book" because they accepted the
Hermetic Writings attributed to Hermes Trismegistus, as well as at least
nominally accepting the Old Testament and the Koran. The Hermetic
writings were regarded by some Moslems as the work of the

Antediluvian prophet Idris, and hence, regarded as worthy of reverence.

Thus they were permitted to continue their practice of astrological
magic and public worship of the astral deities. This tolerance they
enjoyed in Harran and even in Baghdad until around 1 100. Presumably
some of them emigrated to Spain and managed to survive possibly until
the 12th century. The Picatrix was produced in Arabic Spain in the 1 1th
2
century. It was translated into Spanish in 1256 on the order of King
1

3
Alfonso and apparently immediately thereafter into Latin. This work
was undoubtedly known to Rome and was precisely the sort of thing
they would have feared. Bonatti does not cite it as a source, but it was
fairly influential in occult circles in Europe in the Middle Ages; nor was

it unique. Not only does it enjoin the practitioner to pray to the

planetary demons or angels, it views them as the real workers of natural
and supernatural effects.

When we see Bonatti referring to the "supercelestials" and the

"Unalterable and immutable creatures beyond passion," we may be
seeing him merely speak of the planets in terms of Aristotelian science,
which would make him only mildly questionable. But he could use
precisely the same language intending to be understood by Hermetic
philosophers as referring to the astral demons or angels. His language
has an ambiguity in it. While it is unquestionably Aristotelian, it is

consistent with Hermetic views found in the Corpus Hermeticum* and

5
in lamblichus' On the Mysteries.
In fact to be an Aristotelian in the 13th century was also not

without its dangers. The same Condemnation of 1 277 which condemned

Abu al-Qasim Maslama ibn Ahmad al-Majriti to whom the text is

ascribed died c. 1005-1008. Few scholars accept this attribution. Sezgin suggests
that the real author was Abu Maslama Muhammad ibn Ibrahim ibn 'Abd al-

da'im al-Majriti. Pingree is unconvinced.

2
by Yehuda ben Moshe, not extant.
3
By Aegidius de Thebaldis.
4
cf. Libellus I, 13a-b; Libellus HI, 2b-3b; Libellus V, 3; Libellus XIII;
Asclepius 4-6.
5
Section I, Chapters IV, VIII, IX, X et passim.
astrology also condemned a great deal of Aristotle. Later, when
Aquinas' philosophy was accepted and Aristotle drafted to sell
Christianity to the intelligentsia, it would be safe to be an Aristotelian;

but in Bonatti's day it was only a bit less objectionable than overt

demonology in the manner of Sabianism.

Bonatti's reverential language in referring to the "supercelestials"
is definitely indicative that the Medieval astrologer recognized that he
was dealing with more than inert entities in the heavens. He clearly
thought of the planets in a Neoplatonic sense as chariots of angelic
forces. This point is of interest to us today as many astrologers have
lost or never known about the magical-religious aspect of astrology. Yet
a real question remains when we consider Bonatti's definition of
astrology: Were the supercelestials agents of Christ, or were they in fact
the pre-christian heathen astral deities of Sabianism? In either case, as
his definition clearly shows, there was not in his mind any absolute
separation of philosophy cum religion and science in his astrology.
Bonatti's Astronomy is geocentric, of course, and rests ultimately
on Ptolemy's Almagest. The Arabs had translated this important classical
astronomical text in the ninth century.' In 12th century Europe Gerard
of translated the Almagest from Arabic to Latin. It was this
Cremona
which was most widely used for centuries and probably that
translation
which Medieval astrologers such as Bonatti used.
The reference to circular motion of the spheres will strike the
modern reader as strange. Astronomers of the ancient world and
Bonatti's day did not know that the planets moved in elliptical orbits. It

had been held since Plato's day that, since they were believed to be of

the most perfect matter (the quintessence), they must move in the most
perfect motion which was held to be circular. Plato himself was the
author of this misconception, and his instruction to his pupils to
articulate an astronomy which accounted for all astronomical motions

by reference to circular motion is credited by modern historians of

science with delaying the discovery of "true" astronomy by almost 2000

The arrangement of Bonatti's arguments as well as his terminology,

especially in his definition of astrology, shows very clearly the powerful
influence of Aristotle. Bonatti tells us the probable ultimate source of

1
It was translated by Ishaq ibn Hunein in Baghdad in 828. He also

translated the Tetrabiblos.

his Aristotelianism in the text by citing the name Alfarabi.
1

2
Through his Arabic sources Bonatti follows Aristotle's Topica in
his format and terminology. This work, as well as the Categories was
widely relied upon by Medieval scholars for composition and
organization of their material. In Book One, #5, Aristotle lays out his
system of definition in which a thing's essence is signified by a name
or phrase which are characterized according to property, genus, and
accident. In Categories, 5, we learn that all substances are characterized
according to species, genus, and differentiae. All these terms are used
by Bonatti. Moreover, his reliance on the Categories is most apparent
in his definition of astrology, in his almost word for word lifting of
Aristotle's discussion of the six kinds of change (Categories, 14,).

Aristotle's text says, "There are six kinds of change: generation,

corruption, increase, decrease, diminution, alteration, and change of
place; but there is a question about change of place." Reference to the
text of the definition above will show how closely he is following
Porphyry's paraphrase of Aristotle. The references to active and passive
are from Topica and Categories. His reference to the end or use of
astronomy is in conformity with the medieval usage of Aristotle's Final

Alfarabi was born of Turkish parents in the town of Farab in Turkestan

in about 870 and died in 950. His full name was Abu Nasr Muhammad ibn

Tarkhan ul-Farabi. As a young man he went to Baghdad and learned Arabic,

studied math, medicine and philosophy. He was fluent in astronomy as well. His

philosophical work was of the utmost importance. Through his commentaries

and interpretations of Aristotle he introduced the philosopher to the Arabs. He
influenced Avicenna's Canon of Medicine and Averroes. His works were
translated by Gerard of Cremona in Spain in the 12th century and were central
in spreading Aristotelianism among the Medieval European intelligentsia.
2
Not all of Aristotle's logical works were known directly to the Arabs or
the Europeans in the Middle Ages. The source of much of the Medieval
knowledge of The Philosopher's classification system was Porphyry's (3rd cent.)

Isagoge, an introduction to Aristotle's logic, that these ideas were known. Cf.
Porphyry the Phoenician: Isagoge, with translation, introduction and notes by
Edward W. Warren, Toronto: The Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1975,
esp. the introduction. By the way, in saying, "through his Arabic sources," I do
not mean to imply that Bonatti read Arabic. So far as I am aware he worked
from the 12th century Latin translations of Arabic astrological works.
 Finally, his reference to the "supercelestials" as "creatures beyond
passion, unalterable, etc." is in conformity with the idea that the
celestial bodies, being composed of the most perfect substance, the ether
or quintessence, were not subject to alteration and decay as were
sublunary bodies, which were composed of the four elements, fire,

earth, air, and water. Aristotle elaborates on this idea in his De

generatione el corruptione, Physica, and De Caelo. Whereas the

Hermetic tradition considered the celestial bodies to be divine, the

They held a more scientific and philosophical
Aristotelians did not.
which viewed the celestial spheres, but especially the Sun and
attitude
Moon, whereby alteration and the other kinds of motion
to be the agents
were effected. This point of view could be (and was) viewed as
complementary to the more religio-magical Hermetic view.
In the First Tractate, Bonatti introduces us to astrology in a
typically scholastic manner, arguing for the importance of astrology on
spiritual grounds formal Aristotelian argument which leads into his
in a

cosmology and astronomy. This permits him to sketch his theory of

1

astral influence and place astrology (which he wants to call astronomy )

as one of the mathematical sciences of the quadrivium, and to indulge

in his favorite pastime, cleric bashing, a form of entertainment he
resorts to several times in the Liber Astronomiae.
Astrology, we are told, is the only science by which we may know
all things. The future is a useful thing to know. Astrology is a real

science. It has four parts. In the first part it treats of the structure and
form of the universe and the circles of the heavens. In the second the
causes or motions of the planets and other stars is dealt with. In the

third part the rising and setting of the signs is dealt with; in the fourth
part, the eclipses of the Sun and Moon and the other planets. It is of
interest here that this four-fold division reminds us of Clement of
2
Alexandria's account of the four parts of Hermetic Astronomy.

'

Indeed some of [he extant manuscripts of this work are titled Liber

astrologiae while others are styled Liber astronomiae. The texts are the same.
Interestingly Bonatti's contemporary. Roger Bacon, follows the same
practice

in his Opus Maius.

2
Clement of Alexandria (1507-220? C.E.), Stromates IV, 4, 35.3-37.3.

describes an Hermetic procession in 3rd century Egypt which consisu-d

of h

singer carrying two books of hymns, a "horoskopos" carrying 4

books (one on

the fixed stars, one on the planets, one on the conjunctions of the Sun and the
Astrology's species are two, arithmetical and judicial. It has its own
instruments, such as the astrolabe and other devices. He derives its

name from "the rule of the stars." The Holy Fathers practiced it, thus
we should not condemn it. All these arguments are typically scholastic
"proofs" of the legitimacy of a study.
In the Second Tractate, Bonatti begins his instruction of the
elements of astrology with the division of the circle of the ecliptic into
twelve signs, and then discusses how the signs act on the elements. He
discusses why the signs are ordered in the way they are, why they are
counted in the direction they are counted why they have the names
in,

they have, and which ones are of direct or of crooked ascension. Next
he discusses the "circles," i.e., spheres, of the planets. He discusses why
the planets are said to rule this or that sign (house), the detriments,
exaltations, and falls of the planets.
Little needs to be said to astrologers about Bonatti's discussions of
the elements of astrology except to say that Medieval and Ancient
astrological texts rarely give sufficient, if any, explanation to questions
such as Bonatti addresses. It must also be said that Medieval "reasons"
are often unacceptable to modern minds who prefer "logical",
"scientific", and mechanistic explanations for things wherever possible.
Bonatti's "reasons" are for the most part in accord with Medieval logic,
often times more rigorous than what passes for logic today. His
approach is certainly "scientific" in terms his contemporaries would
have approved of. The reader should be aware of this before
encountering Bonatti's reasons why the planets rule such-and-such a
sign or signs, which might sound like circular reasoning otherwise.

The reader will note that his reasons for there being twelve signs
in number are mathematical, conceptual, and symbolic. There is no
argument from physical causality as in electro-magnetic theory, or any
Medieval equivalent such as "radiations" which are different in one
region of the sky or another. It is easy to see that he is looking to his
natural theory first, that all sublunary things are composed of the four
elements, and then imposing this understanding onto the heavens, which
must be viewed as the causes or origins of sublunary reality. Yet he is

Moon, one on the risings of the stars), the Stolistes (who were responsible for
the education and for the vestments), who carried 10 books on all the piety of
the Egyptians, and the prophet. He carried the laws of the Gods and the
formation of the clergy.
certainly not innovating here. He is following the philosophical
procedure which had come down to his time from the Greeks by way
of the Arabs.
While the exact manner by which the celestial influences imprint
upon inferior natures is left unclear, it is important to note that even
though the division of the ecliptic is explained conceptually, and
perhaps symbolically, nonetheless the celestials are viewed as having
some kind of concrete, physical influence upon sublunary bodies. This
is what is meant by "imprints." Thus, we read, "Taurus, Virgo and
Capricorn which are earthy signs, act on the earth element but in
diverse ways. Taurus acts on the earth by imprinting on it temperate
coldness and dryness. .
." and, "Virgo acts on the earth element by
imprinting on it coldness and dryness. .
." This "imprinting" is tied in

somehow with the celestial motion in a manner Bonatti never makes

very clear but which we have also found in Ptolemy's On Criterion and
Rule (from a partial translation, as yet unpublished, by Robert
Schmidt). In Bonatti's very Aristotelian account, the motion imparts the
"primitive qualities" of hot, cold, wet, and dry to compounded bodies,

thereby altering them and producing change in matter. This concept of

physical causality is nowhere clearer than in the Second Tractate, First
Part, Chapter VI, which could have been taken almost directly out of
Aristotle's works, Physica, de Caelo, and de Ceneratione et Corrup-

The explanation of why the planets are exalted in this or that sign
has haunted modern Western astrologers for some time. Bonatti relics
upon Albumasar to solve this conundrum, and his solution is, as we

might expect, based on Aristotelian physical principles. Fagan suggested

an Egypto-Babylonian origin for the exaltations. Knappich seems to
as he identifies the constellations ruled
1

endorse a Babylonian source,

by the Babylonian planetary gods as those corresponding to our
exaltations. This would suggest that the Egyptians, if they adopted the
Babylonian rulership-exaltations, probably did so after Cambyses
conquest of Egypt in 525 B.C.E. when a good deal of Babylonian
astrology was brought to Egypt by the Persians (who had also
previously conquered the Babylonians). But the astrological attributions

1
Cyril Fagan, Zodiacs Old and New, London: Anscombe, 1951, passim.
Wilhelm Knappich, Geschichte der Astrologie, Frankfurt am Main:

Klostermann, 1967, p. 32.

were religious dogma. They did not require philosophical reasons to
support them. Philosophical arguments resting upon natural scientific
phenomena, such as we see in Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos, and here in
Bonatti originated with Greek Science and Philosophy. The argument
presented by Bonatti derives from the 9th century Arabic Scientific
tradition, especially from Albumasar and Al-Kindi. They in turn got it

from the Nestorians and Byzantines beginning in the 8th century, and
possibly from the Hananians in the 9th. The 8th century Nestorians, and
Byzantines preserved Hellenistic Greek Science which relied heavily on
Aristotle. Since Aristotle died in only 322 B.C.E., the furthest back we
can trace these philosophical explanations for the exaltations is to c.350
B.C.E. In Bonatti's work we are dealing with a Medieval scientific
explanation for something older, something which might not have a
reason which can be found simply because there never was a "reason"
for it in the philosophical sense.
 Latinized Forms of Arabic Names that Appear in
Bonatti.

The following are names and corruptions of the names of Arabic and
earlier astrologers, and other personages that appear in Bonatti and other
medieval sources. The main compilation is by your translator, Robert
Zoller, with a few additional notes by your editor, Robert Hand.

Aardimon or Aaydemon — Variant forms of Ahaydimon, q.v.

Adila — Unknown.
\tiaxduivm — -
Unknown, but it might be a corruption of agathe daimon
or good daimon. This would suggest an Hermetic reference.

Ahomar — Wrote a Liber Haomar de natlvitatibus in astronomia . . .

translated by Iohannes Hispalensis, Amplon, Quarto 365, 14th cent.,

folios 100-119.

Albenait — Unknown. But Cf. Liber novem iudicium in judiciis

astrorum. Clarissimi auctores istius voluminis: Meschella, Aomar,
Alkindus, Zael, Albenait [Albohali], Dorotheus, Jergis, Aristotles,

Ptholomasus.Venice, 1509.

Alboali — Masha'allah's student, Abu 'Ali Al-Khayyat ( c.770-835 C.E.)

was known to those intimate with him as Abu 'Ali Yahya ibn Ghalib
and as Isma'il ibn Muhammad. He was one of the leading astrologers
of his day. He wrote an Introduction to Astrology; works on horary
astrology, political works on forms of Governments, On the Revolution
of Years of Nativities (we would call these figures solar returns), a
scientific work on the prism, and a work called the Rod of Gold.

According to Holden, only his horary work, on Questions, and the

Judgements of Nativities survive in Arabic. The latter was translated

into Latin by Plato of Tivoli in 1136, and by John of Seville in 1 153.

Holden has used the latter.

Albumasar or Albumazar — The famous Persian astrologer Abu

Ma'shar (full name: Abu Ma'shar Ja'far ibn Muhammad ibn 'Umar al-

Balkhi) (787-886 C.E.) is an example of Hermetic influence on Arabic

astrology. His works (written in Arabic) represent a curious fusion of
Sabian Hermeticism, Persian chronology, Islam, Greek Science, and
Mesopotamian astrology. He was instrumental in fostering the
identification of the Antediluvian Prophet Idris with Enoch and Hermes.
He was an extremely successful practitioner of the Art who travelled

throughout the Mid East in service to numerous Indian, Persian, Arab,

and Egyptian chiefs of state. His reputation was established in the
Christian West by Peter of Abano in the 1 3th century in his Conciliator
Differentiarum Philosophorum et Precipue Medicorum (Diff. 156)
where he quotes the Al-Mudsakaret or (Memorabilia) of Abu Sa'id

Schadsan, a student of Abu Ma'shar's who recorded his teacher's

answers and astrological deeds. The Memorabilia, which has come to

be known among scholars as "Albumasar in Sadan" due to traditional

corruptions of both men's names, is analyzed by Lynn Thorndike in his

1954 pp. 22-32.
It will suffice to say here that it is perhaps the only example of a
Medieval astrological hagiography. It portrays "the master" as a nearly
omniscient wise man learned not only in the techniques of all branches
of the art but also in its traditional history and aware of the contribu-
tions of his predecessors. He is quoted in Albumasar in Sadan (p. 29 of
Isis article), to the effect that he follows Messahala's method of
projecting rays, and in other locations admits to following other
methods of Messahala (Masha'allah).

Alcaiat — See Alboali.

Alchabitius —
Alchabitius or Al-Qabisi, surnamed 'Utman ben Ali,
flourished circa960 C.E. Arabic Astrologer. He studied under al-Imrani.
Wrote an introduction to the art of astrology and awork on the
conjunctions of the planets. His works were translated from Arabic into
Latin by Iohannes Hispalensis.

Alchindi — Variant form of the name Al-Kindi, q.v.

Alezdegoz or Alenzedegoz — Unknown.

Alfraganus — Alfraganus, or Al-Farghani, 9th cent. Turkish Christian

astronomer. Full name: abu-al-' Abbas Ahmad al-Farghani. Summarized

Ptolemy's Almagest.
Alhayat — See Alboali.

Al-Kindi orAlkindi — full name: abu-Yusuf Ya'qub ibn-Ishaq al-Kindi'

(9th century) called "The philosopher of the Arabs." Teacher of abu

Ma'shar. The material below comes from the following sources:
Handbuch der Herausgegeben von B. Spuler unter
Orientalistik,
Mitarbeit von H. Franke,J. Gonda, Hammitisch, W. Helik, B. Hrouda,

H. Kahler, Lohuizen-De Leeuw und F. Vos.

J. E. van
Der Nahe und der Mittlere Osten, Herausgegeben
Erste Abteilung:
von B. Spuler. Erganzungsband VI, Zweiter Abschnitt: Die Natur und
Geheimwissenschaften im Islam, Leiden/Koln, E. J. Brill, 1972.
Handbuch Der Orientalistik von M. Ullmann: Astrologie, pp. 371-
358.
Al-Kindi's tractate,/; Mulk al-arab wa-kammiyatihi, was translated

by Joannis Hispalensis carrying the title Liber individuorum superiorum

in summa de significationibus super accidentia que efficiuntur in mundo
and it was printed under the false title Albumasar De magnis
i aniiwctionibus: annorum revolutionibus: ac eorum profectionibus: octo
continens tractatus, Augsburg 1489, Steinschneider Europ. Uebs. A p.

47 Carmody Translation, p. 91f, Thorndike Notes p. 150 number 46,

Lemay Abu Ma'shar, p. XXXI.
Al-kindi's K. al-Mudhal al-kabir ila 'Urn ahkam an-nuqum mss:
Paris 5902 (131 foll.,written 325/937): Leiden 1051 (= Cod. 49 Gol.)
Bodl. 565; number 294 (+Hydii 3); Chester Beatty 4075; 5281; Esc.
938,7 Renaud; Hamidiye 829; Krause mathem. p. 450.
He also wrote de radiis stellacis. De Radiis has been published in
the Archives d'histoire doctinale du Moyen Age, vol 41, 1974 and
edited by M. T. D'Alverny and F. Hudry. It has been translated by the
translator of this work as the first volume of the Project Hindsight.
Al-kindi was very active in Baghdad translating Greek mathemati-
cal and philosophical works into Arabic.

Almansor —
Almansor or al-Mansur (7 1 2?-775) second Abbasid Caliph.
Full name: abu Ja'far 'Abdullah al-Mansur. A patron of science who
encouraged translation of Greek and Latin classics into Arabic. He
moved capital to Baghdad.
See Steinschneider Europ. Uebs. Ap 63f.; Millas Tradducciones p.

155 on Almansoris iudicia seu propositiones translated by Plato

Tiburtinus in the first half of the 12th century.
Almetus, Akhmet, Achmet or Ahmed. —
He may be the early 10th
century astrologer Ahmet abu Ja'far, who Richard Lemay believes wrote
The Liber Fructus, also known as The Book of Fruit or Centiloquium,
or he could be Ahmed ibn Yusuf. S. J. Tester, in A History of Western
Astrology, Woodbridge, Suffolk, The Boydell Press, p. 184, tells us that
Moritz Steinschneider thought that the 13th century Commentary on the
Cenliim/uiiim attributed to Haly, was actually written by Ahmed ibn
Yusuf. For a list of the many works by Steinschneider, see Thorndike's
History of Magic and Experimental Science, New York: Columbia
University Press, 1923, Vol. I, pp. xxxvj, xxxvii. See also Thorndike,
Vol. II, op. cit., pp. 291-293, regarding Achmet's possible identity.

Arestali or Arastellus — Possibly a corruption of Aristoteles.

Astaphan or Astaphaz — Actually Stephen of Antioch who translated

ten works of Galen from Arabic in the 12th century. Charles Homer
Haskins, in The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century, Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1927, p 295. S. J. Tester, in A History of
Western Astrology, Woodbridge, Suffolk, The Boydell Press, p. 52, n. 1

91 , places the date of Stephen's translation of this medical encyclopedia

as 1127.

Dorotheus — Though his work survives only in Arabic, Dorotheus of

Sidon was not an Arab He was a Hi ian writing in

Greek in the 1st century C.E. His Pentateuch is an important text in

fixing later Isla i i fragments also
survive in Greek sources, especially Hephaistio of Thebes. See the
Project Hindsight edition of Hephaistio.

Hali — Probably Hali Rodan, known as Abu Ali al-Hasan ibn al-Hasan
ibn al-Haitham, known as Alhazan (987-1138). Famous scientist,

mathematician, and astrologer-astronomer. Wrote on Optics,

Mathematics, Physics, Philosophy, and Medicine. He was familiar with
Euclid and Ptolemy on Optics. His work on the subject, Optici
thesaurus Alhazani, translated by Gerard of Cremona, became very
influential in the European Middle Ages. Influenced Roger Bacon. First

to calculate height of atmosphere. Wrote on atmospheric distortion of

Sun and Moon near the horizon. Wrote a Commentary on the

Tetrabiblos of Ptolemy and the Centiloquium.
Hermes — Hermes Trismegistus, a figure to whom many works on
astrology, alchemy, and magic were attributed. There is no clear
indication that an actual man with this name ever existed. The apparent
name may be a sacerdotal title used as a pseudonym by followers of the

Hermetic cult. Cf. A. J. Festugiere, La Revelation d'Hermes Trismegiste,

Paris, 1950-4 (4 vols.), or G. R. S. Mead's Thrice Greatest Hermes,
Detroit: 1978, Hermes Press, (3 vols), and Samuel Weiser, York Beach,
Maine: 1993.

Iaphar — This may be Albumasar, one of whose names is Japhar or

it may be the early
Ja'far, or 10th century astrologer Ahmet abu Ja'far

who Richard Lemay believes wrote The Liber Fructus or Book of Fruit
or Centiloquium.

I Variant i inn of Irgis, q.v.

Irgis — Unknown. See Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental

Science, Vol. II, appendix II, pp. 718-719. Thorndike speculates that
Irgiz, Germath, Gergis, Jergis, Hyargus, Jargus, Georgius, and Gugit are
all the same fellow, showing up in alchemical and astrological works.
He seems to be from Babylon.

Messahalla or Messala — Masha'allah (c.740-c.815) was the foremost

of the early Arabic astrologers. He worked in Basra and, together with

the Persian astrologer al-Naubakht, was selected to elect astrologically
the time for the founding of the new city of Baghdad in 762 by the
Caliph Al-Mansur.

Ptolemy (c. 100-1 70). — Author of Tetrabiblos and Almagest. The

Nestorian Christian Ishaq ibn Hunain translated the Almagest and the
Tetrabiblos from Greek into Arabic at Baghdad around 828 for the

Caliph al-Mansur. Gerard of Cremona translated his Almagest in the

12th century. Plato of Tivoh translated the Centiloquium in 1136 and
the Tetrabiblos of Ptolemy from Arabic into Latin at Barcelona in 1 138.

World Who's Who in Science, Marquise Who's Who, Chicago, 1968. p.

7 lists an Arab translator, Abu Yahya al-Bariq who was one of the ,

first translators employed by al-Mansur. He is said to have translated

Ptolemy's Quadripartite and to have died c.800.

Thebit — Thabit ben Qurra, Thebit ibn KorTa, or Thibet Ben Qurrah
(836-901), a 10th century exponent of the Hermetic Tradition and
perhaps the most advanced mathematician and astronomer of his day.
His people, the Harranian Sabians, have been called the inheritors of
classical heathenism, that is, continuers of the classical philosophical
polytheistic religion. He was the author of numerous books on
astronomy and at least one on meteorological astrology. He is known
best for his mistaken theory of the trepidation of the equinoxes, in
which precession is considered as oscillating back and forth about a
central position rather than constantly moving in one direction, as is the
 Liber Astronomiae of Guido Bonatti,
First Tractate

Showing the Utility of Astronomy in General.

Chapter I.

The soul which is in man is quite noble. It gives essence and perfection
1
to the body, and its foods are very noble with respect to the foods of
the body because the soul is very noble with respect to the body. She
rejoices in intellectual gain, and that depends upon the knowledge of
philosophy, and in that the soul rejoices and is delighted. That in which
she rejoices is her food, because with that there is a part of Truth and
she loves Truth; nor is she able to apprehend it through any science so
truly and so fully as through Astronomy. There is nothing except the
First Philosophy 2 in which the soul gains so much as in Astronomy or

1
Bonatti's Arabic sources relied heavily on Aristotle. The food of the Soul

is discussed in The Works of Aristotle, ed. W. D. Ross, vol. Ill, Oxford: 1931,

Cf De Anima, trans. J. A. Smith, Book II, section 4. (Pages 416 a & b ed.cit.).
2
First Philosophy, i.e., Metaphysics. Cf. Aristotle Metaphysica, in The
Works of Aristotle, Vol. Ill, 2nd Ed. trans. W. D. Ross, Oxford: Clarendon
Press 1928, Book Alpha. Aristotle asserts (982a) that "Wisdom is the science
of principles and causes." In 983a, line 25 he asserts that this entails the
acquisition of the knowledge of original causes. He launches into an
investigation of Number as Cause, citing the opinions of previous philosophers,
among them the Pythagoreans who have thought number to be the cause of all
things, and wonders in what way this could be true. He ultimately concludes

that mathematicals are not separable from sensibles and are not the first

principles.

Also Cf Al-Kindi's Metaphysics, a translation of Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-

Kindi's treatise "On First Philosophy", by Alfred L. Ivry, State University of
NY Press, Albany 1974. On p. 8 Ivry, paraphrasing Al-Kindi, tells us that
knowledge of things is dependent upon knowledge of their causes and the
ultimate cause of all is the "True One". The knowledge of this is First

Philosophy. The Fourth Chapter of the First Part contains his arguments
regarding number. Ivry points out that, while Al-Kindi seems familiar with
some kind of arithmetical theory such as Nichomachus', he does not agree with
Nichomachus that the monad and the dyad are eternal beings. Whether he also

denies the Neoplatonic doctrine of an unbroken chain of being which permits

a mystic "ascensio" to unity with the One ( or merely inspiration from the One)
Astrology. Through this [study], indeed, we know and understand
1
creatures beyond passion, unalterable and immutable, in another
2
essence since they are supercelestial bodies. And through these
creatures we are able to draw near to an understanding of the Creator,
and to know howsoever much more the human mind is able to attain,
and to perceive Him to be beyond passion and unalterable. And because
the aforesaid bodies are from perfect and most noble being, which in no
way denies this, their forms are most noble and perfected, indeed
spherical, in which a beginning is not discovered nor a middle (the
3
center being excluded) nor an end. And therefore their operations are
most noble and perfect; more so than the other operations of all the
4
magisteries which are in this world, although the magistery of

is a debated point.

Such Neoplatonic Doctrines received considerable attention from Averroes

(1126-1198) and were extant in Spain during the 12th century. Averroes'
doctrines were powerfully influential in Medieval European Christendom and
Medieval Jewry and a major means by which esoteric Neoplatonism was
perpetuated. See Will Durant's The Age of Faith, New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1950, pp. 335-338 for a discussion of Averroes life and teachings.
Also, Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. Michael Scot translated
Averroes' De Caelo et Mundo, and Averroes' Commentary on Aristotle's De

'
This is 'passion' in the original sense meaning 'acted upon' the opposite
of 'action', not 'passion' denoting emotion. [RH]
2
We may well ask why Bonatti uses the term "supercelestials" to describe
the celestial bodies. In some cases he seems to refer to the intelligences or
daimones behind the bodies of the planets, etc. We may have an Hermetic sub
text here.
3
A line has a middle. A line formed into a circle has no middle beyond
that of the center point of the circle, which does not lie upon the line and
therefore does not count. [RH]
4
magisteriorum, i.e., natural causes. The word here is used in its Medieval
sense, not in its Classical sense, as a superintendent or office of director. In the
medieval sense the term has alchemical overtones, i.e., a master principle of
nature or philosophers' stone. Bonatti, however, is playing with language here
because his next usage of magisterium (magisterium medicorum, the magistery
n] the physician) may be best translated "the office of the physicians." Finally,
he follows this usage with a third which must be taken in both the classical
sense and in the medieval sense as "superintendent" and "a master principle of

2
physicians may be concerned with noble things (certainly more noble
than the magisteries of the terrestrial world); nevertheless the
magisteries of the stars and their works are the most noble and exceed
all other operations. The cause, being perfect, induces perfect effects.
1

The physician concerns himself with inferior bodies and those that are

susceptible to corruption and alteration, and the like. But the astrologer
concerns himself with the operations of the supercelestial bodies, which
2
are neither corrupted nor changed. In fact these bodies act on the
inferior bodies, which are corruptible, with which the physician
concerns himself. But in those [supercelestial bodiesl there is nothing
corporeal which acts, they neither suffer nor will they suffer until the
day which God has willed; concerning which it has been said that

nature" when he refers to the magistcry of the stars. It is in nuances such as this

sub text is Hermetic. He comes dangerously close to revering the supercelcstials

and Ms classical nuance in magisterii astrorum or magistery of the stars can
also be read as superintendents (i.e., rulers, Archons) or the stars, that is, astral

They are inferior because they are composed of the elements which exist

"under the sphere of the moon," not in the superior heavenly world, but in this

physical world.
2
Bonatti's reference to the "supercelestials" as "creatures beyond passion,
unalterable, etc." is in conformity with the idea that the celestial bodies, being
composed of the most perfect substance, ether or the quintessence, were not
subject to alteration and decay as were sublunary bodies which were composed
of the four elements, fire, earth, air and water. Aristotle elaborates on this idea
in his De Generatione et Corruption, Physica, and De Caelo. For De Caeh,
see that work translated by J. L. Stocks in The Works of Aristotle, edited by W.
D. Ross, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1922. Cf. for example, Book I, Chapter III.

That the Fifth Essence is not subject to alteration and decay.

Whereas the Hermetic Tradition considered the celestial bodies to be
divine, most medieval Aristotelians did not. [However Aristotle may have
considered them divine. See page 4, note 4.] They held a more scientific and
philosophical attitude which viewed the celestial spheres but especially the Sun
and Moon be the agents whereby alteration and the other kinds of motion
to

were effected. This point of view could be (and was) viewed as complementary
to the more rcligi 1
"

3
"Neither angels, nor the Son but only the Father. . because all

inferior, elemental bodies are composed of the four elements, which are
corruptible; and that this is true no one has any doubt. But the celestial

bodies are composed from another essence, which is different from

2
those four elements, namely the fifth essence, which is incorruptible
and does not suffer. For if the (celestial bodies] were from these four
elements, they would suffer and alteration would occur to them and
doubtless [also] increase and decrease, just as happens to those inferior,
corruptible bodies. And therefore this has been said, that the super-
celestial bodies are from the fifth essence or matter. And those bodies
are moved by a natural motion, as has been seen by certain men, and
it has [also] been seen by certain men that they are moved by a
3
voluntary motion because they are mobile and not mutable by
changeable, alternating motion, and they are lucid and round, indeed
spherical, and this form is the most noble before all others. And the
mutations, alterations, and conversions happen by the motion of the
4
stars, enveloping, moving, and corrupting the elements from their
5
boundaries, as has been said, a ceaseless revolution which is not

1
Matthew 24:36
2
quinta essentia. See page 3 note 2 above.
3
Voluntary motion implies that the stars are living conscious creatures for
Bonatti or, at least, for "certain men." [Additional by RH] See our appendix to
Book I of the Tetrabiblos, the fragment from the Planetary Hypotheses.
4
The celestial sphere envelopes the elemental sphere of fire, fire envelopes
air, air envelopes water, water envelopes earth as he points out at the end of

The doctrine that mutation and alteration in inferior things are brought
about by celestial motion is set forth in Aristotle's Oe Caelo, Physica, De
Generatione et Corruptions and Metaphysica. In regards to the last, see
Metaphysica, op. cit., Book Lambda, 8, section 1074 a, line 30 ". . . the end of

place in the universe and its own proper motion. Ether is located in the
superlunary sphere where all of the bodies are eternal and unchanging. Ether in
turn surrounds and encompasses the sublunary sphere in which the lower four
elements are arranged in concentric spheres with fire as the uppermost, then air,

water and earth. When any one of the elements is disturbed from its proper
place il seeks by its proper motion to return to its proper place. The proper
motion of the ether is to move in circles, and that of fire to rise in a straight

4
finished, nor will it ever be except as it has been said above. It has been
said philosophically that the terrestrial motion is joined to the celestial
world; however, it ought to be understood metaphorically, not
absolutely, and therefore there occur in this corruptible world mutations
and alterations and corruptions. Because solidity reaches to the elements

and that surrounds fire, and certainly the fire surrounds the air, and the
air the water, and the manifest earth and water the earth; and thereby
the corruptions of the elements and of individual elements happen.

That the Stars Imprint [Their Influences] on Inferior Bodies and

that the Mutations Which Happen in This World Happen by the
Motion of the Stars.
Chapter II.

First Principles ought not to be proven, but supposed, because to the

One Principle which is before all things, all principles other than the

first are reduced. Indeed, I do not believe that anyone doubts but that
the motion of the surrounding heavens changes the elements, namely
fire and and that these two change the other elements, water and
air;

earth, and all animals and vegetables and other living things which have
existence under the sphere of the moon and exist in these, and all things
sustaining chance or alteration.
1
[This is] because the Sun and air

operate on all terrene individuals, which is evident, and also on all the
parts of individuals, and because alteration does not happen to the earth
2
except from the mutation of the Sun through the signs, that is the four

line.It is the same with air which rises in a straight line until it
reaches just

below fire. Earth sinks in a straight line to the center of the

universe as does

water to the sphere just above that of earth. [RH]

This is based on Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos, Book I, Chapter 2. [RH]
'

2
Cf. Aristotle's De Caelo, see that work translated by J.
L. Stocks in The

Works of Aristotle, edited by W. D. Ross, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1922. The

sky's role in heating inferiors is discussed in Book II, Section 7. The sky's,

Sun's and the seasons' roles in producing alteration in sublunary bodies by

heating the elements thus producing alterations in them through altering the
proportion of Hot, Cold, Wet and Dry in them, is discussed in De Generation
et Corruptione, especially book II. 336a.

5
times of the year which are spring, summer, autumn, and winter. This
appears manifestly in the fruits and foliage of the trees and even in

animals, which are joined together in other times of the year, and are
moved to the generation of their species, but much more in the spring

than in the other times of the year; fig trees and shrubbery and indeed,
if it is present, the fruit of vegetables is manifested. And indeed we see
that from the diurnal rotation [of the heavens] the earth grows warm, is

made cool, dry, and moist. And we see also likewise in certain times of

the year an excess of waters and other mutations which happen on

account of the circular revolution of the acting heaven, and thereby
occur alterations of all things placed on earth, and especially in the
waxing and waning of the Moon's light, because she is closer to the
earth than the other stars and her impressions are felt more. [It happens]
in the same way, from the heat of the Sun, which is felt more than all
others, although, by chance, the other planets sometimes increase his
efficacy; and sometimes they diminish it each according to its nature,
according as they are applied to him or him to them. But the
impressions of the other stars are not felt in this way, but their effects

appear for a longer time. The effects of the Sun appear manifestly in
the branches and foliage and the fruits of trees and herbs, and even in

those things which are disseminated and planted, more manifestly than
in other things because, although they work [in other things], they are
not able to appear so manifestly to the ordinary man. They are known
however to the man experienced in the sciences. But the other stars act
with the planets through the mode of motion and generation.

In What Way the Science of the Judgments of the Stars is

Discovered and How It Is that It Is Able to be Excused.

Chapter III.

Concerning this science, it is certain that we are able to know not only
the understanding of present things but also the recollection of things
having already occurred and the foreseeing of the future, both for the
individual and for the two parts of the universe. Indeed by means of the
subjects of this science, their effects and their utility arc known,
although by chance certain unseeing people may say that Astronomy is

nothing. It is certain that it is one of the 4 branches of mathematics,

namely the nobler [branch]; and if it is nobler, it has more noble effects
and its utility is greater just as is said in that which follows: because the

6
 1

subjects of the other mathematics are beneath the subject of

Astronomy. Indeed, the subject of Arithmetic is number, of Geometry
is measure, of Music consonance. As is said elsewhere, [these) are the
more noble because of their demonstrations. But the subject of
Astrology is the quality of motion of the supercelestial bodies. The
astrologer knows what kind of motions all the supercelestial bodies
have. If he knows the qualities of the motions, he knows what kind of
impressions they impress and what are the kinds of significances of
them and all the things which happen on the earth in accordance with
the natural order and in the other elements by the motions of the
2
supercelestial bodies, which it seems no one doubts unless he might
,

be by chance an idiot or a fool. And these things are known by the

astrologer for the aforesaid reason. Therefore everything which happens

at the present time and which has happened thus far and which will
happen in the future can be known by the astrologer, since he knows
the qualities of motion which were, which are, and afterwards will be,
in which times they will be, and what happens from these effects.

3
Against Those Who Say that the Science of the Stars Is not Able
to be Known by Anyone.
Chapter IV.

Those who say that this science ought to be held in low esteem [hold

that] although the astrologers discover some worthless things, they may

This is meant figuratively as relates to order of importance, and also

literally.
1
contemporary of Bonatti's, the Franciscan Roger Bacon (12147-1294)
A
bodies
wrote, in his Opus Tertium, "It is manifest to everyone that the celestial
are the causes of generation and corruption in all inferior things." See
Opus
Tertium, in Fr. Rogeri Bacon, Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, edited, by J.

S. Brewer, London, 1859, cap 30. p. 107. Can be found at Osier Library,

McGill University, Montreal, and the CCNY Library, NYC.

3
This phrase,"the science of the stars" is a direct translation of the Arabic.

In Albiruni Astrology is distinguished as 'ilm al-tanjim (the usual word for

astrology) and 'Urn ahkam al-nujum (literally, the science of the judgments of
the laws of the stars = judicial astrology), 'ilm = science, al-tanjim = of the

7
be condemned. Their first point is that the science of the stars is not

able to be known in whole. They say that the empyrean heaven is full

of stars and that it influences and imprints just as the other stars
influence (just as there are fools in tunics). And they say that the
astrologer does not make any mention concerning them. Therefore it
seems that the science of the stars may not be known in full. It seems

to me that it may be responded to them in one way, to wit: That they

do not prove that it is so, and thus their contradiction is nothing. But if

we would it may be so, it seems to

desire to grant, off the record, that
me that it may be able to be responded to them that, although their
objections may have appearance, they do not, however, have existence:
If the ninth heaven is full of stars, as they say, there is no motion in it,

as has been said.'

Besides, all of its parts are equally powerful, nor is one part able
more or less than another [to effect anything], and thus it is fitting that

equally and everywhere, with all its points, it influences or imprints

because all its regions and parts are co-equal and equally strong. Neither
2
do they differ in light nor in number nor in any virtue, nor may they
be moved from one place into another place, nor to a place [sic]. But
3
the parts of the other heavens differ in light, number, and virtue. For

'
For example, Aristotle Physica, op. cit. Book VIII, section 258a-259a. Cf.

The Sphere of Sacrobosco and its Commentators, by Lynn Thomdike, Chicago

University Press, 1949, p. 1 19.
2
Light was believed to be the means by which astrological influence was
able to reach earth from the heavens. This doctrine has antiquity originating
with the Greeks of the Hellenistic Age at least. Rays of light were also thought
to account for magical effects. Cf. Alkindi's De Radiis which shows that the
science of optics was intimately related to Magic in the Arabs' minds and in the
i ii s Arabic work has been lost, I believe, but we
have a Latin translation of it entitled, De Radiis Stellacis. De Radiis has been
published in the Archives d'histoire doctrinale du Moyen Age, vol 41 , 1974 and
edited by M. T. D'Alvemy and F. Hudry. The Latin in turn has been translated
into English by your translator and it is Volume I of the Latin track of Project
Hindsight. This Light Metaphysics shows up in Roger Bacon's writings and in

those of Kepler (De certioribus fundamentis astrologiae) as well as in Placidus'

Primum Mobile.
3
The idea here is the ninth sphere, the primum mobile, has no
differentiation of light (in fact no physical light at all) and rums at a constant
speed. Therefore its effects are uniform and invariant. For this reason it can be

8
 ;

the greater virtue of whatever [cause] is gathered in different places.

The splendor or the light of whatever one of the seven planets has been
collected into one body' sensibly. But the light or splendor of the 8th
heaven has been scattered in diverse places or assigned by the First
Cause to sensible bodies in diverse parts of it for the purpose of diverse
operations, and thus they are able to imprint many and diverse
significations accordingly as the First Artifex constituted them from
2
their formation. Identity is preserved in the impressions of the 9th
heaven, but identity is not preserved in the impression of the other
heavens, rather diversity (just as I will tell you) in time and place, and
without them generation occur. The
impressions of the sensible heavens are perceived acco:
diversity. And if one were ti tluence which
y are not able

and differently. Nor can the

unless by the mediating serisible heaven, the impressions of which are
manifest. The impressions of the 9th heaven are occult bei
not able to be manifest unless they are diversified; just is when wind
or water enters a narrow and restricted channel, it bi

powerful, andits virtue is n tore apparent and is felt more: and as water ;

which runs through a mill canal operates more strongly

powerful than that which runs through the wideness and spaciousness

of a river bed. Just as the light or splendor of the Moon when it should
shine through some narrow opening, if it should find a horse having a
cramp 3 in its back, and should strike the cramp totally, from this the

horse dies thereby. But if the horse should stand completely in the
splendor of the Moon's light, so that it is totally gazed at by the Moon,
and should be completely covered by its splendor, the Moon will not

harm the horse either in the place of its cramp or in any other part of
it, nor will the horse be hurt by this, as the physicians testify.

ignored as a factor in astrology. The other spheres either have stars (the eighth)
or planets which have localized light and motions that can be taken into
consideration and treated of astrologically. [RH]
1
i.e., that of the planet itself.
2
identity = uniformity. [RH]
Niermeyer's Mediae Latinitatis Lexicon Minus, Fasc. 1-6 Ab-
3
ficta.

loquitatis, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976, gives "stitch in the side" or "cramp."

9
 Besides they can be opposed in this manner, that there are none
who condemn astrology now except certain men who call themselves
Theologians (since they are such as they are). These say that the

Astrologers do not know the whole of Astronomy, and since they do not
know it in toto, they are not able (according to them) to judge nor
predict anything regarding the future, since the stars are as it were
1
innumerable, and the Astrologers only make mention of 1022 of them,
aside from the planets.
To which it may be responded that although the astrologer does not
mention all the stars, because it would be extremely prolix, nevertheless

he uses them all because he uses the twelve signs, under which almost
2
all the stars are comprehended. And it can be said to them that indeed
3
they do not know the whole of theology, but still they preach the whole
day long. If they preach knowing only a the more is little theology, all

the astrologer able to judge by knowing much

Nor indeed is astrology.
so little able to be known concerning astronomy; but however much it
is which is known, it is still more than can be known about theology.

Indeed the First Cause is greater with respect to the heaven than the
heaven is to a mustard seed. And the astrologer knows more concerning
heaven than a mustard seed. Those theologians do not know as much
with respect to God as a mustard seed. Therefore it stands that the
astrologers know more concerning astronomy than the theologians do
concerning theology, and are therefore much more able to judge than
the theologians are to preach.

'
Cf. Ptolemy, Almagest, Book VIII, Chapter 1, page 258 ed.cit. where the
total number of fixed stars catalogued is said to be 1022. Unfortunately this
cannot be taken as proof that Bonatli knew the Almagest, since Al-Biruni, who
Bonatti cites as a source, mentions the same number of stars in his Tafhim. This
is the Arabic short tide of the book and I will henceforth refer to Al-Biruni's

astrological work as the Tafhim. See, The Book of Instruction in the Elements

of Astrology, translated R. Ramsay Wright, London: Luzac and Co. 1934,

paragraph 162, p. 76.
2
This of course ignores the sidereal-tropical issue. If the zodiac N tropica!

then the stars are not in fact accounted for. This kind of confusion about
sidereal versus tropical is characteristic of much of the astrology of ancient and
medieval times. [RH]
3
Bonatti plays on the word prcedico, which means 'to mention iv-torc

hand' or 'predict' and also 'to preach' or 'admonish'.

10
 Indeed, the astrologers know as much concerning astronomy as the
starsand the sensible heavens are able to imprint and to signify.
However, concerning that empyrean heaven or the unmanifest' heaven,
[there is] nothing [of signification] for the astrologer and nothing for
judgment, nor for the motion of the stars, nor for those things which
2
come to pass from them. For that heaven, just as it is immovable and

immutable, so it also not active, because stars do not act on these

corruptible, inferior bodies in this world because they are stars, or on
this world because they are supercelestial, but on this world because
they have motion and because they are moved.

Against Those Who Say That the Stars Do Not Have Anything to
Signify Concerning Generation and Corruption nor Anything
Which Happens Concerning These Things on This Side of the

Chapter V.

Another occasion is when those who have said that the planets or other
stars do not have anything to signify concerning generation nor

corruption, nor anything which occurs on account of these things below

the sphere of the Moon. To those it is answered that all the wise are in

accord on this issue, that inferiors are ruled by superiors. Not that the
stars rule men, or horses or ships, or chariots, or other corruptible
instruments in the manner by which men who are corruptible rule those
things (for it does not come that the effect is in concord with the dignity
3
of its cause), but they rule them by moving and corrupting the elements

and by converting them, and generation and corruption occur from these
latter. And they make individual things from the elements which are

corrupted. Finally, the individual things are corrupted and return to the
elements, as they say.

literally, "insensible heaven."

2
De Mo autem celo empireo sive insensibili nichil ad astrologum e! nichil

ad iudicia nec ad motus stellarum nec ad ea que concidunt ex ipsis.

4, note 4. Cf. especially De Caelo, Book II, section 389a,
3
See above page
lines 10-35, and De Generation et Corruption, Book II. Here, in this chapter,
we have the most succinct explanation that one could hope for of how the

Medieval mind explained astrological influence.

 Against Those Who Say that The Planets Have Signification
Concerning Universal Things Only.
Chapter VI.

Another occasion is that of which those who say that the planets have
signification of universal situations only and not of particulars. To these
it ought to be responded that every individual thing from the elements
is constructed from the four elements, and the elements constitute that
thing. Nor would they be able to constitute that thing unless they were
corrupted by the planets, the other stars not excluded, by the continual
and relentless revolution of the stars moving around the elements.
Because if the planets were to signify universal species, as they say, and
if it were true, it would be fitting that they should signify individual
species and not only individuals, but the parts of individuals, such as
hands, feet, head, and the like. And indeed, the planets make individuals
grow, be increased, grow old, and become ill, and the like by the
corruption and conversion of the elements, and again to be corrupted
and to return to the elements.

Against Those Who Say that the Stars Signify Only Two Things:
The Necessary and the Impossible, but not the Possible.
1
Chapter VII.

Another occasion is when certain men say that the stars signify only
two things: necessary things and impossible things, but not possible
things; the necessary, such as that fire is hot, the impossible, such as
that a horse flies, but not the possible, such as that a man be moved or

'
This chapter builds on ideas ultimately derived from Aristotle's Prior
Analytics, On Interpretation, and Categories. As these works were not known
to the Europeans in the early Middle Ages, we should rather look to Porphyry's

(3rd cent.) Isagoge. Knowledge of Greek Science and Philosophy was

dominated by the Neoplatonic Tradition (especially, it seems, of the Syrian
School). It was through Porphyry's (3rd cent.) Isagogue, an introduction to

Aristotle's logic, that the Philosopher's ideas were known in the early period. Cf.

P,:,f>h\rx the Phoenician: Isagogue, with translation, introduction and notes by

Edward W. Warren, Toronto: The Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1975,
esp. the introduction.

12
 To them it is able to be answered in this way: Clearly, there are
certain necessary things and there are certain impossible things. Indeed,
certain things are necessary, such as that heaven is turned by its own
nature; and certain things are impossible, as that fire may be cold by its

own may be hot

nature. Again, certain things are possible, as that water
by accident and not by its own nature. And it is possible for a man to
speak by his own nature, and to speak now, and that he may have
spoken hitherto and that he may speak in the future; but although he
may have spoken in two times, then and now, it is not necessary that
he speak in the future. What is necessary or natural of any species is
characteristic of any individual whatever of that species, such as to fly,

because this, to be able to fly, is found in every individual of that

species. What is possible for the species is possible for any individual
of the species. Whence it appears that [while] it is possible, it is

certainly not necessary that a man swims, nor is it impossible that a

man swims. Whereby we see that [while] certain men swim, others do
not. And it is possible that this man, when he is born, is king, and it is
possible that this same man is not king. If, however, he were not the
king, it would be impossible for him to be the king. However, between

the necessary and the impossible, the middle is the possible; and
between the necessary and the possible, there is judgment. Therefore,
it is possible and the judgments of the stars are true and useful because
2

they are natural, whereby they are not causes by accident but from that
which is natural to them. Whence judgments ought not to be reputed as
worthless as the blind say. And so they have spoken evilly who have
said that it is not possible because we see manifestly that it is! And so
are the works of the stars and the judgments of them.
Indeed it is necessary that when it rains, there is some cloud, and

it is impossible that when there is no cloud, it may rain noticeably, but

it is not necessary that every time there is a cloud, it will rain; nor is it

impossible that any cloud at all can give forth rain. It is possible that

Alia occasion est quorundam qui dixerunt quia significant tantum duo
nn t:\xiuium sail hil,

ce calidum, et impossible sicut equum volar. Possibile vero non ut hominem

moveri vel scribere.
2
"It" refers to the judgment of the significance of astral influence, which
was what the chapter head asserted was not possible, remember?

13
from that cloud there may be rain, but it is possible that from that cloud
there may not be rain. Therefore [rain] is a possible' [kind of event] and
so are the judgments of the stars, because by the motions and
dispositions of the supercelestial bodies, and by the variations of the air,

you are able to know from what cloud there ought to be rain
accordingly, as it is said in the tractate concerning the mutation of the

Likewise when someone has an edible thing in his mouth, it is

possible that he may eat it and swallow it; and it is possible that he may
not eat it or swallow it; and the possible has regard to both, namely to

the necessary and to the impossible, because, if it is possible to eat it,

and if he should eat it, the possible has been made necessary, from
which it comes to pass into action, and possibility is born away from it;

3
and it has been effected, and accepts the definition of necessity.
Similarly, although it may be possible, if it does not pass into act,

it is impossible, and it arrives at the definition of an impossible thing,

and possibility is born off from it. And so the stars and the elements
have to signify possible things, and not only necessary and impossible
things. It is fitting that the astrologer know the truth to predict the

1
As opposed to a necessary event. [RH]
2
The Tenth Tractate of this work.
3
This seemingly obscure passage employs scholastic terminology. The
'possible' is not exactly what we would mean by the word. The following
definition appears to be the relevant one. ". . . that which is but can be other
than it is; in this sense synonymous with contingent, and opposed to necewurv
(Roy J. Deferrari, A Latin-English Dictionary of St. Thomas Aquinas, Boston,
St. Paul Press, 1960) This passage challenges the idea that astrology only can
tell what must be, the necessary, what cannot be, the impossible, but cannot

circumstances upon which they are contingent have come to pass. According
to these opponents, given alternative possible events (in the modem sense of the
word) astrology cannot predict other events which might arise from any of
these, until one of them has happened, i.e., become actual.
4
This entire chapter is framed in terms of Aristotelian logic by Bonatti
haw Hi opponents were Scholastics. During Bonatti's day, the Dominican
diviplc* of Aquinas !)225?.|274i were promulgating their master's fusion of
Aristotelian Philosophy with Catholic Doctrine. This fusion (Thomism), along
with other works by Aquinas, such as Summa contra Gentiles, was used to

14
Against Those Who Contradict the Judgments of Astronomy and
Who Condemn It, Not Knowing Its Dignity, because It Is not
Lucrative.
Chapter VHI.

Another occasion is of those who say that there is no value in the

judgments of astronomy because they do not see monetary advantage.
They think to determine if there is any such advantage and how and
when. [Seeing there is nonej, they say this science is nothing. It seems
to me that we ought to answer them thus: That they do not care for the
grain but only for the chaff. Indeed science is with respect to money as

grain is to chaff. Those who say that wealth of money ought to be

preferred to the science of Judicial Astronomy seem to show that among

themselves nothing is considered so noble as the accumulation of

money, which can be easily lost. And they say that he who abounds in

riches lacks nothing. If he is not wise, it doesn't harm him. They say
that stupidity suffers wealth and the rich fool does not need science, not
considering their own errors and not knowing that their false probations
are really void.
Every situation which is subjected to examination is proved by
something similar. Just as science is proved by science and substance
by substance, I most frequently see that the vulgar do not commend
anything except the accumulation of money; nor is it to be marveled at,
because they see occasionally that there are some wise men, both those
who are religious as well as others, who believe in astronomy and
medicine as well as in other sciences, pay attention to those whose
opinions, if well enough considered, it seems to me, could be upset.
Science is money, and money is most vile
most noble with respect to

with respect to science. Money may be given to wise men, fools, the
indolent, upright, lowly, and weak, and also to those reputed worthless.

convert the Moslems, Jews, and such recalcitrant marginal Christians as were
handy, among them Averroists and Astrologers.
Bonatti's Liber Astronomic* was written sometime after Thomas' death, and
thus in the heat of a rising Thomism. To have any chance of being taken
seriously, he has to show himself as a competent Aristotelian. While his

argumentation may seem puerile to us, we should keep in mind that he was
confronting a real contemporary opposition on its own terms. If we, as

Astrologers, want the Art taken seriously today, we must do likewise.

15
Thus money is as it were worthless, nor would any vile or foolish man
having such a wealth of money be said to be anything other than one
who guards the money for someone else. Money is not given to him on
account of his strength, for we see certain strong men who lack money
and certain others who abound in money. Why this is, is dealt with
below in the matter about judgment or, perhaps, in the Tractate on
Nativities.'

There is nothing that is able to render a man famous without higher

2
support save wisdom. Magnanimity is not able completely to ennoble
a man without money, because the magnanimous man is not completely
able to show his magnanimity unless he may have that which he gives
to others. The wealthy man, without magnanimity and the will to do

good, is not able to show his wealth because his heart will not permit
him to do good. Thus his money is buried treasure. But Science is the
only thing which is able to ennoble man without higher support. And
3
thus science is valued before all other possessions and, if he is praised
by no other cause, a man is praised on account of science because he
is able to be deprived of all other possessions before science. Science
is not chosen by anyone on account of strength, nor because of
weakness, nor on account of [one's] nation, nor on account of riches,
though riches can be chosen for themselves. Nevertheless, the true wise
man cares not for these temporal things, which are able to be taken
away from him because they are subject to corruption. Thus, the wise
man does not care for these things, because he is not praised on account
of wisdom, intellect, discretion, and the cognition of things that make
a man worthy in nobility. Man is more worthy than the other animals
and this only happens because of wisdom, philosophy, and the
understanding of those matters" which are not understood by the other
5
animals, and through the instruments of reason and reasonableness
which are in man; and this is wisdom and the recognition of things; and

This is a purely astrological argument that one has (or lacks) money not
because of any virtue or vice of one's own, but by virtue of one's horoscope.
2
lit. greatness of soul.
3
accidentibus. This means possessions in the abstract sense. [RH]
4
It is what we have in our understanding and memory and not on our
bookshelves or computer disks which ennobles us.
5
ratio. This word, like the Greek logos implies both logic and the ability

16
it consists more in the cognition of those things which have been, are,
and will be. And science is an accident
1
such that, the more it is

increased in man, the more it removes him from the other animals; and
on account of this, which is the soul of science, he is made more
worthy and more noble than they, as also by discretion and by the
cognition of things which have been, which are, and which will be. The
less wisdom there is in him, the more he is removed from
reasonableness and the more akin he becomes to the brutes. And he
may more worthy and noble than the other animals, unless by
not be
wisdom and philosophy, and that cannot happen to him except by
philosophy; and that cannot happen to him because of the accumulation
2
of wealth; but because of the accumulation of wealth, he is able to live
easily. However, this is not to live, not to live truly, wherefore Seneca,
"Death is sooner without letters and I lived in a human funeral."
Whence if a man were would no more be dignified than
not wise, he
the other animals, because all animals participate with him in other
things except in wisdom. They all live, eat, some drink, and some drink
and eat, they generate, are born, grow, increase, diminish, grow old, and
die just like men. Thus, through wisdom, cognition, and intellect, man
has been made more worthy than all the other animals. And if that

which makes a man worthy in nobility is wisdom, it is fitting that the

wisdom 3 which is nobler and more worthy and higher will make a man
more noble and worthy and higher and more intelligent; and that is the
science of the future, which cannot be known except by the science of

the stars. Therefore the science of the stars is nobler than the other
sciences excepting the First Philosophy; nor however is that able to be

known nor to be had perfectly unless by the science of the stars.

1
tale accidens. This is the philosophical use of the word 'accident'

denoting a circumstance or surrounding set of events that is not of the essence

of a thing. The ability to know may be an essential trait of human beings

(sometimes at least), but an actual body of knowledge or scientia is an

accidens. [RH]
2
substantia;.
3
such as Astronomy or Astrology.

17
 Against Those Who Have Said that the Science of the Stars Is
not Useful but rather Damned because It Induces Sorrow and
Anxiety in Those Who Foresee the Future, whence They Suffer
from the Causes before the Impediment Happens to Them.
Chapter IX.

Another occasion is of those who say that the judgments of the stars are
of no value, nor is there any use in them, but rather they are damned,
even though this science is true and its judgments are true, still it is

ratherdamned than useful. This is because if any grave thing which will

occur to someone is foreseen in advance, it sends fear and sorrow

before the time of grief up until the evil thing happens to him.
Afterwards it is not at all fitting that he may be sorry or lament or
grieve. Nor may the astrologer be able to avert that grave thing which
is going to happen according to the stars; and even if he were to be able
to avert it, he could not lessen the anger and anxiety which it manifests
in him to whom the evil event is to happen up until the hour of its

happening.
To such as these we may respond in the familiar way: Namely that

they do not know what they are saying, for it seems they ignore
whatever dignity there is and what great utility there is of this wisdom,
because if they knew they would not speak thus. If, indeed, a particular
man were threatened by some evil thing which was going to happen
according to the stars, and he foresees this, he will see what kind of evil
it is and of what species it is and he will oppose himself to it. Indeed
1
Ptolemy affirms in his Centiloquy that the best astrologer will avert

many evils which will come about according to the stars. Further
occurrences, indeed, are either universal or particular - i.e. universal:

such as winter, summer, heat, cold; and distemperences of the air, such

abundance of earthbom things, and the like. From these universals,

certain things are known by known not
the wise, and certain things are
only by the wise but even by the common man. The wise know them
through their endeavors, namely through this science of the stars.

The Liber Fructus or Book of Fruit or Centiloquium was formerly

attributed to Ptolemy. Richard Lemay believes it the product of the early 10th

century abu Ja'far Ahmet ibn Yuscf ibn Ibrahim. The Centiloquium was
translated into Latin in 1 136 by Plato of Tivoli.

18
Laymen and others not experienced in this art know by means of
experiences' that certain things will be, and they have seen them in their
times, and they have heard from others of great age who saw them in
their times. Indeed they saw, in the regions in which the horizon is

turned back to the north, that it grows colder when Gemini is entered
2
and that it lasts until it enters Virgo, although the time may vary more
or less in other places. Whence in the summer when they notice the
heat, they say that in such-and-such a time snow; it will be cold; it will
Then they secure themselves with
there will be rain, winds, and the like.
grain, wine, wood, garments, and other necessities by which they are
able to fend off adversity in those times. They who do not have houses
strive to build them so that they may escape the rain, snow, and other

adverse events which, if they should not have seen them in advance,
they would not have secured the aforesaid necessities; and thus it could
be the cause of their annihilation. Therefore the statement stands that
the foreknowledge of the future has value.
Similarly, they know by the aforesaid experiences what time to
plant so that they may reap in the future, whereby they can lead their
lives according to diverse species of diverse affairs. Indeed they plant
trees in those limes in which they were used to seeing that they lived

according to different types of crops. Nor did they sow or plant any
kind of seed or crop at all times of the year equally, nor in every region
at the same time of the year.
Some things are planted or inseminated at one time more than
another; in one way in Spain, in another in England, in another in
Lombardy, in still another in Rumania, in yet another in Apuleia,
another in Asia, another in Ethiopia, in another in the Alps, in still

another in the plains, in another way in winter or summer; at whatever

time is convenient for them and in which it is hoped that there will be

utility from them. And according to diverse regions, and diverse

situations of place, the experts foresee all these things so that they are
very rarely wrong. Therefore the foreknowledge of the future is useful.

experimenla.
2
This seems to refer to the Full Moon is in Gemini. This, of course, would
put the Sun in Sagittarius (beginning around Nov. 23). When the Full Moon is

in Virgo, the Sun is in Pisces (beginning around Feb. 19). The weather could
begin to get cold in Italy around the end of November and begin to warm up
around the end of February.

19
 But when some of those tunic-wearing fools rose up, there was one
fool of these who said that these things do not come to pass from the
impressions of the planets; whence one must not dispute with them,
because they do not consider that any region or site within a region
grows warm by the nearness of the Sun and cold by the removal of the
Sun from it. And on account of the excessively near proximity of the
Sun, a region dries up, and on account of the excessive remoteness [of
the Sun], it becomes cold; whence they know that a particular seed or
a particular crop ought not to be planted nor sown because of excessive
heat or cold; and they use these things because they know in advance
that these things will come about thus. This they have seen by long
experience and they have used these things. If they were not to know
the times to do these things, they would lose their money and their

Certain universal things which happen commonly to any climate

and region are able to be avoided and certain ones are not. However,
the effects of these are able in some way to be so lessened or changed
that there is utility in them for those who foresee them.
It is not possible to know all things but by this science. However,
certain of these are able to be known by the experience of medicine, as
when Hippocrates says in his Aphorisms: "Those things, indeed, which
are known by astrologers are not able to be foreknown by the common
man." There are many of these: pestilence, hunger, sterility, penury,
1

infirmity, mortality (as much of rational men as of beasts), rain, snow,

hail, cold, and excessive heat, and so forth. Against these the astrologer
who foreknows is able to guard himself. Thus the foreknowledge of
future things is useful and not damned. Unknown evil is not avoided.

Known evil, however, if foreseen in advance, especially far in advance,

can be avoided If. indeed, someone foresees that grain will be
expensive, he is able to purchase it for himsell while :i is inexpensive
and to save it to such time as it will be profitable for him. The same
holds true of wine, oil, and other things. If he foresees that there will

be mortality in some region or in some climate, he will be able to

remove himself and go out from that region to another in which there
will be no threat of the plague in that year. If he foresees that there will

be sickness in a particular region, he will be able to oppose himself to

'
The attribution of this aphorism to Hippocrates is disputed.

20
the cause threatening that sickness, or to repair to another region so that
he may wait safely; and thus the foreknowledge of that thing is the
cause of health of the one foreseeing that danger and the evasion of it.

Similarly if any one should foresee that there was going to be rain,
he would be able to flee to his house before it began and get to places
in which the rain would not be able to drench him. Likewise if someone
should be sailing on the sea and should see that there was going to be
wind or other tempest, he would be able, before it began, to repair to
which he would be secure, lest he should suffer shipwreck, or
a port in

he would be able to refrain from setting out at all until the time of
doubt should pass. Similarly if a question concerning a sick person
should be made, or if the astrologer should know the beginning of the
illness, he would be able to know in advance whether the ill person will
be able to escape from the illness or perish. If he were to foresee that
he was going to die, he would be able to predict death to him. And
should, perchance, the sick person not believe that he would die, he
would do penance and confess his sins. And Jesus Christ our Lord will
provide for him in the life to come, that is in the insensible life. He will
be able to make a will, set his house and his things in order, and make
arrangements with his creditors and debtors. If he were not able to do
this, there might be danger to his survivors and those who ought to
inherit his goods, and those whom he did not want to get his goods
might and those whom he wanted to get them would not; thus he can
be blasphemed and hated after death. For a man at some time esteems
one of his heirs more than another; at some time an heir who is male
more than one who is female; at some time a natural child as much as
a legitimate child.
Likewise, he who enters upon the sea, if an astrologer had not
predicted for him, a future tempest might be the cause of danger; thus
it is good and useful know the future and evil, and damned to ignore
to
it. Therefore, these and many other causes are able to be assigned,
because it is most useful to know the future of things in advance.
Likewise, it is extremely useful to be able to know the future of
certain particular things. So that if the nativity of anyone is known or
1

2
he has either a universal or particular question about something which

i.e., the birth chart or natal figure.

2
That is, an horary figure used as a natal in lieu of such when no reliable
birth data exists. This was a technique of Abu Ma'shar s.

21
he wishes to know, you or some other astrologer will be able to see
what will occur to him regarding that thing. Wherefore, if injury is

threatened to him, he will be able to escape it. If wealth is promised, he

will be able to receive it, and that will be useful to him. And if you
may see in any of his annual revolutions' that some danger threatens
him, he will be able to escape, so that you will be to predict, if it is an
illness, the cause of the illness, and so that he oppose himself to it and
convert his nature to the contrary cause. [You will also see] what kind
of illness will occur, and whence if infirmity will come to pass, or not

approach him; or if it does, it will harm him less. Now if he had not
guarded himself against it, such an illness might have conquered him
and it might even be the cause of his death; or the illness might be
chronic and he might die in the end. If there is to be death, the
2
astrologer can predict his death to him in that year. Thus, the ill person
may order his affairs just as has been said. Nor is it possible that
anyone is seized by sudden death or unexpectedly without the ordering
of his affairs both spiritual and temporal. If there may be sickness or
death of a brother, or of sons, or of the father, or of the mother, he is

able to withstand these things on his own. If there may be death of

3
animals and he has animals, either of the greater kind or of the lesser
4
kind, he will be able to remove them before the beginning of the
plague and therefore not lose any of them. By these examples,
understand the significations of the various houses.
Likewise, should anyone ask, fearing lest his enemy may insult

him, you will be able to predict to him whether Ithe enemy] will attack
him, and [whether] he will be able to fortify himself with friends and
arms and the like, so that he may be able to expel the enemy. If he had
not guarded himself beforehand, he could have been killed or evilly

This refers to his solar returns or anniversary figures, from which the
events of the ensuing year are to be known.
2
Aside from what appears to be an example of Medieval advertising here,
we note that Bonatti is saying that the astrologer ought to be able to predict the
year of death from the revolution. It is perhaps noteworthy that he makes no
claims to month, day, or hour of death.
3
Cattle, horses, etc.
J
ChiLkcns. ducks, sheep, goats, etc.

22
treated by his enemy.' These and many other particular causes, which
can happen to men, are able to be assigned, which is useful to foreknow

and not at all damned, assome have desired to say. In the same way as
the experiences of the physicians, when they see at one time of the year
the corruption of the air by some change of it from one state of being
into another, they foresee, by the indication of some wind or much rain,
or some other occasion, that there will be a plague such as quartan
fever, sharp head pains, oppression of the hearing, inflammation of the
eyes, and the like; whence men are able to provide themselves with
pharmaceuticals, diet, and the aforesaid contrary causes for the purpose
2
of expelling these injurious accidents. If they did not guard against
these things beforehand, they would likely fall into sickness, the plague,
and similar things. Therefore, physicians and even common men,
because they have seen in their times that the heat increases in the
summer, expose themselves in the spring to the hot humors and they
draw them off with medicines purging them, lest the heat of summer
increase the sharpness of the hot humors, and lest this may be the cause
of a death by sickness. Thus the foreknowledge of the accidents of the
future is most useful. Because just as the experienced physician is able
to preserve the bodies of men from the aforementioned threatening

deaths, so the astrologer is able to avert many things that are going to
happen according to the significations of the stars, which, if they were
not known, would be the causes from which many harmful things would
accompany man. And thus it is manifestly apparent that the science of
the stars is most useful, and in no way harmful. Whence those who
desire to make themselves see the truth are able to know openly that,

just as the astrologer is able to foresee the accidents of the future, so he

is able to know and to say how their danger may be avoided.
The foreknowledge of future things is two ways: One is
useful in
certainly that since a man knows that some adverse thing will happen
to him, he is able either totally to vitiate it or effectively to diminish it

in part. But if it is a useful thing, which will make him to whom it will

Bonatti deals with this subject at length in Tractatus Sextus. It should also
be mentioned that, although Tractatus Sextus assumes that the Astrologer is a

military advisor to a Count (Bonatti served Count Guido Montefeltro as such),

the same rules can be used for modern urban life, which, due to its increasing
barbarity is more and more like the rough-and-tumble life of the Medieval city.

-
Again, this is the old use of the word. [RH]

23
occur rejoice, that one will be happy from the hour when he knows that
he will obtain the thing he strives for all the way until he has obtained
it. If he had not foreseen that he would obtain it, he would be sorry and
distressed and fatigued by it and he would make his friends fatigued

with it and expend his goods so that he would be able to obtain it until

the time should come for him to actually receive it.

But some object to this, that the foreknowledge of some things

causes sadness or lamentation after he shall have received the thing
because he may not hope for more after it is received. One must say to
him, because he is removed from the way of truth, that if, indeed, it
were true that after having received something which one desired,
sorrow overcame one, it would not be fitting that anyone should enjoy
delightful things because those very delightful things do not always last.
Man is not saddened after receiving them. Indeed, his mind is quieted
by them because that which he desired he has received. For if it were
always so that after he shall have received that which he desired he
would sorrow, nothing delightful ought to be enjoyed. Moreover a man
would not be glad in the embraces of a beautiful woman, nor in
1
conviviality, nor in objects of value, nor in beautiful clothes, nor in the
sound of music, nor in worthy things, nor in anything in which his
nature rejoices in which there ought to be gladness, because they do not
last forever. However, the perfection of joy is when the mind is quiet
and it is which it desired. Before a receiving there is
satisfied with that

no joy but the hope of the coming to completion of the desired thing.
Indeed, hope and joy are different, just as fear and sorrow are, because
hope and fear are potential, while sorrow and joy are concerned with
actual things.

Against Those Who Say That the Judgments of the Stars Are of
No Value, nor Elections, Saying that It Is Able to be So Elected

for an Enemy as for Him for Whom It Is Elected.

Chapter X.

Another occasion is of those who say that the judgments of the stars are
valueless, nor are the elections which the astrologers do according to

astronomy of any value. There is no wonder if they say this because

'
speciebus. 'Objects of value' according to Niermeyer. [RH]

24
they do not see the truth; and in a certain way what they say seems like
truth. It seems as though that this condemnation comprehends the others
and is superior to all the aforesaid things; neither does it seem, nor do
they think that it is possible for it to be contradicted nor resisted.
Certainly it seems that ifone thing is impossible, another is possible,
unless it is just as they say. Moreover they say that you elect the time
forone army, and you tell the querent that if he will go forth in such
and such an hour, and with such and such a sign ascending, he will
But if the adversary should move his army at that hour, under
prevail.
the same Ascendant, who will prevail? You can say to them that the
man who is stronger and who has the greater host [will prevail], but the
detractors say that both have equally large and equally strong armies
and equally able soldiers and infantry, who will prevail? You say that
he who leads his army more wisely [will prevail]. They say that the
both lead their armies equally wisely; who will prevail? You say the
leader of the army who was born at night. They say that both leaders
were born at night; who will prevail? You say that the army will prevail
who joins the battle first, and they say that both armies begin to engage
in battle at one and the same time; [therefore] who will prevail? And

you say that [it will be] he who shall move himself from the east and
go toward the west, or from the north and go towards the south, and
that the one who moves from the west toward the east or from the south
to the north will succumb. Then they will say certain impossible things,

namely that either army shall move from the east toward the west or
from the north toward the south; who will prevail? At this point you
must say to them that they are fools and you ought not to speak to them
and that it is impossible that two opposing and enemy armies will move
themselves from one place at one and the same time, but that in some
way there may be between them some orientality or occidentality or
northerliness or southerliness.But they are such fools and blasphemers
that have posited that both armies may move themselves from the east,

west, north, or south simultaneously, this does not seem possible and it
ought to be told them that they posit a thing unseen and unheard of, that

both opposing armies will hold their foot in one place when one [army]
will begin to go against the other. This is as impossible as for heaven
to fall. But tell them that it is posited that heaven will fall while the
stars will remain in the sky; and if the heaven should fall, would not the

earth be buried? If it is posited that asses may fly, the vulture does not
lose hispower of flight. However, lest they may say that you failed in

your response, you can reply to them in such a way that they will not

25
have anything further to ask, that you are cutting off all ways of asking,
condemning, and blaspheming; and that you are able to respond to them
that the one who is supported by the Part of Fortune will prevail and he
who will hold his back to the west or the parts more closely adjacent
to it, and he who holds his face to the east or his back to the south or

the parts more closely adjacent to it; and he with his face to the north

will succumb. And he who will hold his back to the east or the parts
more closely adjacent to it and his face to the west, or his back to the

north and his face toward the south or the parts adjacent to it will

prevail. And ways of the blasphemers and maledictors have

thus all the

been cut off and removed. If it were said again that the Part of Fortune
will support him who will hold his back toward the south or toward the
1

west, say that the one on whose side is the Part of Fortune [will
prevail] and thus they will cease their objections which, although they
seem to have appearance, have no existence.
Perhaps certain fools will rise up unreasoningly, saying, "Why do
you who are an astrologer allow any evil thing to happen to you? Since

you know all things, you ought to know what will happen to

yourselves." To this we respond that such persons include among all

judgments events which happen accidentally in almost imperceptible

portions of time; just as if a thorn pierces a foot so that the foot is

withdrawn and so a man falls, and similar accidental events, about

which there is no art, because a judgment is not considered except about
those matters concerning which one can deliberate before they happen.
Those events, concerning which swift chance does not permit one to
have deliberation, are not left for the industry or caution of the wise; for
those things which happen by accident are not considered by art, nor by
2
nature, as they believe.

!
The idea seems to be that the one whose Part of Fortune is in the North
or East of his natal figure (or of the horary/electional figure) wins, or the one
who comes from the direction indicated by his Part of Fortune [wins], provided
that this direction is not already proscribed. For example, if one comes from the
West or South with or without the Part of Fortune behind him, he loses.
2
the foolish detractors.

26
 Against Those Who Say Universally that There Is no Astrology;
and the Demonstration of Its Existence and Nature.
Chapter XL

I said that I was going to speak concerning the judgments of astronomy,

and regarding those things which are seen to pertain to judgment. I

mentioned this in the beginning of this work. It seems convenient that

I now tell you what astronomy is according to how the wise define it,

so that it is demonstrated to those who say that it is nothing, and so that

they may be able to see clearly that it is something, and it is useful,
1

true, natural, and good. Indeed, nothing is found of natural things

which, regarding the law, can be called evil or useless or mendacious

As certain wise men have

it, astronomy is the rule of the
defined
stars. A and one which manifestly declares
rule is a correct ordering,
that it is what it is according to its own
truth. Not that truth may be laid

hold of by rule, but that from truth, rule is born. The lawyer, however,
without changing the opinion, says, "The rule is the situation which is."
Briefly he relates, "Not that Law is raised up from rule, but that the law
is made which is the rule."
But from these define it thus: Astronomy
certain opinions not far
is which the cognition not only of present matters but
the science by
even of past and future things is given. It is defined also in another
manner, according to its two parts or species, briefly, the contemplative
2
and the practical,which are respectively astrology and astronomy. I
3
will tell you the way in which these two parts differ. Astrology, the

All these qualities were necessary for Astrology's acceptance in Bonatti's

1

day. If found to be false, i.e., philosophically unfounded or theologically

would have been denied a hearing and even persecuted.
unchristian, astrology
it would have been ignored or ridiculed. If unnatural it would be
If useless,

Magic and severely punished, if evil, a crime punishable by the civil authorities.
Bonatti, as a professional, is attempting to ensure his profession's legality and
free practice.
2
activus. In this context, opposed to contemplativus, it means practical.

[RH]
3
Bonatti interchanges the words "astrology" and "astronomy," as they
would be used in modern usage. Something similar is done by Roger Bacon in
Opus Maius ed. cit. p. 264. "But true mathematicians, whom in this field we

27
contemplative part or species, is the science of magnitudes of moveable
things which inquires carefully by a certain method into the course of
the stars and their appearances around themselves and around the earth.
This part, namely astrology, has three parts: The first part concerns the

number and figures of the celestial bodies, their arrangement in the

universe, their quantities, positions, proportions, and quantities of

distances between them. The second part concerns all the movements
of the supercelestials, how many they are, and that all their motions are
circularand which of them may communicate with all the other stars,
or which may be nearer, and how many kinds of motion they have, and
towards which parts they are moved, which are six, namely forward,
backward (and to these are given the names direct and retrograde), up,
down, right, and left. Also another six motions are seen, although they
are not considered by the astrologer: generation and corruption, and
increase and decrease, alteration and change according to place. Some
when and the similar changes happen
1

say alteration is not a motion, it

according to aspects and conjunctions. The third part inquires about

what parts of the earth are inhabited, and about the seven dispositions
of the climates, and the variation of the length of the day and night in
2
the various regions.

call astronomers or astrologers, because they are so called indifferently by Plato

Bonatti's source's reliance on Aristotle's Categories is most apparent in

his almost word for word lifting of Aristotle's discussion of the six kinds of
change (Categories, 14). Aristotle's text says, "There are six kinds of motion:
generation, corruption, increase, diminution, alteration and change »! pl.u\
Reference to the text cited above will show how closely he is following
Aristotle. I do not yet know what Bonatti's source for this citation may be.
2
Cf. Ptolemy, Almagest, Book U, Chapter 6, "Exposition of the Properties
of Each Parallel where the length of the longest day is given for each of 25
parallels from Equator to 59'/2 degrees North Latitude and thereafter for various
Latitudes to the North Pole." Also see Chapter 8, where Tables of Ascensions
are given for the various latitudes. Together these tables permit the c.ikul.uiiui
of Ascendants and Primary Directions. Cf. Tetrabiblos, Book III, Chapters XIII
- XV in Ashmand's Ptolemy.

2*
 What Astronomy Is: Namely the Practical Part.
Chapter XII.

But astronomy is the second part of this science, namely the practical
part, although frequently the names astronomy and astrology are
interchanged. Concerning this, it is able to be asked, "What is

astronomy? What are its species? What is its office? What is its end?
What are its instruments? Who is its artist? Why is it called by such a
name? By what order is it taught?" Its definition has been given above.
But others define it in another way, saying: "Astronomy is the science

which describes the courses of the stars and their dispositions according
to the opinion of those who are experienced,
1
and describes the
knowledge of times of events by the foregoing method."
Beyond this, that which is any one of those parts is recognized
2
according to itsdefinition or what it is the genus [of astronomy] is that
;

[aspect of it] which responds fittingly concerning a question proposed

to itself by judging according to the position of the planets and signs
3
and according to the nature of these.
There are, moreover, many other sciences of judging wherein,
according to them, questions are proposed. For instance Geomancy,
4
which is practiced in the earth and many other ways convenient to it.

Hydromancy in water,
in air, Pyromancy in fire,
Aeromancy
Cheiromancy in the hand as is testified by Aristotle in his book on
Animals, Spatulamancy on the shoulder-blades of some animals. And
5

there are many other sciences of augury, such as the voice of some

1
astrologers. [RH]
2
quidditate. [RH]
3
Preterea que sit una quequam Alarum parlium sua diffimtione seu
quidditate cognoscilur, genus enim est secundum quia de proposita sibi prout
oportet questione respondel iudicando secundum planetarum et signorum
positionem atque ipsorum naturam. [RH]
4
For the history, theory and practice of Geomancy, see Stephen Skinner,

Terrestrial Geomancy: Divination by Geomancy, London: Routledge and Kegan

Paul, 1980.
5
Perhaps to Book 1, Chapter One of The Parts of Animals, but the edition
{The Basic Works of Aristotle, ed. Richard McKeon, Random House, NY,
1941.) I have omits all but Book I, Chapters 1-5 and Book 11, Chapters 1,17,18,
20-23. There is also a Physiognomy attributed to Aristotle.

29
animals or the songs of some birds or their shrieks, or the speech or
meeting of some king; and there are many other arts which could be
1

cited but of which we will at present say nothing. This art, namely
astronomy, with all its parts and species is more worthy than the others,
since it declares from the arrangement of the most noble supercelestial
bodies the past, present, and future of terrestrial things. To this all

philosophers agree. Whence Alpharabius 2 says concerning this science,

"astronomy, that is, the science concerning the significations of the

stars, namely what the stars signify regarding things present, past, and
future." Its material or subject is magnitude itself, as has been said.

The parts of this part or species are four. In the First part it treats

of the position and form of the universe and the circles of the heavens.
In the second the courses or motions of the planets and other stars are

dealt with. In the third part the rising and setting of the signs are dealt

It is difficult to locate Bonatti's sources for this list of "mancies." Cf.

Isidore of Seville's Etymologies, Book 8, on the Magi. Also H. C. Agrippa's
15th century De Occulta Philosophic., translated by James Freake, Cthonios
Books, 1985. Book I, chapter 57, has a number of ancient Latin authors,
notably Numa Pamphilius, Varro and Lucan, whom Bonatti may have known
as well as a certain Almadel the Arabian. The most likely of these to have been
the ultimate source for this material in Bonatti is Marcus Terentius Varro ( 16-

who was quoted

27 B.C.E.) extensively by the Church Fathers. [Additional by
RH] There is also now an edition of Agrippa from Llewellyn Publications,

2
Al-Farabi = Muhammad ibn-Muhammad ibn Tarhkan abu-Nasr al-Farabi
(8707-950). A Christian of Turkish descent, he was one of the first Arabic
authors to introduce a knowledge of Aristotle and Plato to the Arabs. He
harmonized Greek philosophy with Islam and influenced Avicenna and
Averroes. His works were translated by Gerard of Cremona in the 12th century.

As one of Bonatti's sources he is important not only for his Aristotelianism but
as a source of Neoplatonic thought as well. Bonatti's contemporary, Roger
Bacon (12147-1294), who quotes Alfarabius in his Opus Maius, (translated by
Burke, University of Penn. Press) said, "Philosophy has come down to us from
the Arabs." He refers to the Neoplatonized Aristotelianism of such Arabic
writers as Al-Farabi. Al-Farabi influenced Siger of Brabant (12357-1281) who
argued that Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas had misinterpreted Aristotle,
while Averroes had him right.

30
 1

with. In the fourth part, it treats concerning the eclipses of the Sun and
2
Moon and the other planets. Almost all the virtue of astronomy is

constituted in or from these parts. Its species are universally two:

namely number or computation, according as it has dependence upon
the first science, namely mathematics, that is, arithmetic, which is
3
before all other doctrinal sciences because all the other sciences of
mathematics require it, but it The second species
requires none of these.
4
of astronomy is judicial. Computation and number revolve around
5
definition or understanding of tables, but judgment revolves around the
understanding of times, places, signs, the positions of planets, and their
aspects and the like and what happens from them. Its office is to
observe the courses and conjunctions of the other stars, their aspects,

the angles, and the signs succedent and cadent from the angles, and
their effects according to the foregoing method. Its end or its use is to

be able to know the truth regarding the past, present, and future, by

1
Cf. Ptolemy, Almagest, ed. cit. Book II, Chapter 8. Also Tafhim, ed. cit.,

Paragraphs 222 and 242.

2
Cf. Ptolemy, Almagest, ed. cit. Books 6 and 13. Also cf. Tafhim, ed.cit.,
Paragraphs 255-267.
3
Cf. Bacon, Opus Maius, ed.cit. p. 197: quoting Cassiodorus in his book
on mathematics, "We can call mathematics in the Latin speech doctrinal, and
although by this term we are able to designate all subjects as doctrinal, yet this
science has properly claimed for itself the general word owing to its own
excellence." Bacon adds, "Those are subjects of instruction which never fail,

deceived by opinions, and for this reason they are called by such a name. While
we turn these over in frequent meditation, they sharpen our perception, they
wipe away the filth of ignorance, and by the gift of the Lord they lead us to
that speculative contemplation. Rightly do the Holy Fathers counsel us to read
these sciences, since in great measure by them our desire is drawn away from
carnal things, and they cause us to desire those things, which, the Lord alone
granting, we can view with affection." We see here pagan Neoplatonic doctrine
baptized and, ostensibly, serving Christ.
4
Bonatti's outline follows Al-Biruni's Tafhim more or less.
5
Another contemporary of Bonatti's was Leonardo of Pisa (c. 1 175-1250)
aliasFibonacci, who introduced Arabic mathematical methods, the decimal
system of notation, including the use of zero as a place holder and Al-
Khwarizmi's algebra to the West from Islamic North Africa. Bonatti's math does
not reflect Fibonacci's innovations nor any effect of Bacon's advocation of the
Arabic math.

31
judging according to the inspection of the matters described above and
examination of the questions.
The instruments of this science are many: the astrolabe,' the
2 3 4
quadrant, the armilla suspensoria, the other armilla, the planisphere,
s 6
the curvisphcerium, slatua plosica, and the like. The artist of this
science is called, if you like, astronomer, who practices the art by the

name of astronomy and who contemplates the law of the stars according
to the foregoing interpretation. 1 will tell you why astronomy is so

called. It is because that name is composed of "astro." and "norma,"

which is a rule;' hence astronomy, that is, the rule of the stars, or the
8
practice of the stars or the operation of the stars. But the difference
between astronomy and astrology is this: astrology is according to the
truth of the thing for the purpose of intellectual or scientific knowledge.
Astronomy is for, according to those who believe [in it], the purpose of

its effects, or a scientia operativa. In what order should this science be

Paragraphs 324-346. Also in Almagest,

1

Described in Tqfhim, ed. tit.,

Book 5, Chapter 1. Masha'allah (c. 740-815 C.E.), one of Bonatti's sources,

Latin as De astrolabii compositione el Militate and formed the basis for

Geoffrey Chaucer's Treatise on the Astrolabe. Abraham Ibn Ezra (1089-1 164)
also translated Masha'allah's text into Hebrew in the 12th century. Ibn Ezra's
works were translated into Latin in the 13th century.
2
An Armillary which is hung or suspended.
3
Cf. Almagest, ed. cit., pp. 143-144, where it is called an astrolabe. A
good illustration of an armillary appears in Early Physics and Astronomy: An
Historical Introduction, O. Pedersen and M. Pihl, New York, American Elsevier
Pub., 1974, p. 89.
4
Ptolemy wrote a work on this device entitled The Planisphere. It became
the inspiration of an appendix to Ashmand's Tetrabiblos, ed cit., q.v., in which
a similar device is described.
5
Unknown to me.
6
This may be the device mentioned in Almagest, Book V, Chapter 12, for

determining parallaxes. If so, a good illustration of it is in Early Physu . mut

Astronomy: An Historical Introduction, O. Pedersen and M. Pihl, New York,
American Elsevier Pub., 1974, p. 92.
7
regula. [Additional by RH] This etymology is close but not quite. The
actual origin of the words is from Greek, the second syllable being derived from

8
See page 7, note 3 above.

32
taught? Some say that it ought to be taught before the other
mathematics because it is more noble. Some have said that it ought to
be taught after Arithmetic because it requires number. Some others have
said after Arithmetic and Geometry because it needs number and
measure. However, I say that it ought to be taught after all the other
mathematics, even after music, even after Arithmetic and Geometry,
because it requires harmony as well as number and measure.

That this Science Should Not Be Condemned Since the Holy

Fathers Used It
Chapter XDI.

This art ought not to be condemned, indeed, it is worthy to be

commended because the Holy Fathers from ancient times used it.
Whence they do evil who condemn it and particularly those who
followin the steps of Abraham or who are his followers'. Abraham,

This can only mean Jews. Bonatti's opinion seems to be that Jews ought
not to condemn Astrology. Bonatti seems to know Artapanus, a 2nd century
B.C.E. Hellenistic Jew, who wrote a work called On the Jews, fragments of
which are preserved in the writings of the Church Fathers. He held that the

Abraham, who, when he came to Egypt, taught the Pharaoh astrology. Jacob

established the temples at Athos and Heliopolis and instituted far-reaching

agrarian reforms. Moses, Artapanus tells us, was Museus, teacher of Orpheus

and identical with Hermes Trismegistus (also known as Thoth, Egyptian god of
learning). No doubt Artapanus held that the idolatrous practices of the
Egyptians were due to an adulteration of the pristine character of the teachings
of Moses/Museus.
According to the Talmud, Abraham and his descendants are said to have
been elevated above the influences of the stars, but on the other hand, the

blessing bestowed upon Abraham in Genesis 24:1 is interpreted as the gift of

astrology: "Now Abraham was old, well advanced in years; and the Lord had
blessed Abraham in all things."

Astrological consultation is one of the methods suggested by Jethro to

Moses for governing the children of Israel. Knowledge of astrology is also

attributed to Solomon.
The Prophetess Deborah, according to Kabbalistic tradition, was an
astrologer. Judges 5:20 is used as support for this position. I am told by

33
indeed, instructed the Egyptians and others desiring to know to use

particularly the astrology of times and especially Athlanta, who excelled

in all the wisdoms of the day so that he was reputed to be like a god.
1

And therefore it has been said that Athlas supported the heaven
because he knew more regarding the supercelestial bodies than anyone
who was found in that time. Indeed even the Lord Himself when he
said to the Apostles '"Let us go on the road to Judaea.' And they said
to him, 'Now they sought to stone you in Judaea and you walk the road
2
to there?' And he, responding, said, 'Are there not 12 hours in a day?'"

as if He had said one hour is good and another is evil, because in the
evil hour they had ill will towards him but that hour had passed. Now,
however, the good hour had arrived, wherefore He, knowing this, knew
that ill will would go from their hearts, He wished to elect that hour in
which they would not injure Him. And by this it is apparent that He
used an election nor did He blaspheme astrology as certain unseeing
3
men and detractors do today. Although it may have been manifestly
shown above that much utility and many good things are able to follow
from the science of the stars and its judgments, as much in the

Orthodox sources that the Zohar has something to say on this subject but 1 have
not yet found where.
1
Atlas, who is here equated with Athlanta in the previous story.
2
John 11:9.
3 used, of course,
Bonatti's assertion that Jesus Christ was an astrologer is

to validate the art. This effort may be viewed as a calculated sophisticated

shock analogous to Cardan's publishing Jesus' Natal Figure. Yet there are
theological nuances which are quite radical here. Bonatti escapes heresy hy
falling short of asserting that Jesus was not the Son of God, yet one can ask
(and we can be certain that contemporary Dominican Inquisitors did ask) why
would the Son of God need to elect times astrologically. One possible answer,
an heretical one, would have been that he was not "of one substance with the
Father, God from God." Such a point of view is unable to be levelled at
Bonatti. There is no evidence for it. Still, it would not have been a theological
problem for a Moslem, who would view Jesus as a Prophet and Man. A slightly

unorthodox Moslem, such as a crypto-Sabsean, could even see a Prophet as an

astrologer, just as we have seen certain slightly unorthodox Jews could. A
network of such Esoteric Christians could explain the widespread dissemination
of Hermetic Gnosis throughout Western Europe in the 10th to 15th centuries.
One begins to wonder why Bonatti is so consistently set against the

Dominicans. Was it because they ran the Inquisition?

34
foreseeing of things as in other uses, nevertheless there are certain
insipid fools, such as that hypocrite John Vicentinus of the Order of
Preachers
1
who said that astrology was neither an art nor a science but
that it was a certain kind of application discovered by those who applied
2
it. It seems to me that it is best responded to them thus: They are fools
and they err and that they will perish in their foolishness and in their

errors. It is apparent to all that astrology is a science and one of the

Seven Liberal Arts 3 Although we have responded
. to them briefly, it

does not seem to me that one may omit proving that astrology is an Art
and a Doctrinal Science with sufficient and clear reasons, although the
order may seem to be absurd.

For the Purpose of Demonstrating that Astronomy is an Art and

One of the Four Mathematics, indeed the Doctrinal Science4 .

Chapter XIV.

That astrology is a science is proved beyond a reasonable doubt.

Astrology is the science of moving magnitude, which defines the

moving course of the celestial bodies, having inspected them with
5
reason according to the triplicity of time. Or astrology is the science
which searches out the course of the stars, their appearances, and

1
Dominican Order.
2
The distinction here is between a true art or science, which has principles
and methods following from first principles, versus a mere collection of
techniques applied haphazardly, astrology being, it was alleged, the latter rather

than the former. This is not unlike the modem distinction between a science and
a craft.
Vicentinus' arguments were part of the Dominican's propaganda campaign
to discredit astrology in the 13th century and prevent its acceptance as a
legitimate science. As a haphazard collection of techniques, it could not be
considered a science. This objection is still raised to discredit astrology

whenever there is empirical evidence. [RH and RZ]

3
Grammar, Logic, and Rhetoric known
(collectively as the Trivium) and
Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, and Astronomy (collectively known as the
Quadrivium). Bonatti wants Judicial Astrology to be piggy-backed onto
Astronomy, possibly as its esoteric sister Art.
4
See page 31, note 3 above.
5
i.e. past, present, and future.

35
figures round about each other and the earth by means of a required
method. Therefore, on this ground, by definition, astrology is a science.

The same word "astrologia" is called thus from astros, which is a star
2 3
or method
1

and logos, which is a discourse, science, of the stars.

Therefore, by this etymology or interpretation of the name, astrology is

a science. The same is able to be proven in another way: Everything

which is of such a kind that it is from prior, first true things is a

science But astrology has a substantial genus, characteristic and

4
accident by which it differs from other sciences. Besides, everything
which is a collection of precepts tending toward one end is an art or
science." Astrology is of such a kind. Therefore it is an art or science
which Augustine proves manifestly enough, saying, "Art is the
St.
s
precept which gives reason and a certain way to acting and speaking."
Indeed all the precepts of astronomy tend toward one end: namely to the
foreknowledge or to the consideration of present, past, and future things,
and the entire purpose of astrology consists in these precepts. Whence
Seneca, "To remember the past, to consider the present, to foresee the
future, these things are not possible to be rightly attended to unless by
the astrologer who has all these things to consider and who alone is able

to know them." Besides, if astrology or astronomy were not art or

science, that renowned concept that is proclaimed universally by all that
there are seven liberal arts would now be destroyed. There would be
either six or none at all, because if astronomy were not an art or
science, the others would not be either and this would be unsuitable and
extremely dreadful. Likewise because astronomy or astrology may be

said to be the fourth part of the Quadrivium; and if there is no

astronomy, there no Quadrivium, because with an integral part having
is

been destroyed, the whole is destroyed which would be unsuitable to the

highest degree. Likewise if there is no Quadrivium, then there is neither

3
ratio. [RH]
4
See above page ?, note ?.

5
It is ironic that Bonatti, as well as many other medieval writers, should

quote Augustine to make his point here, since Augustine was an opponent of
astrology, at least as it was practiced. As an opponent of astrology, anything b»-
might have said which could be construed to support it would have special

weight. [RH]

36
mathematics nor theory since mathematics is (by philosophic witness)
the third part of theory. If there is no theory, there is no philosophy,
which is impudent, troublesome' and absurd. Therefore astronomy is,

by necessity, a science in as much as whoever destroys astronomy,

destroys knowledge, just as he who destroys the first principle, destroys
wisdom, as Aristotle witnesses in his second book of the Metaphysics.
Against such men who wish to destroy the sciences one must not
dispute because they are worse than the beasts. Besides, since Aristotle,
Ptolemy, Ahaydimon, Albumasar, Mcssahalla, Almetus,
Iaphar,
Alfraganus, Thebit, Irgis, Ahomar, Dorotheus, Alkindi, Albenait,
Astaphaz, Almansor, Hali, Alboali and very many other wise men have
written and taught that this science, astrology, is a science. There is no
likeness of truth if it is not a science, as so many great men have named
it. Likewise, everything which posits anything by cause or effect
assumes a science, as Aristotle affirms in De Posterioribus. The
astrologer demonstrates the eclipse by the cause, that is, by the
2
interposition and vice versa. To this extent and from these and many
3
other causes, astrology is manifestly shown to be a science.

Here ends the first tractate on the confirmation of this science.

1
discolus from duskolos in Greek. [RH]

by the interposition of Ihe Eiarth's shadow between the Earth and the Moon and
that the Solar Eclipse happens when Ihe Moon comes between the Earth and the

Sun. Cf. Tafhim. ed. at. 255-266. Also Cf. Almagest, ed. cit. Book VI.
3
From the length of the chapter and the persistence of the argumentation,
wc arc led lo speculate lhal Bonatti was under fire and in great anxiety about
gelting a hearing lor astrology in a hostile environment

37
 Second Tractate

Part On the Division of the Orb of the Signs and their Being'
I:

and How They Are Ordained and Disposed and Why There Are
only Twelve, Neither More nor Less, and Why They Are Named
with Their Names, and the Things Related to These.

I shall speak therefore, following in the footsteps of our venerable

predecessors, of things which are useful in this work, remembering their
opinions, namely those of Ptolemy, Hermes, Iaphar, Thebit, Alchabitius,
Alcaiat, Alchindi, Alenzedegoz, Messala, Adila, Iergis, Albenait,
Aardimon, Arestali, and others who studied in this science: adding those
things which will seem useful to me according to the grace of
composition which God may grant me and return to my memory for

On the Division of the Orb of the Signs and That The Signs Are
Only Twelve: Neither More nor Less.
Chapter L

Know that the Circle of the Signs is divided into 12 equal divisions,
each of which is called a sign. The of these is called Aries. The
first

second is Taurus. The third is Gemini. The fourth is Cancer. The fifth

is Leo. The sixth is Virgo. The seventh is Libra. The eighth is Scorpio.
The ninth is Sagittarius. The tenth is Capricorn. The eleventh is
Aquarius. The twelfth is Pisces.
But it may be asked, why there are only twelve signs? Many causes
could be assigned why the signs are twelve and neither more nor less.

One of these (though not one of great force) is that the duodenary is

more perfect, as it were, than other numbers, which do not exceed it in

2
unities and the multiplications from which it arises are multiplied

1
Esse.
2
. . .ipsum unitatibus non excedentibus et multiplicationes, ex quibus
Lnnuin.it in suis panibus, multiplicantur. Unities are the first nine numbers, or
digits inmodern terms, which have a special ontological status in metaphysical
speculations about numbers. [RH]

38
among its parts. For it receives in itself more ordered divisions' than
any other number. 2 It arises by the multiplication of the ternary by the
quaternary and by the quaternary by the ternary, and by the binary by
the senary and by the senary by the binary and by the same parts it is

divided in as many modes. 3

There is indeed another reason, not less forceful than that given
above according to what Arastellus and Albumasar and Aaydemon said,
whom none of the Philosophers dared to contradict, namely that all
elemented things are composed of the four elements, namely from fire,
4
air, water, and earth and the individual qualities, and all the individual
parts [of the world] are composed of the aforementioned four elements.
And in each of these four there are three things: namely the beginning,
5
middle, and end, whence the four multiplied by three makes twelve.

'
This refers to first order divisions, which are based again on the numbers
1 through 9. [RH]
2
The preceding is Medieval technical math jargon, which is not of
tremendous import for what follows. [RH]
3
The factors of 12 are 2, 3, 4, & 6; 2x6=12; 3x4=12.
4
elementata. This word has two distinct but related meanings, and it is not
entirely clear which one is used through this work. On the face of it would
seem that the word is used in its more common sense to indicate material
bodies compounded out of two or more of the primary elements, fire, earth, air,

and water. But the word has a second usage as well, rarer but possibly
underlying Bonalti's usage.
The Latin translators of the 12th century had no word for the 4 primitive
qualities of hot, cold, wet, and dry which, according to Aristotelian Philosophy,
underlay the 4 elemema or elements. They therefore used the word elementata
to signify the 4 qualities hot, cold, wet, and dry. This usage is documented by
Richard Lemay as being found in both John of Seville's (Ioannes Hispalensis)
(1133 C.E.) and Herman of Carinthia's translations (1 140 C.E.) of Albumasar's
Greater Introduction, or lntroductorium Maius. This second usage of the word
is more likely to found in works that have an implicit or explicit association

with Hermeticism. Your translator, Robert Zoller, is of the opinion that Bonatti
was strongly influenced by Hermeticism. Your editor, Robert Hand, believes
from the contexts of the word that the first usage is the one that Bonatti intends.
We leave it to the reader to decide. [RH and RZ]
5
Compare this to Ramon Lull who makes the twelve by combining A B
CD symbolizing the four elements, with E F G symbolizing beginning, middle,
and end. See the Project Hindsight editions of Ramon Lull's Treatise on

39
 The signs are not corrupted, but they corrupt the elements. The four
elements are corrupted by the ceaseless revolutions of the signs and
1
planets. Otherwise the elements would not be corrupted. They would
remain as they were unless they were corrupted by the stars and their
2
revolution. The revolution of the stars around the elements corrupts
them, and they corrupt each other in turn. The more noble ones, namely
the active elements, corrupt the less noble ones, the passive elements.
For this reason they surround each other in turn. This is the cause of the
generation of individual things of all species. The signs were divided
according to the number of the four elements because by the four
elements which are of four different natures or qualities, the duodenary
number of the signs is perceived, because one of the elements is hot and
dry, namely fire; another is hot and humid, namely air; another is cold
and humid, namely water; and another cold and dry, namely earth.
3
And although the elements are called composite, nevertheless each
4
of them is only one property For the property of fire is heat; that of
air, humidity; that of water is coldness; that of earth is dryness. Whence
it is fitting that the signs should be according to the four diversities
which they imprint on inferior things, namely according to hot and dry,
hot and humid, cold and humid, and cold and dry, so that three of these
[signs] are said to be fiery: namely Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius. Another
three of these are said to be earthy: namely Taurus, Virgo, and
Capricorn. Another three of these are called airy: namely Gemini, Libra,
and Aquarius. [Finally,] another three of these are called watery: namely

Astronomy, translated by Kristina M. Shapar. Lull and Bonatti were roughly

contemporaries. [RH]
1

The corruption referred to here consists of the elements being disturbed

from their natural positions in the sublunary sphere, and being continually
mixed and remixed into new combinations. [RH]
2
The word Bonatti uses is circumvolutio.
3
complexionata. Bonatti refers to the Aristotelian teaching that the
elements are not simple bodies but are composed of the four elementala or
primitive qualities of hot, cold, dry, humid (wet). "Elemented bodies" are those
compounded of these four elementata, or in other words, natural, physical
bodies. See also page 39, note 4.
4
This is the same as Lull's 'proper quality' as opposed to the 'appropriated

quality' which is the other, secondary quality making up each element. [RH]

40
Cancer, Scorpio and, Pisces.'
And so it was discovered that the signs should be only twelve,
neither more nor less. There could not be more because each of these
acts upon the four elements universally, and because each of these acts
on the element assigned to it according to the three states of being,
namely, beginning, middle, and end. Whence the states of being act on
the signs in each element by threes, and there are four elements.
Therefore it is necessary that there are 12 signs, neither more nor less.

Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius have thus been called fiery. Taurus, Virgo,
and Capricorn are earthy. Gemini, Libra, and Aquarius are airy. Cancer,
2
Scorpio, and Pisces are watery.

How the Signs Act on the Elements, and on Which Elements

Each of the Signs Act
Chapter II.

It has been said in the preceding chapter that the signs act on the
elements. Now it ought to be said in this chapter on which element each
sign acts and by which manner. For Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius, since
they are fiery, act on the fiery element, but in diverse ways.

3
[Concerning the Fire Signs]

On Aries. Because Aries acts on the fiery element by imprinting on it

temperate heat and dryness, that which it causes by its temperateness is

4
the beginning of a natural motion in the individual of any species,
namely to make one animal [be] with another so that individuals of the
species are generated from other individuals of the same species in

1
He must assert that the elements are not in the sky (which is composed
of the fifth essence) but ordered according to the patterns of things in heaven.
[Additional by RH] The signs are classified according to their effects.
2
The author implies that the elemental attributions of the signs are merely
correspondences of the material elemental realities.
3
This title does not actually appear in the text. [RH)
4 Theory
Throughout what follows Bonatti relies heavily on the Aristotelian

(modified in Ptolemy's Astro-physical Philosophy) of motion being the cause

of change and hence of all coming to be and passing away.

41
order thai the species is preserved by a succession. This is because
species are not preserved for any length of time by means of individuals
since they are lacking with respect to extension and [duration] of time.
And so [species] would be destroyed and would perish unless they were
preserved through succession. And so Aries is the beginning of the
natural motion for the purpose of making seeds germinate, for making
trees to flower and to put forth leaves and branches, to produce fruit,

and making herbs and seeds which have germinated to be born,

for
increase and multiply, and all vegetables to take up growth and increase.
1

Thus this is the first mode of being through which the fiery signs are

said to act and indeed they act on the fiery element.

On Leo. Leo acts on fire by bringing into it intemperate heat and

dryness so that from that intemperance comes the beginning of the
natural motion that impedes fruit and the foliage of trees and herbs and
makes such things decline toward [their] destruction because they
mature. Maturationis a kind of destruction, since there are few seeds
2
which then germinate and few vegetables receive increase or growth at
that time; and few animals, [because they] lack will, are moved toward
the augmentation of their species or toward their preservation. Indeed
certain animals begin to hide and seem almost destroyed when Leo does
itswork on the fiery element; the falling of seeds and their wastage
happens, many fruits of the trees are matured and rot; and similar things
[happen] because of the impress of Leo upon the fiery element; this is
the second mode of being by which the fire signs act on the fiery

element.

On Sagittarius. Sagittarius acts on the fiery element by imprinting on

3
it heat and dryness removed from all temperance. Indeed it causes the
destruction of seeds and herbs and completes the fall and destruction of
the foliage of the trees whose leaves fall in winter, and [it causes] harm

2
When the Sun is in Leo.
3
Whereas Leo was associated with excessive heat. Sagittarius is associated

with too little heat. Thus, in Bonatti's mind, temperance is a wholesome, life

giving proportion of a vivific quality such as heat. "Remote from temperance"

may indicate excess or deficiency. Leo characterizes the former, Sagittarius the

latter.

42
to many animals and the hiding of many species of animals' and their
destruction; they do not dare to appear above the earth. And this is the
third mode of being through which the fiery signs act on the fiery
element. And these are the three modes of being through which the
signs act on the elements.
All things happen according to this order insofar as it is from the
natural signification of the signs and the planets and from this, because
superior bodies act on the elements (evidenced more or less at some
times and in some places), [all natural change occurs], and although the
2
natural consideration may be seen in another way than this, the cause
is always the same.

Concerning the Earth Signs and First, Concerning Taurus

Taurus, Virgo, and Capricorn, which are earthy signs, act on the earth
element but in diverse ways. Taurus acts on the earth by imprinting on
it temperate coldness and dryness, namely little or no impediment, so
that in this temperateness generation of many sensible things happens,
i.e., both of species and the growth of vegetables and the like.

On Virgo. Virgo acts on the earth element by imprinting on it coldness

and dryness less temperate and closer to destruction, so that from this
action a natural motion happens with the result that vegetables suffer
detriment and diminution, herbs are retarded, and the leaves of the trees
fall and dry up. However it is not so cold and removed from temper-
ance that, even though some things die and are destroyed, nevertheless
other things are generated, and certain seeds are germinated and certain
herbs are newly bom, and grow, and the like.

On Caprk-orn. Capricorn acts on the earth element by imprinting on it

a distemperate coldness and dryness which is destroying and mortifying,

and things are not easily generated at this time. Animals, if they are
generated at this time are very small and are usually from domesticated
animals because of the domesticity of their nourishment. Nor is nature

Presumably to migration and hibernation. [RH]

2
consideralio ruituralis. This is a philosophical term meaning either that

consideration which is One to morals or that which is due to nature. The latter

is the usage here. [RH]

43
 1

moved so that herbs are born, or trees grow branches or flower, unless
by chance, nor do seeds germinate, and the like.

On the Airy Signs and First, on Gemini

Gemini, Libra, and Aquarius act on the airy element but in diverse

ways. Gemini acts on the air element by imprinting on it a temperate

heat and humidity strenathenmg nature, every odor and every odiferous
influence. It strengthens the natural heat and temperance of the air in
which individuals of species rejoice, and it makes some seeds to

germinate, and the like.

On Libra. Libra acts on the air element by bringing into it heat and
humidity far removed from temperance, thickening it and making it
dense and causing mixture and harm to individual species, seeds, herbs,
and the branches of trees and their fruits, and making them full of dense
and noxious vapors.

On Aquarius. Aquarius likewise acts on the air element by bringing into

it heat and a distemperate, noxious, and impeding humidity; making it

annihilate and destroy individuals of species so that much of the harm

which animals, seeds, and all vegetables receive from the
air, their death

and the impression which happens to them, is from the impressions

which Aquarius makes on the air and the like.

On the Water Signs and First, On Cancer

Cancer, Scorpio, and Pisces, which are the water signs, act on the water
element but in different ways. Cancer acts on the water by impri n 1

init a temperate coldness and humidity through which there happens a

motion of nature for giving pleasantness and nourishment by which

animals and all plants are nourished and live.

On Scorpio. Scorpio acts on the water element by bringing into it

humidity and coldness far removed from temperance. By this there

happens a motion of nature more for corruption than for nourishment

or conservation. On account of the corruption and brackishness which
Scorpio causes in water, strengthening few things, it offers very little

nourishment.
On Pisces. Pisces acts on the water element by carrying to it a
distemperate and harmful coldness by which is caused a motion of
nature for the annihilation and destruction of animals and seeds and
almost all vegetables on account of the corruption, bitterness, and
fetidness which the action of Pisces brings to water.

This is the cause of why the signs are only twelve; neither more nor
less, because the elements are only four and the signs act on the
elements in three modes. The first mode' is nourishing and productive

of growth. The second is neither totally nourishing nor totally

destructive. The third is destructive. These three contain in themselves
the beginning, middle and end. Each of the three signs act on one of the
four elements but the three fire signs act on fire according to the three
modes mentioned. Likewise the three air signs, the three water signs
and the three earth signs. And on account of this Ptolemy, Aaydimon,
Astaphan, Arastellus, Albumasar, and the other Philosophers agreed that
there were four triplicities of the signs. Each three signs of the same
nature act on the element assigned to that nature: namely fire on fire,
air on air, water on water, earth on earth, and for this reason there can

There is another reason why the signs were only twelve. The
Zodiac consists of four quarters, two of which are North and two South.
One of these quarters is given to the fiery signs, one to air, one to
water, and one to earth. Each of these contains three signs according to
2
the aforesaid natures of the aforesaid four elements.

Why the Elements are so Disposed and Ordered.

Chapter III.

It was told in the previous chapter on which element each sign acts and
by which means. Now, however, in this chapter it must be told why the

four elements are so disposed or ordered. For instance, fire is in the

2
The North East quadrant begins with Aries, a fire sign. The North West
quadrant begins with Cancer, a water sign. The South West quadrant begins
with Libra, an air sign, and u nh Capricorn, an
i

45
upper parts of the concavity of the globe of the Moon. Immediately
under it is air. Immediately under that is water; then earth.

For the Demonstration that the Elements Are Only Four, Neither
More nor Less.
Chapter IIII.

It was told in the previous chapter how the elements are ordered or

disposed. Now in this chapter it must be told why there are only four

elements, neither more nor less, although many things which have been
said regarding these and which are being said regarding these may not
seem to be pertinent mention cannot but be made of
to the astrologer,

these things. It make mention of all of these, because

behooves us to

the elements very often relate to our work. The elements, in fact, cannot
be more or less than four because every elementated body is made up
1

out of the four elements and has in itself the four qualities: hot, dry,
cold, and humid; and the four accidents are characteristics of it: namely,
generation, duration or conservation, corruption, and destruction.
Speaking thus, a thing is generated most powerfully by heat; because of
dryness it endures; because of humidity it is corrupted; and by coldness
it is destroyed. Understand these things clearly. These four modes of
2 3
being each thing. Concerning each elemented thing, heat is
abide in

drawn from fire, humidity from the air, cold from water, and dryness
4
from the earth; whence, since the accidents of elemented things are not
found and do not exist except as four, and they are drawn from the
5
elements, it is fitting that the elements be four, neither more nor less.
The elements as they are in their spheres are simple or pure. They
have simple qualities flourishing in them, to wit in fire, heat; in air,

humidity; in water, cold; in earth, dryness. But as they are co-mixed and
involved with each other, they have compound qualities. Thus, fire

becomes hot and dry; air becomes hot and humid; water becomes cold

1
elementatum, singular of elementata. See page 39, note 4.

4 [RH]
Here again we see the same principles as in Lull's 'proper qualities.'

it nec sint nisi

quatuor. I have deleted the double negative in order to make the idea clearer.

46
and humid; and earth, cold and dry.'

Why the Signs Were so Ordered or Disposed.

Chapter V.

It has been said in the preceding [chapters] why the signs are only 12
and neither more nor less; and why the elements are only four. Now,
however, it remains to say in this chapter why the signs are so ordered
or disposed. The order or disposition of the signs begins from the fiery
signs, as Aaydimon and Albumasar have posited, and a fiery sign was
placed at the beginning; then an earthy sign; then an airy sign; and then
a watery sign. But you are able to say, "Why did not the wise order the
signs according to the order of the elements by beginning from fire and
going next to air, then to water, then to earth as the elements are
2
posited successively in their own order?" But the reasons why the wise
were moved to order them thus are many. One reason was that the

elements (as has been said) receive corruption and alteration from the
motions and continual ceaseless revolution of the signs and heavens.
From this corruption and alteration are made the four [accidental]
qualities which befall the elemented bodies, namely generation,
conservation, corruption, and destruction. And because generation is

more noble than the other qualities of elemented things, the wise began
from signs by which generation or the movement of nature to
generation happens, and these are the fire signs. And the quality which

So what Lull calls 'the appropriated quality' is one that comes about in

the .
element from being invc
,

2
Bonatti here attempts
it arise from the order of the t

the problem arises from an original confusion that arose when Vettius Valens'

stoic elements (Fire = Hot, Air = Cold, Water = Wet, Earth = Dry) were
replaced with Aristotle's elements (Fire = Hot & Dry, Air = Hot & Wet, Water
= Cold & Wet, Earth = Cold & Dry) in the signs of the zodiac. Notice that the
medieval proper qualities are not the same as the single qualities of the Stoic
system. The result is that the ordering of the elements using Aristotelian
elements causes an elemental order in the signs which would seem to be
inconsistent with the principles in Aristotle's De Generatione et Corruption?
[RH]

47
is noble after generation is duration or conservation, and that happens
from signs through which the motion of nature to conservation or

duration happens, insofar as corruptible things receive duration; these

are the earth signs. But the quality which is ignoble and follows
duration is corruption, and that happens from signs by which nature is
moved toward corruption, and these are the air signs. And a more
ignoble, indeed the worse yet quality which is after corruption is

destruction. This happens by the signs by which nature is moved toward

destruction, and these are watery signs.

Another cause why they ought to have begun from the fire signs
1

and ended with the water signs is that heat and cold are active, but
2
dryness and humidity are passive. Since heat is the stronger agent

which has to signify generation, it was properly set above [other]

agents. Likewise because dryness is strongly passive, it was with merit

put before the other passive qualities. Because generation precedes
duration, signs signifying generation were set before those signifying
duration; and because corruption precedes destruction, signs signifying
corruption were set before those signifying destruction. And since
generation is the beginning of everything generable or endable, the signs
signifying destruction, namely the water signs, were posited last.

Moreover, the were posited in the beginning because heat

fire signs

conquers by which vivification happens, which is the noblest

in fire,

thing. The earth signs were placed immediately next to the fire signs
because of the affinity which they have with fire through the dryness

2
patiuntur. As we have seen in the text above, Bonatti is passing along to

us the Aristotelian-cum-Stoic elemental theory that the elements consist of

active and passive qualities. Here he is exploiting that theory to explain how the
passive qualities of the elements, specifically the passive quality of fire which
is dryness, is the root of the preservation, or, as he terms it, conservation of

things. Thus, the primitive qualities of the fire sign Aries, namely heat (active)

and dryness (passive), generate and preserve things. Taurus, the second sign, is
an earth sign and its role in the economy of nature is to preserve what has been
created by Aries. This it accomplishes through its qualities of cold and dry.
Dryness is a link between Aries and Taurus and in Bonatti's view permits the
preservation of things generated. This doctrine has the hallmarks of Harranian
Sabianism and is reminiscent of the alchemical doctrines of Jabir al Hayyan.
Bonatti's sources are Aaydimon and Albumasar, who was a major proponent of

Harranian teachings.

48
powerful in them. The water signs were placed in last place so that they
would oppose the fire signs because they are of an opposite nature. And
the air signs were placed before the water signs immediately next to
them on account of the affinity they have with them from humidity.
And so both active qualities were placed and the two
in the extremes,
passive qualities between them. And these are the causes which moved
the wise of this profession to making this the order of the signs, namely
putting the fire signs ahead, then the earth signs, then the air, and then
the water signs: Aries overseeing the fire signs, Taurus the earth signs,
Gemini the air signs, and Cancer the water signs on account of the
reasons assigned above.

Why the Enumeration' of the Signs Begins from Aries and not
from Some Other Sign.
Chapter VI.

It has been said in the preceding chapter why the signs were ordered the
way they are. In this chapter it must be declared why the enumeration
begins from Aries and not from some other one of the signs, since the
heaven is a spherical body and every sphere lacks a beginning. And
since it lacks a beginning, and since it lacks a
it also lacks an end;
beginning and an end, it lacks a middle point which
is excluded in

corporeal substance. There were many causes, but one of them was that
the enumeration of the signs began with Aries because the circle of the
2
signs intersects the circle of the equator at the beginning of Aries and
3
at the point opposite to it, not at a right angle but obliquely. Thus, six
signs are northern and six southern, as is discussed more broadly
elsewhere. The part which is northern is stronger than that which is

southern, because when the Sun leaves Pisces, it enters Aries, and Aries
is the first sign of the northern part. The northern part is more noble
and stronger than the southern part. That this is true is not without
proof, because all claim this, and no one asserts the contrary; indeed,
this is able to be perfectly proved. For this reason the enumeration of

'
Denominalio. Bonatti uses this term in this chapter to signify enumera-
tion. In the next chapter he uses it in the sense of the naming of things.
2
equaloris diei.
3
ortogonaliier.

49
the signs begins from Aries, because the stronger part of the zodiac
begins from the beginning of Aries.

Another reason why the enumeration of the signs began from Aries.

Another cause is that, when the Sun enters Aries, the days begin to
become longer than the nights;
1
whence, since increase is a noble thing,

the wise of this art were agreed that the enumeration of the signs ought
to begin with the one in which the increase begins.

Another reason why the enumeration of the signs began from Aries.
Another reason why the enumeration of the signs begins with Aries is
that although the four qualities which are hot, cold, dry, and humid are

simple, and while they are, simple, they cannot be increased nor
decreased, when they are composed as hot and humid, cold and dry, hot
and dry, cold and humid, then certain of them signify an effect and
increase, while others signify corruption and diminution; whence it was
better for talcing the beginning from Aries than from another sign,
because when the Sun enters Aries, then things begin to be effected and
be increased, and since effect and increase are more noble things and
friendly to nature, and defect and decrease are ignoble and unfriendly
to nature, the enumeration of the signs was rightly taken from Aries,
because then things grow tender and this quality is assimilated to youth,

which is the most potent part of life; so indeed this is the most potent
part of time, when the aforesaid things happen, because the Sun recedes
then from the equator, approaches the northerly regions, and causes heat
in the humidity which was produced by the preceding wintertime. Then

nature is moved and the increase of things', the herbs grow

to generation

and the trees put forth branches, and these flower and put forth fruit,
and many seeds germinate. This does not happen in other times ot the
year unless by chance and by accident. Properly, therefore, the
enumeration of the signs begins from Aries rather than from any other

0°
'
The length of the days begins to increase at the Winter Solstice,
Capricorn, but it is not until the Sun gets to Aries that the length of the day
gets to be longer than that of the night.

50
 Why the Signs Were Named with These Ni
Chapter VO.

It has been said above why the enumeration of the signs ought to begin
from Aries.Now however, it ought to be said why the signs are named
by these names. There are many causes, one of which is that in these
places which are called signs, there are stars so disposed and arranged
that if a line be drawn from one to the other, a given figure would
1
result resembling the name of the sign. It is said that Ptolemy went due
south so far that he was under the equator, and that he stood there so
2
long because he saw all these things.
There is another cause why the signs are named with such names,
namely that when the Sun enters Aries, heat is increased because the
Sun begins to be elongated from the equinoctial line and approaches the
zenith of the northern regions and is fortified, so that Aries is said to
3
have strengths with respect to the animal powers. Thence is heat
increased and made stronger than it was when the Sun was in Aries;

and it is assimilated to the nature of Taurus, since Taurus is a stronger

animal than the Ram, and the declination of than Sun from the equator
and its nearness to the zenith of the northern region is greater than
when was in Aries. Then the Sun enters Gemini; and that sign is
it
4
called Gemini because then the heat is doubled and doubled beyond
what it first was. Then it reaches its furthest elongation from the equator
and its highest point over the head.
From this point the Sun begins to return towards the equator, and
then it enters Cancer because Cancer is an animal which goes
backwards. Whence just as a crab is said to go sometimes forward and
later backward, so, when the Sun is elongated from the equinoctial line
to its furthest elongation, from there it returns towards it, and then it is

said to go back as a crab goes. After the Sun leaves Cancer, it enters
Leo; it is said to be in the Lion because the heat is increased and

perfectly in accord with the reasoning

1
The previous arguments were all

of a tropical zodiac. This argument favors a sidereal one. [RH]

2
El dicitur quod Ptolemceus ivit versus meridiem tantum, quod fiiil sub
cequatore, et stetit ibi tantum, quod vidit omnia haec.
3
Here we have another argument that supports a tropical model. [RH]
4
Play on words, "Gemini," the constellation of the Twins, and geminare
'to double'.

51
becomes stronger, sharper, and more unyielding on account of the
impurity of the air and because it lacks humidity. Whence, because the
Lion is an unyielding animal, strong and rough, it was especially apt to
name this sign with the name of this animal. After this, the heat

slackens and there is no increase of things nor an ordered generation

besides the germination of certain seeds; and that sign is called Virgo
1

because a virgin is an humble and sterile animal and everything tends

to diminution and almost to sterility.

Then the Sun enters Libra, because then the days are equal to the
nights and the heat is lessened [yet further], so that there is an equality
of heat and cold; because then the cold begins to become stronger, and
all things are in equality at this time. Then the Sun enters the Scorpion
and the cold is increased above the heat. Things become somewhat cold
and somewhat warm. The air is made distemperate and there arc rains.

Grievous ills are generated, pestilences and death-bearing things as

deadly as poisons and the like. For this reason, this sign was named for

the poisonous scorpion. Then beyond the

the cold increases yet further
heat and the Sun is said Here occur mutations of
to enter Sagittarius.

the air. The air becomes cold, and very cold frost-bearing winds arise
and snows and ice bom on the wind like arrows slaying animals and

Then the cold is increased beyond the heat; it is as if heat were

killed, and the air turns to a frigid distemperance and becomes
melancholic; and snows increase and the greatest cold and ice and the
like. Whence, since the Goat is a cold, dry, and melancholic animal, this
sign was named Capricorn for that animal. The Sun has now its greatest
southerly declination from the equator. From thence it turns again

toward the equator, the cold is lessened, and occasionally rains come in

the place of snows, the air is made more humid; whence the next sign
2
is named from such a disposition of the air flourishing at that time.

Then the Sun enters Pisces, and the sign was named for the fish, which
is a watery animal, because at this time rains abound more than at other

times of the year (except sometimes by chance); and if there are

sometimes snows or frosts or ice, they are more quickly changed into

water than at other times of the winter.

1
Bonatti obviously does not restrict the term 'virgin' to humans. |RH]
2
He does not specifically name the sign Aquarius or Water Bearer.

52
 Here Begins the Second Part of the Second Tractate on the
1 2
Essential Being of the Circle.

On the Division of the Orb of the Signs into Twelve Signs and of
Each Sign into Thirty Degrees and of Each Degree into Sixty
Minutes and of Each Minute into Sixty Seconds.
Chapter I.

In the things which have already been said in this tractate many things

have been shown that seem to be and are useful to this work, especially
regarding the number of the signs, their arrangement, and their division.
In this chapter the division of the orb of the signs ought to be. discussed
following the footsteps of our most reverend predecessor Ptolemy and
of those who must be honored, Albumazar, Alezdegoz, Massala,
Alchabitius, Adila, Alhayat, Thebit, Astaphan, Arastellus, and the other
prudent men who studied in this science: adding those things which will
seem useful to me according to the grace of composition which God

may grantme and return to my memory for me.

You ought to know that the circle of the signs which is called the
Zodiac or Zodial is divided into twelve equal divisions, each of which
is called a sign; and the signs were named (as was said above) after the

likenesses of the animals which are formed as I told you. The first sign

therefore is called Aries, the second is Taurus, the third is Gemini, the
fourth Cancer, the fifth is Leo, the sixth is Virgo, the seventh is Libra,

the eighth is Scorpio, the ninth is Sagittarius, the tenth is Capricorn, the

eleventh is Aquarius, and the twelfth is Pisces. Each of these signs is

divided into thirty equal parts, each of which is called a degree. Each

degree is divided into sixty equal parts, each of which is called a

minute. Each minute is divided into sixty equal parts, each of which is

called a second. Each second is divided into sixty equal parts each of
which is called a third. Each third is divided into sixty equal parts, each
of which is called a fourth, and so on all the way to the end of

2
The layout of this chapter and the way it opens, so like the beginning of

the First Part of the Second Tractate, suggests that Bonatti wrote two

introductory chapters or that one or the other was an afterthought.

numbers.' In practice, however, this will suffice in the work you do,
especially in equations of some numbers beyond these,' although some
of the Order of Preachers divided all the way to fifths and sixths so

that, by not philosophizing, they seem to apply themselves to

philosophy.

For Showing What Signs are Northern and What Southern.

Chapter II.

It has been said above that the signs are twelve and in how many parts

each sign is divided. Now it ought to be said which of them are

northern and [they are] and which are southern. The northern
how many
signs are those sixwhich are from the beginning of Aries all the way
to the end of Virgo, to wit, Aries, Taurus, Gemini, Cancer, Leo, and
Virgo. They are called northern because they are on the northern side
of the equator. The remaining six are those which are from the
beginning of Libra to the end of Pisces. These are called southern
because they are on the southern side of the equator.

'
This is a completely sexagesimal system, which contrasts with the
modern practice of going as far as seconds and then using decimal seconds.

[RH]
2
A minute is a 60th of a degree. A second is a 60th of a minute and a
3600th of a degree. A third is a 60th of a second, a 3600th of a minute and a
216,000th of a degree. What need therefore to pretend to calculate to a fifth
which is a 12,%0,000th of a degree, and still less to a sixth (l/777,600,000th

of a degree)?

54
 1
Which Signs are of Direct Ascension and
Which are of Crooked Ascension 2 .

Chapter IH.

It has been said which signs are northern and which are southern. Now
it ought to be said which signs are of direct and which signs are of
crooked ascension. Those of direct ascension are the six which are from
3
the beginning of Cancer to the end of Sagittarius. They are called signs
of direct ascension because they ascend perpendicularly and in a longer
time than those opposite them. The remaining six signs, those from the
beginning of Capricorn to the end of Gemini, are called signs of
crooked ascension because they do not ascend so directly as do those
mentioned above which are opposed to them. They are called signs of
crooked ascension because they ascend crookedly and in a shorter time
than those which oppose them. The signs of crooked ascension are
Capricorn, Aquarius, Pisces, Aries, Taurus, and Gemini. Each sign
ought to rise in two equal hours. But the signs of direct ascension rise

in more than two hours and the signs of crooked ascension in less than
two hours.

The Signs Which are Obeying Signs. Alchabitius said that those that rise
crookedly obey the signs of direct ascension" namely two signs which

1
directs ascensionis. Literally, 'perpendicular'. The signs of "direct

ascension' sound as if such signs rise slowly or crookedly, but they are in fact
signs of short ascension. The signs of long ascension are from the beginning of
Cancer to the end of Sagittarius. Those of short ascension are from the
beginning of Capricorn to the end of Gemini. Bonatti goes on to say that the
signs of direct ascension rise more slowly than those of tortuous ascension.
2
tortuosce [ascensionis].
3
See page 55, note 1.

4
In other words, in Bonatti's somewhat deviant opinion the signs of short
ascension are obedient and those of long ascension are commanding. The usual
correspondence is that the commanding signs are Aries, Taurus, Gemini,
Cancer, Leo, Virgo and the obeying Signs are Libra, Scorpio, Sagittarius,
Capricorn, Aquarius and Pisces. Bonatti's arrangement, which he tells us comes
from Alchabitius, equates the terms "commanding" and "obeying" with what
are usually called the antiscia. Cf. Ancient Astrology: Theory and Practice, The
Mathesis of Firmicus Maternus, translated by Jean Rhys Bram, Park Ridge, NJ:

55
were of the same longitude from the beginning of Cancer. That which
ascends crookedly obeys that which ascends directly. Thus Gemini
obeys Cancer, because the end of Gemini and the beginning of Cancer
are equidistant from the equator, as are the end of Cancer and the
beginning of Gemini. For the same reason Taurus is said to obey Leo;
and Aries to Virgo, Pisces to Libra, Aquarius to Scorpio and Capricorn
to Sagittarius. The same philosopher also said that two signs which
were of the same longitude from the beginning of Aries are called
"harmonious in journeys," such as Aries and Pisces. For the end of
Aries is as distant from the equator as the beginning of Pisces;' as the
end of Taurus, so the beginning of Aquarius; as the end of Gemini, so
the beginning of Capricorn; as the end of Cancer, so the beginning of
Sagittarius; as the end of Leo, so the beginning of Scorpio; and as the
2
of Virgo, so the beginning of Libra.
There is another manner of dividing between the ascensions of the
signs according to the two halves of the circle of the signs. And they
say that some signs are greater than others opposite to them; not that
one sign may be greater than another or longer in its own circle, but
that it takes more time in rising than its opposite and they set in less
time. And they begin from Leo, which is the sign of the Sun; and it is

called the greater half. And it is also called the Sun's half from the
beginning of Leo all the way to the end of Capricorn. The Sun has in
3
all this half such virtue as the other five planets have in their terms.

Noyes Press, 1975. pp. 58-68.

1
But in opposite directions. [RHj
2
This correspondence is also found in Albiruni. Cf. The Book of
Instruction in Elements of the Art of Astrology, by Abu'l-Rayhan
the
Muhammad ibn Ahmad Al-Biruni, translated by R. Ramsay Wright, London:
Luzac and Co. 1934. p. 227/section 377.
3
This point is very important from the standpoint of neo-traiiiln>nal
astrology, the dignity of term is unbalanced in favor of the starry planets ulu-
planets other than the Sun and Moon) because the Sun and Moon have no
terms. However, this line tells us that the Sun and Moon should get the same
dignity for being in their respective zodiacal halves as the starry planets do in
their terms. Astrologers who give two points of dignity for a planet in its term
might also consider giving the Sun and Moon two points of dignity for being

in their proper half.

In any case Bonatti is incorrect when he relates this to the issue of signs

in the solar half having longer ascensions than those of the lunar half. This

56
The remaining half, however, from the beginning of Aquarius to the end
of Cancer, is called the lesser half; not that it is smaller than the other
half, but that it ascends in less time than the other half, which is

opposite to it, and sets in a greater time according to the diversity of

climates and regions.
1

It is called the Moon's half because the Moon has

in all that half such virtue as the five other planets have in their terms,

on account of the many impressions and effects which it has on us moTe

2
than the five planets have. And this was the cause that the terms were
not assigned to the Sun or Moon in the signs as they were assigned to
the five planets. We will discuss this further below when we speak on
the terms of the planets.
The half of the circle which is from the beginning of Aries to the
end of Virgo is called the hot half, and the other half, namely from the
beginning of Libra to the end of Pisces, is called the cold half. The
quarter from the beginning of Aries to the end of Gemini is called hot,
humid, vernal, childish, sanguine, and signifies childish ages all the way
to youth.The quarter from the beginning of Cancer to the end of Virgo
is called hot, dry, summery, choleric, and juvenile. It signifies youth all

the way to its completion, namely to the beginning of middle age. The
quarter which from the beginning of Libra to the end of Sagittarius
is

is and signifies middle age all

called cold, dry, autumnal, melancholic,
the way to the beginning of old age. The last quarter which is from the
beginning of Capricorn to the end of Pisces is called frigid, humid,
wintery, phlegmatic, senile, and defective. It signifies old age and
senility all the way to the end of the natural life.

would be true only if the solstice points were at 0° Leo and 0° Aquarius, rather

than at 0° Cancer and 0° Capricorn.

It is interesting that Bonatti has such a mastery of Scholastic natural
philosophy and yet is weak in some aspects of astronomy. [RH]
'
This is the same error again regarding long and short ascension. [RH]
2 much stronger than the
In other words each of the luminaries is so all

other planets that if all the planets' force were added up it would be equal to the

Moon or the Sun's force in their respective halves.

57
 On the Order of the Circles of the Seven Planets and Their
Disposition and Courses and in What Times They Complete
Their Courses.
Chapter mi.

In this chapter I will tell you what the philosophers say and is true

regarding the order of the circles of the planets. The first of these
circles, higher, superior, and closer to the orb of the signs [than the
others] is the circle of Saturn; next under this, the second, is that of

Jupiter; next, the third, is the circle of Mars; the fourth is the circle of

the Sun; the fifth is the circle of Venus; the sixth is the circle of

Mercury; and the seventh is the circle of the Moon, which is lower and
nearer than than all of the others to the earth.
Higher and slower than all of the seven planets in course is Saturn
who completes his average course in nearly thirty years. Then comes
Jupiter, who completes his course in almost 12 years. Then comes Mars,

who completes his course in almost two years. Then the Sun, who
completes his circuit in one year. Then Venus, who completes her
course in one year like the Sun. Then comes Mercury, who completes
his course likewise in one year. Then comes the Moon, who is faster,

lower, and closer to the earth than of all the others, who perfects her
course in twenty seven, and almost a third of a day.
There are, besides the planets, two places in the sky observed in the
circle of the signs. One of these is called Caput Draconis and the other

Cauda Draconis. They are two crossing points opposite [each other|
which the circle of the Moon makes through the circle of the Sun and
they signify certain things which are spoken of below when we treat of
the Caput and Cauda.

The Powers' which the Planets have in the Signs.

Chapter V.

Each of the planets has powers in the signs. Some of them are by
2 3 4
nature; some by accident. Those by nature are: house exaltation. ,

2
Essential dignities. [RH]
3
Accidental dignities. [RHJ

58
triplicity, term and face. Those by accident are joy, namely, the joys of
the planets or when they are in strong houses [signs] or places; and
when they are received, i.e., when one [planet] receives another, like the
other fortitudes which are spoken of in their own time and place.

On the Houses' of the Planets.

Chapter VI.

The signs (as has been shown) are 12 and they are assigned as houses
to the seven planets. Leo is the house of the Sun, as the philosophers
attest. Cancer is the house of the Moon. Gemini and Virgo are the
houses of Mercury. Taurus and Libra are the houses of Venus. Aries

4
i.e., sign, or rulership. Morinus calls this domicile. Bonatti (with most
ancient authors) holds that there are two usages for the word 'house': 1) house
as the primary house or what we call sign. These primary houses correspond to

such-and-such a division of the Sky or Active Cause; and 2) secondary house

as the house of the figure or what we call the first, second, third, fourth houses,
etc. which signify areas of life. These secondary houses are determined toward
limited effects by their numerical sequence from the Ascendant. Thus the first

house signfies life; the second, wealth, etc. In turn, these secondary houses are
of tremendous importance in determining the Active Causes signified by the

Universal and Unlimited Active Cause of a given zodiacal sign such as Aries,
is determined and limited in its expression by being determined toward second
house affairs through accidentally falling out as the second sign from the
Ascendant or on the cusp of the second house. Under this circumstance, the
nature of Aries is forced to signify financial and monetary matters. By its nature
it could cause all sorts of things, but by accidentally becoming the second

house,its power is limited to second house affairs. There is a correspondence

between the primary and secondary houses but not an equation. The primary
houses exist in the sky; the secondary houses are divisions of the earth's
atmosphere or aura. For all this, Bonatti still occasionally uses the terms 'house'
where we would use 'sign', as will be seen from what follows in the text.

Each of the planets rules at least one house according to rulership or

domicile and also has honor by exaltation, triplicity, term, and face, as Bonatti

1
assignala pro domibus. I will leave the word domus as 'house' from this

point on, assuming that the reader has read page 59,note ?, and knows the
difference between primary and secondary houses.

59
and Scorpio are the houses of Mars. Pisces and Sagittarius are the
houses of Jupiter. And Aquarius and Capricorn are the houses of Saturn.
But you should be able to say why the houses of the planets are
way and why Sun and the Moon have only one sign
1

ordered in this the

each while the other planets have two of them, since the luminaries are
2
seen to have only two [houses], whereas each of the other [planets]
have two. This is by reason of their [the luminaries'] strengths. Many

reasons are able to be assigned for this, and especially as Albumasar

says, the Sun and Moon are stronger and greater than the other
fortunes'. this it is able to be responded thus, that among the
To
ancients there was diversity in ordering the houses of the planets.
Indeed, some began from the houses of the luminaries, some from the
houses of Saturn, some from the signs of Mars, some from the signs of
Jupiter, some from the signs of Mercury, some from the signs of Venus.
Each assigned his own cause as he saw fit. Nevertheless, I do not see
great cogency in their disagreements. Many causes can be assigned but
I do not want them all, nor do I want to recite all the opinions
to note
of the ancients, because it would be extremely long, nor would there be

4
any use in it. But I will tell you one, and this will be enough for you.
One reason why only Leo and no other house was assigned to the Sun
as its house is that the Sun is the greater luminary, the diurnal luminary,
5
and it is of light; and it is judged to be hot and dry. Its heat is intense

and the virtue of its heat appears to be stronger when it is in Leo than
6
when it is in any other and the nature of the summer heat appears
sign;
stronger than in other times. The Sun is a masculine, diurnal planet and
it signifies heat and dryness by its nature. Leo is a masculine sign, fiery,

1
Quare Sol el Luna habuerunt quilibet eorum unicam domum luntum.
1
That is, each luminary has only one house or sign each.
3
or benefics. 'Fortune' used in this context means 'Benefic'. 'Infortune'

4
We have here a clear indication that Medieval authors edited the tradition
passing along only what they thought useful. While this is of practical benefit
it also means that certain changes now difficult to appraise due to such editing
have occurred in the Western Astrological Tradition, f Additional by RH1 At this
point in Project Hindsight, our translations have not shown us precisely what
Bonatti is referring to here.
5
perhaps "It is full of light."
6
signo. Here Bonatti uses the word 'sign'.

AO
hot, and dry. When the Sun is in it, then we see the culmination of
summer and the completion of the increase of heat. No other sign is so
close to the nature of the Sun as Leo. Although Aries and Sagittarius
are fiery signs, the heat of the Sun does not appear there so powerfully,
nor is its light so clear nor so subtle as it is in Leo. Albumasar says that

the Sun and Leo agree in this, namely that the Sun is in the midst of the
planets and Leo is in the midst of the summer heat, because that is
when the greatest and strongest heat of summer occurs, when the Sun

Why is Cancer the house of the Moon? Only Cancer was assigned
1

to the Moon, which is the nocturnal light, as its house, because Cancer

is the first moveable sign from the beginning of the signs which agrees
with the Moon in femininity, mobility, coldness and humidity. It is

from which the Moon receives light

closer to the house of the luminary
than any other moveable, cold and humid sign which agrees with the
3
nature of the Moon. And the Moon is called the Lamp of the Sun
2

4
because it receives light from him, and these two houses are more lucid

and more splendid and more harmonious with the natures of the
luminaries than all the other houses in all the climates and in all the
5
other regions of the world.
Why are Capricorn and Aquarius the houses of Saturn? Just as the
Sun and the Moon are more lucid, splendid and full of light than that
of the other supercelestial bodies, and their light is perceived more [than

that of the other supercelestial bodies] and is more manifest than the
light of any of the others, and [because] they [the luminaries] are
6
increasing of fortune so the obscurity and darkness of Saturn is seen
,

to be more obscure and shadowy than all the other supercelestial bodies;

and he is worse than all the other infortunes and is destroying. Whence,
since light and splendor are directly contrary to obscurity and darkness

2
Actually Cancer is the only moveable, cold and humid sign, period! [RHJ
3
luminare. Usually in this work this means 'luminary', but that would
make little sense here. [RH]
4
Leo and Cancer.
5
quam aliqua de aliis domibus in omnibus climatibus & in omnibus
regionibus de mundo. It looks to me as though something has crept into the text

<•
fortunue augmemantes.

61
and vice versa, and since the luminaries signify splendor, light and
clarity, and Saturn signifies obscurity and darkness, it was for this

reason that their houses' were opposed in a direct line. And this is the

reason why Capricorn and Aquarius were assigned to Saturn as his

2
houses. Likewise, Capricorn and Aquarius are dark houses, so that
when the Sun is in them, then the air is more obscure and more

removed from purity. This is especially so when the Sun is in Aquarius,

because then there is the culmination and extreme of coldness in winter.

Why are Sagittarius and Pisces the houses of Jupiter? Sagittarius

and Pisces, the houses next to Saturn's, were assigned to Jupiter because
3
Jupiter immediately succeeds Saturn in the order of the circles, and he
[Jupiter] is the strong fortune so that he breaks the malice of Saturn.
4
These two signs aspect the houses of the luminaries by a trine aspect,
5
which is the aspect of friendship whole and perfect, just as the
opposition is the aspect of ultimate enmity. And on account of this,
because he is a fortune, fortunate before all others except the

luminaries, it is fitting that its houses should be designated in such

places as aspect the houses of the luminaries with an aspect of love
instead of any other aspect. Pisces aspects Cancer, which is the house

of the nocturnal luminary, from a trine aspect and it is of its triplicity,

which increases the goodness of the aspect. And Sagittarius likewise

aspects Leo, which is the house of the diurnal luminary, from a trine

aspect and it is of its triplicity.

Why and Scorpio the houses of Mars? Aries and Scorpio

are Aries

were assigned to Mars as its houses, next to Jupiter's houses, because

Mars immediately succeeds Jupiter in the order of the circles and is evil
6
and unfortunate; but his malevolence and evil are below the
malevolence and malice of Saturn. Those two signs aspect the houses
of the luminaries with a square aspect, which is the aspect of moderate

The houses of the luminaries and those of Saturn.

3 Ptolemaic
The Sphere of Jupiter is immediately beneath that of Saturn in

Astronomy.
4
i.e.. S.i^Klaiur. and IVees
5
J. B. Morin in Astrologia Gallica, Book XXII calls the trine "the aspect

of perfect friendship."
6
infortunatus.

62
enmity.' And on account of this, because he is the malefic below Saturn
(which signifies ultimate evil), it is fitting that his houses should be

assign to such places that aspect the houses of the luminaries with an
aspect of moderate enmity. Thus, Aries aspects Cancer, which is the

house of the nocturnal luminary, from a square aspect and it is not of

its triplicity makes the aspect worse.' Scorpio likewise aspects Leo,
which is the house of the diurnal luminary with a square aspect.
Why are Taurus and Libra the houses of Venus? Taurus and Libra
were assigned to Venus as her houses, next to the houses of Mars,
because she succeeds the Sun in the order of the circles for which he
has been assigned his own house. For this reason, the houses of Venus
follow the houses of Mars. Moreover, Venus is a good fortune but not
so outstanding a fortune as Jupiter, because Jupiter is so strong a
fortune that it breaks to pieces every evil of the malefics, which Venus
is not able to do. But though she is not able to dash to pieces the evils
of the others as does Jupiter, she diminishes them as much as she can

and by herself confers fortune and good. Her fortune and good are
below that of Jupiter. Her two signs aspect the houses of the luminaries
from a sextile aspect, which is the aspect of moderate friendship. And
because of this because she is a good fortune below Jupiter (who
signifies perfect and ultimate goodness and friendship) it is fitting that
her houses should be designated in such places that they aspect the
houses of the luminaries with an aspect of moderate friendship. Taurus,
indeed, aspects Cancer, which is the house of the nocturnal luminary
with a sextile aspect, which is an aspect of moderate friendship,
although it is not of its triplicity. is the house
Libra aspects Leo, which
of the diurnal luminary, from the sextile aspect.
Why are Gemini and Virgo the houses of Mercury? Gemini and
Virgo, the signs next to the houses of Venus, were assigned to Mercury
because he succeeds Venus in the order of the circles and is of mixed
nature. By his nature, Mercury is more fortunate than unfortunate, but

he is converted to the nature of those to whom he is joined. And this is

the reason why he is called of a mixed nature, namely, his houses do

not aspect the houses of the luminaries by any aspect, because they are
contiguous to them, and because Mercury is not sufficiently far
elongated from the Sun to be in any aspect to him. But you can say that

1
as opposed to perfect enmity; i.e. the opposition.
1 quod deteriorat etiam uspeciuit:.
. . . Nec est de ipsius triplicitate

63
Gemini aspects Leo and Virgo aspects Cancer. Yet that has no place in

such a case, because following this consideration, no sign is said to

aspect the house of any luminary from any sign because the house of
the other luminary falls within those limits.
1
Whence Gemini does not

aspect Leo because Cancer, the house of the Moon, falls within the
limits [of the aspect]. Nor is Virgo said to aspect Cancer, because Leo
the house of the Sun falls within the limits [of the aspect]. Understand
the same concerning the other signs. Aries does not aspect Leo with a
trine aspect because Cancer, the house of the Moon, falls in between
2
those limits, and Cancer and Aries aspect each other by a square
aspect. Scorpio does not aspect Cancer with a trine aspect because Leo,
the house of the Sun, falls within the limits, and Scorpio and Leo aspect
each other with a square aspect. Taurus does not aspect Leo with a
square aspect because Cancer, the house of the Moon, falls within the
limits, and Taurus and Cancer aspect each other with a sextile aspect.

Libra does not aspect Cancer with a square aspect since Leo, the house
of the Sun,falls within the limits, and Libra and Leo aspect each other

with a sextile aspect. You will consider all these things according to the
consideration of why the signs were assigned to the planets as houses.

It is otherwise in planets being in the signs, as is discussed fully in the

1
Bonatti uses the word 'terms' where I have used 'limits', but as he is not

talking about the subdivisions of the signs called 'terms'. I have transited 1
1
it-

word as limits. [Additional by RH] The principle here is simple. Each planet's

sign aspects the nearest house of a luminary. The aspect arc cannot go past one
luminary house to the other one.
2
Bonatti seems to apply the same reasoning to houses as is applied to

planets in such concepts as frustration of conjunction or abscission of light in

which a third planet falling between two others otherwise seemingly applying
to mutual aspect is its aspect falls between
said to frustrate the conjunction. If
the two, it "cuts off light." [Additional by RH] In addition to these, there is

another possible justification for Bonatti's reasoning. We have already seen the
division of the zodiac into a solar half, Ixo through Capricorn, and a lunar half,

Aquarius through Cancer. The aspects that Bonatti considers important are all
contained within one or the other of these two halves. But an aspect between
Aries and Leo, which would enable a sign of Mars to trine the sign of the Sun
and eliminate the negative relationship, is an aspect between a sign in the lunar
half, Aries, and one in the solar half, Leo.

M
chapter on the planets' aspects.
1
Many other causes and opinions of the
philosophers can be assigned, but in order to avoid prolixity the above
mentioned reason will suffice.

On the Detriments of the Planets.

Chapter VII.

The detriment of each planet is said to be the seventh sign from its
2
house, namely that opposite it, and indeed it is called its fall. Thus
Libra is opposite Aries and Aries to Libra; Libra is the detriment of

Mars and Aries the detriment of Venus. Scorpio is opposite Taurus and
is the detriment of Venus. Taurus is opposite Scorpio and is the

detriment of Mars. And Sagittarius is opposite Gemini and is the

detriment of Mercury. Gemini is opposite Sagittarius and is the
detriment of Jupiter. Capricorn is opposite Cancer and is the detriment
of the Moon. Cancer is opposite Capricorn and is the detriment of
Satum. Aquarius is opposite Leo and is the detriment of the Sun. Leo
is opposite Aquarius and is the detriment of Saturn. Pisces is opposite
Virgo and is the detriment of Mercury. Virgo is opposite Pisces and is

the detriment of Jupiter. And Alchabitius says that if two signs are the
3
houses of one planet, they are called concordantia in Almantica ,
that
4
is, in a circle which is sewn in the middle and bound in a ligature,
5
namely, in a zodiac which appears in a hand-made sphere, because

1
The cutting-off effect of aspects across Cancer and Leo that Bonatti

discusses does not apply to planets in the signs aspecting each other. [RH]
2
Actually, this is not so. The fall of a planet is in the sign opposite its

exaltation, as Bonatti himself points out in Chapter X of this Tractatus. But

Bonatti uses technical terms loosely. For instance, he calls both detriment and
fall descensio.
3
Agreeing or harmonizing in the Almantica. I do not know this last word
almantica.
4
by RH] Actually we do have the identical
in ligalura strictus. [Additional

concept in Greek astrology, hamoionia, translated as like-engirdling, two signs

ruled by the same planet.
5
That is in an Armillary Sphere. Such spheres were made by Medieval
Arabic astrologers (and later by European astrologers) for instructional purposes.
Ptolemy mentions these in Almagest,Book V, chapter 1, though he calls it an

65
where the zodiac crosses over the equator, there the circle is said to be
tied; and where it declines away from it towards the south or the north,

there it is said to be wide. But Albumasar said that the two signs which
1

2
are houses of the same planet are said to be concordantia in itinere,
such as Aries and Scorpio, which are the houses of Mars; Taurus and
Libra, which are the houses of Venus; Gemini and Virgo, which are the
houses of Mercury; Sagittarius and Pisces, which are the houses of
Jupiter; Capricorn and Aquarius, which are the houses of Saturn, and

Cancer and Leo, which are the houses of the luminaries.

On the Joys of the Planets according to Dorotheus

Dorotheus said that Saturn rejoices in Aquarius, Jupiter in Sagittarius,

Mars in Scorpio, Venus in Taurus, and Mercury in Virgo.'

instruments up until about 1100 CE.

Mashallah's (c.740-c.815) De compositions Astrolabii, for instance,

influenced Ibn Ezras (1089-1164) work on the same theme and ultimately

Chaucer's 13th century Middle English work on the subject. Al-Zarqali's

(c.1029-1087, also known as Azarquiel) aiafea was a further development of
the same device. Of course Al-Bimni, in his Tajhim, devotes a whole chapter

to the construction and use of the astrolabe. (See Early Physics and Astronomy,

Pedersen and Pihl, MacDonald American Elsevier, NY, 1974, p 180. See also
Neugebauer's article, "The Early History of the Astrolabe," in lsis, 40, 1949, pp.

240-256.) The Antikythera device, reported on in the American Philosophical

Society monograph (1960), also seems to suggest that in the Hellenistic Age
(and later), the technology existed to manufacture extremely complex and
precise brass astronomical and mechanical instruments capable of accurately
representing astronomical motions.
1

lotus. [Additional by RH] This is the origin of the term 'lautude' which
actually means 'width'.
2
literally, "agreeing on the journey."
5
This doctrine appears in variant forms in many other references.

However, this one has the virtue of sense, because in each joy the planet has
more than one major dignity. Saturn has dignity by domicile and triplicity in

Aquarius and is of the same sect. Jupiter has dignity by domicile and triplicity

in Sagittarius and is also of the same sect. Mars has the same relationships to

66
 On the Exaltations of the Planets.
Chapter VHI.

Albumasar and Alchabitius said that the Sun is exalted in Aries, namely
in the nineteenth degree thereof. The Moon is exalted in Taurus, in the
third degree thereof. Saturn is exalted in Libra, namely in the twenty-
first degree thereof. Jupiter is exalted in Cancer, in the fifteenth degree
thereof. Mars is exalted in Capricorn, in the twenty-eighth degree.
Venus is exalted in Pisces, namely in the twenty-seventh degree thereof.
Mercury is exalted in Virgo, in the fifteenth degree thereof. Caput
Draconis is exalted in Gemini, namely in the third degree of that sign.
Cauda Draconis is exalted in Sagittarius, namely in the third degree.
And Albumasar said that these were said to be the exaltations in the
aforesaid degrees because they were in these degrees when they were
1
formed.

Why Aries is the Exaltation of the Sun and

Libra is its Descension
and Why the Other Signs are the Exaltations of the Other
Planets.
Chapter IX.

2
Albumasar said that Ptolemy, the author of a book of judgments , said

that when the Sun enters Aries, it begins to ascend to the north, namely
3
to the zenith of our heads, and then the day increases in length over the
night; and then its nature [i.e., the Sun's] begins to increase in heat and
especially when it reaches the nineteenth degree of Aries. And when it

is in Libra it begins to descend toward the south, receding and

distancing itself from the zenith of our heads; and the days shorten and

Scorpio, and Venus to Taurus. Mercury, however, has dignity by domicile and
exaltation in Virgo, so it is slightly different from the other joys. [RH]
1
This is a reference to one form of the thema mundi or birth chart of the
world. [RH]
2
The Tetrabiblos is referred to. Cf. Book I, Chapter 4 and Book 1, Chapter
19. Bonatti is quoting Albumasar, though, who has read Ptolemy, and not
Ptolemy directly.
3
The zenith of any place is direcdy over one's head. [RH]

67
night is increased in its length over the day, and then its nature [i.e. the

Sun'sl begins to diminish in heat, and its noble and useful operations are
lessened, especially when it reaches the nineteenth degree of that sign.
Albumasar said that he discovered in a book of certain ancients that
they posited that Taurus was the exaltation of the Moon because when
the Sun is in Aries, which is its exaltation, and the Moon is in Taurus,
then there is the [first] appearance of the light of the [New] Moon. And 1

2
also Taurus is the first sign of the triplicity of the Moon because it
immediately follows the sign of the exaltation of the Sun and she [the
Moon] is joined to the Sun in her operations. And they [Albumasar's
"ancients"] posited that Scorpio was her descension because it is
opposite her exaltation. They posited that Libra was the exaltation of
Saturn and Aries its descension because Saturn is opposed in nature and

operation to the Sun; therefore their exaltations are opposed to each

3
other just as they are opposed to each other as has been said above.

They Cancer was the exaltation of Jupiter because Jupiter by

said that
its nature signifies the north winds; and when Jupiter was in Cancer, the

nourishing north winds arise, producing an increase in vegetables, and

conforming to the nature of Jupiter. They said that Capricorn, because

it is the opposite of Jupiter's exaltation, is its descension. Capricorn,

they said, was the exaltation of Mars, because Capricorn is Southern
and is opposed of Jupiter, and these [Mars and Jupiter]
to the exaltation

are mutually inimical, and because the nature of Mars is southern and
burning, and the heat of Mars is strengthened when Mars is in
Capricorn. They said that Cancer was his descension because it was
opposed to his exaltation. They posited that Pisces was the exaltation of

Venus because the nature of Pisces is humid, agreeing with the nature
of Venus, and then the humidity of the season begins to grow. And they
posited Virgo as her descension since it is opposite her exaltation. They
posited Virgo as the exaltation of Mercury because from him the

dryness of the time of autumn increases and the nature of Mercury is

be found in the Tetrabiblos, Book chapter 20. [RH]

1
This reasoning is to I,

2
Cf Tetrabiblos, Book I, Chapter 19 where Ptolemy says the Moon is the

nocturnal ruler of the Earthy Triplicity. Note that Bonatti is still quoting
Albumasar. Yet the text closely follows Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, Book 1, Chapter
19. Thus, Bonatti clearly does not recognize that the "ancients" whom
Albumasar quotes is Ptolemy.
3
That is, their signs are opposed to each other.
referred to dryness, unless by accident.' And when it is in Virgo, its

dryness was strengthened. They posited Pisces as its descension because

it is opposite to They posited Gemini as the exaltation of
its exaltation.

Caput Draconis because Gemini is the first bicorporeal and common

sign after Aries, and Caput Draconis is likewise bicorporeal because it

is composed of two natures, namely of Jupiter and Venus, which are the
two fortunes. Sagittarius is posited as the exaltation of Cauda Draconis
because Sagittarius is opposed to Gemini, as Cauda is to Caput
Draconis.

On the Fall or Descension of the Planets.

Chapter X.

Albumasar and Alchabitius said that every seventh sign from the
exaltation of any planet is its descension or fall. For the Sun falls in the

nineteenth degree of Libra, just as he is exalted in the same degree in

Aries. The Moon falls in Scorpio, just as she is exalted in Taurus, and
in the same degree. Saturn falls or descends in Aries, just as he is

exalted in Libra, and in the same degree. Jupiter falls or descends in

Capricorn, just as he is exalted in Cancer, and in the same degree. Mars
falls or descends in Cancer, just as he is exalted in Capricorn, and in
the same degree. Venus falls or descends in Virgo, just as she is exalted
in Pisces, and in the same degree. Mercury falls or descends in Pisces,
just as he is exalted in Virgo and in the same degree. Caput Draconis
falls in Sagittarius, and Cauda Draconis in Gemini. And there is a

difference between fall and descension, although they can sometimes be

reversed, for fall is properly so called from sign, while descension is

from exaltation. [Dignity by] house is likened to one's own proper

business, while [dignity by[ exaltation is likened to honors or dignities,
as much as those coming from strange or unusual sources as [those
2
coming from] inheritances.

1
Mercury is dry unless an '

accidenf. i v circumstantial connection with

a sign or planet, alters it. [RH]

2
Putting this in more modern terms with less ambiguity, detriment is

likened to problems in one's own proper business, while honor of domicile is

one's proper business. Exaltation is likened to honors or dignities already

coming from strange or unusual sources without effort, such as inheritances.
The End of Volume 1 of the Project Hindsight Edition of Bon
Liber Astronomiae.

Fall is the privation of these things.