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CHAPTER 7
Conflict and
Critical Theories
Part I: Conflict Theory: Lewis Coser
(1913–2003)
Ralf Dahrendorf (1929–)
Randall Collins (1941–)
Seeing Further: Normal Conflict

What do an argument, the Enron case, bidding on eBay, the civil rights movement,
and the U. S. invasion of Iraq have in common? They are all forms of conflict with
various levels of intensity and violence. We may only think of war or arguments as
conflict, but what the theorists in this first part of the chapter want to point out is
that society is rife with conflict—conflict is a general social form that isn’t limited
to just overtly violent situations. More than that, conflict doesn’t necessarily rip
society apart. In fact, it might be one of the most important ways that society holds
itself together.
Conflict theory has a long history in sociology. Without question, Karl Marx’s
work in the early to mid-1800s formed the initial statements of this perspective. As
you know, Marx was centrally concerned with class and the dialectics of capitalism.
He argued that capitalism would produce its own gravediggers by creating the con-
ditions under which class consciousness and a failing economy would come into
existence. In this juncture between structure and class-based group experience, the
working class revolution would take place.
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212——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
In the early twentieth century, Max Weber formulated a response to Marx’s

theory. Weber saw that conflict didn’t overwhelmingly involve the economy, but
that the state and economy together set up conditions for conflict. Of central
importance to Weber’s scheme is the notion of legitimation. All systems of oppres-
sion must be legitimated in order to function. Thus, legitimation is one of the
critical issues in the idea of conflict. Weber also saw that class is more complex than
Marx initially supposed, and that there are other factors that contribute to social
inequality, most notably status and party (or power).
Since that time, a number of efforts have combined different elements from one
or both of these theorists to understand conflict. In this chapter, we will consider
three of those efforts. Our first theorist is Lewis Coser. Coser’s work is interesting
for two reasons. First, he intentionally draws the majority of his theoretical ideas
from Georg Simmel rather than Marx or Weber. Coser uses Marx and Weber now
and then to frame or elaborate upon what Simmel has to say, but by and large Coser
(1956) presents “a number of basic propositions which have been distilled
from theories of social conflict, in particular from the theories of Georg Simmel”
(p. 8). Keep this in mind as we talk about Coser’s theory: we could easily substitute
Simmel’s name for Coser’s.
The second reason Coser is remarkable is that he is the first to consider the func-
tional consequences of conflict—other than Simmel, that is. Before Simmel, con-
flict had been understood as a source of social change and disintegration. Simmel
was the first to acknowledge that conflict is a natural and necessary part of society;
Coser brought Simmel’s idea to mainstream sociology, at least in America. From
that point on, sociologists have had to acknowledge that
groups require disharmony as well as harmony, dissociation as well as associ-

ation; and conflicts within them are by no means altogether disruptive factors.
. . . Far from being necessarily dysfunctional, a certain degree of conflict is an
essential element in group formation and the persistence of group life. (Coser,
1956, p. 31)
In terms of the history of social thought and the layout of this book, it is inter-
esting to note that Coser (1956) was motivated to consider the functional conse-
quences of conflict to address a deficiency in Talcott Parsons’s theory: “Parsons
considers conflict primarily a ‘disease’” (p. 21). In the same vein, it is worthy of note
that Coser was a student of Merton’s.
Our second theorist is Ralf Dahrendorf. He clearly blends elements from Marx
and Weber and he sprinkles in elements from Coser to present a new understand-
ing of conflict in society. From Marx he takes the idea of dialectical change: “social
structures . . . are capable of producing within themselves the elements of their
supersession and change” (Dahrendorf, 1957/1959, p. viii). If you don’t recall
Marx’s use of the dialectic, I encourage you to look back at Chapter 1.
Dahrendorf also uses Marx’s notion of political interests stemming from bipo-
larized social positions. Remember that Marx argued that capitalism contains only
two classes that really matter: the owners and the workers. These two positions are
Conflict and Critical Theories——213
inherently antagonistic and by their nature dictate different political interests;

that is, all workers have the same political interests as do all owners. From Weber,
Dahrendorf takes the idea of power and authority. Rather than seeing class as the
central characteristic of modern society, Dahrendorf claims that power is the one
unavoidable feature of all social relations. In light of the theorists covered in the
previous chapter, it’s worth noting that Dahrendorf (1957/1959) regards Merton’s
theories of the middle range as “the immediate task of sociological research” (p. x),
and he sees his own theory as a necessary corrective of Parsons’s “equilibrium
approach.”
On the other hand, our third conflict theorist, Randall Collins, is much less
concerned with orienting his work around Parsons’s project. Rather, Collins (1975)
draws on the work of Weber, Durkheim, and Goffman to argue that symbolic goods
and emotional solidarity are among the “main weapons used in conflict” (p. 59).
This micro-level orientation is a unique and powerful addition to the conflict per-
spective. Most other conflict theories are oriented toward the macro level.
Stratification is generally understood as operating through oppressive structures
that limit access and choices (the idea of the “glass ceiling” is a good example), and
power is conceived of as working coercively through the control of material
resources and methods of social control. Collins also attunes us to a different level
of analysis than either Coser or Dahrendorf—the global level of geopolitics where
political conflicts are analyzed within the context of history and geography.
Defining Conflict Theory
In general, conflict theory seeks to scientifically explain the general contours

of conflict in society: how conflict starts and varies, and the effects it brings. The
central concerns of conflict theory are the unequal distribution of scarce resources
and power. What these resources are might be different for each theorist, but con-
flict theorists usually work with Weber’s three systems of stratification: class, status,
and power. Conflict theorists generally see power as the central feature of society,
rather than thinking of society as held together by collective agreement concerning
a cohesive set of cultural standards, as functionalists do. Where power is located and
who uses it (and who doesn’t) are thus fundamental to conflict theory. In this way
of thinking about things, power isn’t necessarily bad: it is a primary factor that
guides society and social relations.
Lewis Coser: The Functional

Consequences of Conflict
Photo: © Reprinted with permission of the American Sociological Association.
The Essential Coser

Concepts and Theory: Variation in Conflict
Basic Sources of Conflict
Predicting the Level of Violence
Concepts and Theory: The Integrating Forces of Conflict
Internal Conflict
External Conflict
Coser Summary
The Essential Coser
Biography
Lewis Coser was born in Berlin, Germany, in 1913. His family moved to Paris in
1933 where he studied literature and sociology at the Sorbonne. Because of his
German heritage, Coser was arrested and interned by the French government
near the beginning of WWII. He later was able to get political asylum in the
United States and arrived in New York in 1941. Coser did his Ph.D. work at
Columbia University, where he studied under Robert K. Merton. His disserta-
tion, The Functions of Social Conflict, took conflict theory in a new direction
and was later named as one of the best-selling sociology books of the twenti-
eth century by the journal Contemporary Sociology. Coser also authored
Masters of Sociological Thought, which became one of the most influential
sociological theory books in the English language. In addition, Coser estab-
lished the Department of Sociology at Brandeis University; founded Dissent
magazine; served as president of the American Sociological Association (1975),
the Society for the Study of Social Problems, and the Easter Sociological
Association (1983); and is honored annually through the American Sociological
Association’s Lewis A. Coser Award for Theoretical Agenda-Setting. Coser died
in July of 2003.
Passionate Curiosity
James B. Rule (2003), writing in memoriam for Dissent magazine, said of Coser,
he always considered himself an intellectual first and a sociologist second.

His aim was always to make some sort of comprehensive sense of the
human condition—a sense of the best that social life could offer and a
hardheaded look at the worst things human beings could do to one
another, a vision of possibilities of change for the better and an assess-
ment of the forces weighing for and against those possibilities.
Keys to Knowing
Crosscutting influences, absolute deprivation, relative deprivation, rational and

transcendent goals, functional consequences of conflict, internal and external
conflict, types of internal conflict, network density, group boundaries, internal
solidarity, coalitions
Concepts and Theory: Variation in Conflict

Coser argues that conflict is instinctual for us, so we find it everywhere in human
society. There is the conflict of war, but there is also the conflict that we find in our
daily lives and relationships. But Coser also argues that conflict is different for
humans than for other animals in that our conflicts can be goal related. There is
generally something that we are trying to achieve through conflict, and there are
different possible ways of reaching our goal. The existence of the possibility of dif-
ferent paths opens up opportunities for negotiation and different types and levels
of conflict. Because Coser sees conflict as a normal and functional part of human
life, he can talk about its variation in ways that others missed, such as the level of
violence and functional consequences.
Basic Sources of Conflict
First, we want to consider what brings on social conflict in the first place. As
I pointed out in the definition of conflict theory, most social conflict is based on the
unequal distribution of scarce resources. Weber identified those resources for us as
class, status, and power. Weber, as well as Simmel, also pointed out the importance
of the crosscutting influences that originate with the different structures of inequal-
ity. For example, a working class black person may not share the same political
interests as a working class white person. The different status positions of these two
people may cut across their similar class interests. Thus, what becomes important
as a source of social conflict is the covariance of these three systems of stratification.
If the public perceives that the same group controls access to all three resources, it
is likely that the legitimacy of the system will be questioned because people perceive
that their social mobility is hampered.
The other general source of conflict comes from Marx. Marx’s concern was with
a group’s sense of deprivation caused by class. This sense of deprivation is what leads
a group to class consciousness and produces conflict and social change. Marx was
primarily concerned with explaining the structural changes or processes that would
bring the working class to this realization, such things as rising levels of education
and worker concentration that are both structurally demanded by capitalism.
Contemporary conflict theory has modified the idea of deprivation by noting
that it is the shift from absolute to relative deprivation that is significant in pro-
ducing this kind of critical awareness. Absolute deprivation refers to the condition
of being destitute, living well below the poverty line where life is dictated by uncer-
tainty over the essentials of life (food, shelter, and clothing). People in such a con-
dition have neither the resources nor the willpower to become involved in conflict
and social change.
Relative deprivation, however, refers to a sense of being underprivileged relative
to some other person or group. The basics of life aren’t in question here; it’s simply
the sense that others are doing better and that we are losing out on something.
These people and groups have the emotional and material resources to become
involved in conflict and social change. But it isn’t relative deprivation itself that
motivates people; it is the shift from absolute to relative deprivation that may spark
a powder keg of revolt. People who are upwardly mobile in this way have the avail-
able resources, and they may experience a sense of loss or deprivation if the eco-
nomic structural changes can’t keep pace with their rising expectations.
Predicting the Level of Violence
Simmel and Coser move us past these basic premises to consider the ways in
which conflict can fluctuate. One of the more important ways that conflict can vary
is by its level of violence. If people perceive conflict as a means to achieving clearly
expressed rational goals, then conflict will tend to be less violent. A simple exchange
is a good example. Because of the tension present in exchanges, conflict is likely, but
it is a low-level conflict in terms of violence. People engage in exchange in order to

achieve a goal, and that desired end directs most other factors. Another example is
a worker strike. Workers generally go on strike to achieve clearly articulated goals
and the strikers usually do not want the struggle to become violent—the violence
can detract from achieving their goals (though strikes will become violent under
certain conditions). The passive resistance movements of the sixties and early
seventies are other examples. We can think of these kinds of encounters as the
strategic use of conflict.
However, conflict can be violent, and Coser gives us two factors that can produce
violent conflict: emotional involvement and transcendent goals. In order to become
violent, people must be emotionally engaged. Durkheim saw that group interaction
could increase emotional involvements and create moral boundaries around group
values and goals. He didn’t apply this to conflict, but Coser does. The more involved
we are with a group, the greater is our emotional involvement and the greater the
likelihood of violent conflict if our group is threatened.
Conflict will also tend to have greater levels of violence when the goals of a
group are seen to be transcendent. As long as the efforts of a group are understood
to be directed toward everyday concerns, people will tend to moderate their emo-
tional involvement and thus keep conflict at a rational level. If, on the other hand,
we see the goals of our group as being greater than the group and the concerns of
daily life, then conflict is more likely to be violent. For example, when the United
States goes to war, the reasons are never expressed by our government in mundane
terms. We did not say that we fought the First Gulf War in order to protect our oil
interests; we fought the war in order to defeat oppression, preserve freedom, and
protect human rights. Anytime violence is deemed necessary by a government, the
reasons are couched in moral terms (capitalists might say they fight for individual
freedoms; communists would say they fight for social responsibility and the dignity
of the collective). The existence of transcendent goals is why the Right to Life side
of the abortion conflict tends to exhibit more violence than advocates of choice—
their goals are more easily linked to transcendent issues and can thus be seen as
God-ordained.
Concepts and Theory:

The Integrating Forces of Conflict
Coser makes the case for two kinds of functional consequences of conflict: conflict
that occurs within a group and conflict that occurs outside the group. An example
of internal conflict is the tension that can exist between indigenous populations
or first nations and the national government. Notice that this internal conflict is
actually between or among groups that function within the same social system.
Examples of external group conflicts are the wars in which a nation may involve
itself. When considering the consequences for internal group conflict, Coser is con-
cerned with low-level and more frequent conflict. When explaining the conse-
quences for external conflict, he is thinking about more violent conflict.
Internal Conflict
Internal conflict in the larger social system, as between different groups within
the United States, releases hostilities, creates norms for dealing with conflict, and
develops lines of authority and judiciary systems. Remember that Coser sees
conflict as instinctual for humans. Thus, a society must always contend with the
psychological need of individuals to engage in conflict. Coser appears to argue that
this need can build up over time and become explosive. Low-level, frequent conflict
tends to release hostilities and thus keep conflict from building and becoming
disintegrative for the system.
This kind of conflict also creates pressures for society to produce norms govern-
ing conflict. For example, most of the formal norms (laws) governing labor in
Western capitalist countries came about because of the conflict between labor and
management. We can see this same dynamic operating at the dyad level as well. For
example, when a couple in a long-term relationship experiences repeated episodes
of conflict, such as arguing, they will attempt to come up with norms for handling
the tension in a way that preserves the integrity of the relationship. The same is true
for the social system, but the social system will go a step further and develop formal
authorities and systems of judgment to handle conflict. Thus, frequent, low-level
conflict creates moral and social structures that facilitate social integration.
Coser also notes that not every internal conflict will be functional. It depends on
the types of conflict and social structure that are involved. In Coser’s theory, there
are two basic types of internal conflict: those that threaten or contradict the funda-
mental assumptions of the group relationship and those that don’t. Every group is
based on certain beliefs regarding what the group is about. Let’s take marriage as an
example of a group. For many people, a basic assumption undergirding marriage is
sexual fidelity. A husband and wife may argue about many things—such as finances,
chores, toilet seats, and tubes of toothpaste—but chances are good that none of these
will be a threat to the stability of the “group” (dyad) because they don’t contradict a
basic assumption that provides the basis of the group in the first place. Adultery, on
the other hand, may very well put the marriage in jeopardy because it goes against
one of the primary defining features of the group. Conflict over such things as
household chores may prove to be functional in the long run for the marriage, while
adultery may be dysfunctional and lead to the breakup of the group.
However, I want you to notice something very important here: In Coser’s way of
thinking about things, adultery won’t break a marriage up because it is morally
wrong. Whether the relationship will survive depends on the couple’s basic
assumptions as to its reasons for existence. A couple may have an “open marriage”
based on the assumption that people are naturally attracted to other people and
sexual flings are to be expected. In such a case, outside sexual relations will proba-
bly not break the group apart. Couples within such marriages may experience ten-
sion or fight about one another’s sexual exploits—and research indicates that they
often do—but such conflict will tend to be functional for the marriage because of
its basic assumptions. Note also that conflict over household chores may indeed be
dysfunctional if the underlying assumption of the marriage is egalitarianism, but
the actual division of labor in the house occurs along stereotypical gender lines.
The group structure will also help determine whether or not a conflict is
functional. As Coser (1956) explains, “social structures differ in the way in which they
allow expression to antagonistic claims” (p. 152). To talk about this issue, let’s make a
distinction based on network density. Network density speaks of how often a group
gets together, the longevity of the group, and the demands of the group in terms of
personal involvement. Groups whose members interact frequently over long periods
of time and have high levels of personal and personality involvement have high net-
work density. Such groups will tend to suppress or discourage conflict. If conflict does
erupt in such a group, it will tend to be very intense for two reasons. First, the group
will likely have built up unresolved grievances and unreleased hostilities. Once unfet-
tered, these pent-up issues and emotions will tend to push the original conflict over
the top. Second, the kind of total personal involvement these groups have makes
the mobilization of all emotions that much easier. On the other hand, groups whose
members interact less frequently and that demand less involvement—those with low
network density—will be more likely to experience the functional benefits of conflict.
External Conflict
The different groups involved in conflict also experience functional results, espe-
cially when the conflict is more violent. As a group experiences external conflict, the
boundaries surrounding the group become stronger, the members of the group
experience greater solidarity, power is exercised more efficiently, and the group
tends to form coalitions with other groups (the more violent the conflict is, the
more intensified are these effects). In order for any group to exist, it must include
some people and exclude others. This inclusion/exclusion process involves pro-
ducing and regulating different behaviors, ways of feeling and thinking, cultural
symbols, and so forth. These differences constitute a group boundary that clearly
demarcates those who belong from those who do not.
As a group experiences conflict, the boundaries surrounding the group become
stronger and better guarded. For example, during WWII the United States incar-
cerated those Americans of Japanese descent. Today we may look back at that inci-
dent with shame, but at the time it made the United States stronger as a collective;
it more clearly demarcated “us” from “them,” which is a necessary function for any
group to exist. Conflict makes this function more robust: “conflict sets boundaries
between groups within a social system by strengthening group consciousness
and awareness of separateness, thus establishing the identity of groups within the
system” (Coser, 1956, p. 34).
Along with stronger external boundaries, conflict enables the group to also expe-
rience higher levels of internal solidarity. When a group engages in conflict, the
members will tend to feel a greater sense of camaraderie than during peaceful
times. They will see themselves as more alike, more part of the same family,
existing for the same reason. Group-specific behaviors and symbols will be more
closely guarded and celebrated. Group rituals will be engaged in more often and
with greater fervency, thus producing greater emotional ties between members and
creating a sense of sacredness about the group.
In addition, a group experiencing conflict will tend to produce a more central-

ized power structure. A centralized government is more efficient in terms of
response time to danger, regulating internal stresses and needs, negotiating external
relations, and so on. Violent conflict also tends to produce coalitions with previ-
ously neutral parties. Again, WWII is a clear example. The story of WWII is one of
increasing violence with more and more parties being drawn in. Violent conflict
produces alliances that would have previously been thought unlikely, such as the
United States being allied with Russia.
Coalition . . . permits the coming together of elements that . . . would resist

other forms of unification. Although it is the most unstable form of socializa-
tion, it has the distinct advantage of providing some unification where unifi-
cation might otherwise not be possible. (Coser, 1956, p. 143)
Coser Summary
• Contrary to the claims of most previous theorists, Coser argues that conflict
can have integrating as well as disintegrating effects. Conflict functions differently
whether it is between unrelated groups (external) or inside a group, between fac-
tions (internal).
• For internal conflict, the question of functionality hinges on the conflict
being less violent and more frequent, not threatening the basic assumptions of the
group at large, and the group having low interactional network density. Under these
conditions, internal conflict will produce the following functional consequences:
conflicts will serve to release pent-up hostilities, create norms regulating conflict,
and develop clear lines of authority and jurisdiction (especially around the issues
that conflict develops).
• External conflict that is more violent will tend to have the following func-
tional consequences: stronger group boundaries, higher social solidarity, and more
efficient use of power and authority. Conflict violence will tend to increase in the
presence of high levels of emotional involvement and transcendent goals.
Ralf Dahrendorf: Power and Dialectical Change

We move now to Ralf Dahrendorf ’s theory of power and dialectical change. Like
Coser, Dahrendorf sees conflict as universally present in all human relations. But
Dahrendorf doesn’t see the inevitability of conflict as part of human nature; he sees
it, rather, as a normal part of how we structure society and create social order. In
this sense, Dahrendorf is concerned with the same issue as Talcott Parsons: How is
social order achieved? However, rather than assuming collective agreement about
norms, values, and social positions, as Parsons does, Dahrendorf argues that it is
power that both defines and enforces the guiding principles of society. Dahrendorf
also follows Coser in talking about the level of violence and its effects, but
Dahrendorf adds a further variable: conflict intensity.
Photo: Hulton Archives/Getty Images.
The Essential Dahrendorf

Concepts and Theory: Power and Group Interests
Power
Latent and Manifest Interests
Concepts and Theory: Conflict Groups and Social Change
Conditions of Conflict Group Formation
Social Change
Dahrendorf Summary
The Essential Dahrendorf
Biography
Ralf Dahrendorf was born in Hamburg, Germany, on May 1, 1929. His

father was a Social Democratic politician and member of the German Parliament
who was arrested and imprisoned by the Nazis during WWII. The younger
Dahrendorf was arrested as well, fortuitously escaping death by only a few days.
His father continued in politics after WWII in the Soviet-held portion of
Germany, but was again arrested, this time by the Soviets. He eventually
escaped and fled with Ralf to England. Young Dahrendorf later returned
to Germany to study at the University of Hamburg, where he received his first
Ph.D. in philosophy; he earned his second Ph.D. (sociology) in England at

the London School of Economics. Dahrendorf taught sociology at the universi-
ties of Hamburg, Tübingen, and Konstanz between 1957 and 1969. In 1969,
Dahrendorf turned to politics and became a member of the German Parliament.
In 1970, he was appointed a commissioner in the European Commission in
Brussels. From 1974 to 1984, Dahrendorf was the director of the London School
of Economics. In 1988, Dahrendorf became a British citizen, and in 1993 he was
given life peerage and was named Baron Dahrendorf of Clare Market in the City
of Westminster by Queen Elizabeth II. Sir Dahrendorf is currently a member of
the House of Lords.
In describing his own intellectual search, Dahrendorf (1989) says that it is
my firm belief that the regulation of conflict is the secret of liberty in lib-
eral democracy. That if we don’t manage to regulate conflict, if we try to
ignore it, or if we try to create a world of ultimate harmony, we are quite
likely to end up with worse conflicts than if we accept the fact that people
have different interests and different aspirations, and devise institutions in
which it is possible for people to express these differences, which is what
democracy, in my view, is about. Democracy, in other words, is not about
the emergence of some unified view from “the people,” but it’s about
organizing conflict and living with conflict.
Keys to Knowing
Power, authority, imperatively coordinated associations, Hobbesian problem of

social order, class, quasi-groups, interest groups, technical conditions, political
conditions, social conditions, conflict violence and intensity
Concepts and Theory:

Power and Group Interests
Power
It comes to this: dwarf-throwing contests,
dwarfs for centuries given away
as gifts, and the dwarf-jokes
at which we laugh in our big, proper bodies.
And people so fat they can’t
scratch their toes, so fat
you have to cut away whole sides of their homes
to get them to the morgue.
Don’t we snicker, even as the paramedics work?
And imagine the small political base

of a fat dwarf. Nothing to stop us
from slapping our knees, rolling on the floor.
Let’s apologize to all of them, Roberta said
at the spirited dinner table. But by then
we could hardly contain ourselves.
—Stephen Dunn (1996, p. 61)*
Power
Power is an uneasy word, a word we don’t like to acknowledge in proper

company. Perhaps we may even shy away from it in improper company, because to
speak it is to make it crass. It is certainly a word that social scientists are uncom-
fortable yet obsessed with. Social scientists understand that power makes the
human world go round, but they have a devil of a time defining it or determining
where it exists. One of the reasons it is hard to define is that it is present in every
social situation.
Who has power, where is it located, and how is it exercised? Those questions have
proven themselves to be quite difficult for social scientists to answer. Some theorists
see power as an element of social structure—something attached to a position
within the structure, such as the power that comes with being the president of the
United States. In this scheme, power is something that a person can possess and use
(see Janet Chafetz, Chapter 8).
Other theorists define power as an element of exchange (see Chapter 10). Others
see power more in terms of influence. This is a more general way in which to think of
power, because many types of social relationships and people can exercise influence.
Still other thinkers, as we will see when we get to Michel Foucault (Chapter 14), define
power as insidiously invested in text, knowledge, and discourse (see also Dorothy E.
Smith, Chapter 13). I want to encourage you to pay close attention to the way our the-
orists speak of power and how it is used in society and social relations. It’s an extremely
important social factor and one that is multifaceted in the ways it is used.
For his part, Dahrendorf (1957/1959), here quoting Weber, defines power as “the
probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in a position to carry out
his own will despite resistance, regardless of the basis on which this probability rests”
(p. 166). Dahrendorf also makes the distinction, along with Weber, between power and
authority. Power is something that can be exercised at any moment in all social relations
and depends mostly on the personalities of the individuals involved. Because of its uni-
versal characteristic, Dahrendorf calls power “factual”: it is a fact of human life.
Power can be based on such different sources as persuasion and brute force.
If someone has a gun pointed at your head, chances are good that the person has
*“Power,” from Loosestrife by Stephen Dunn. Copyright © 1996 by Stephen Dunn. Used by
permission of W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.
the power in the encounter; that is, if he or she is willing to use it and you’re afraid
of dying, then chances are good you’ll do what the person says—those individual
features are where personality comes in. Persuasion works subtly as we are drawn
in by the personal magnetism of the other person. Persuasion can also be based on
skills: if someone knows how interactions work and knows social psychology, then
she or he can manipulate those factors and achieve power in the interaction. Again,
a specific personality is involved—knowing how to manipulate people and actually
doing it are two different things.
However, like Weber, Dahrendorf is more interested in authority than this kind
of factual power. Authority is a form of power, of course, but it is legitimate power.
It is power that is “always associated with social positions or roles” (Dahrendorf,
1957/1959, p. 166). Authority is part of social organization, not individual personal-
ity. Please note where Dahrendorf locates authority—the legitimated use of power is
found in the status positions, roles, and norms of organizations. Obvious examples
are your professors, the police, your boss at work, and so on. Because of its organi-
zational embeddedness, Dahrendorf refers to authoritative social relations as imper-
atively coordinated associations (ICAs). I know that sounds like a complex idea, but
it actually isn’t. If something is imperative, it is binding and compulsory; you must
do it. So the term simply says that social relations are managed through legitimated
power (authority). While the term is straightforward, it is also important.
As I mentioned before, Dahrendorf positions himself against Parsons, and here
is where we can see the differences that he wants to accentuate. Dahrendorf (1968)
makes the distinction between the “equilibrium approach” to social order and the
“constraint approach” (pp. 139–140). Parsons is concerned with what is commonly
called the Hobbesian problem of social order, after the philosopher Thomas Hobbes.
Hobbes felt that, apart from social enforcement, some kind of glue binding people
together, society would disintegrate into continual chaos and confrontation.
The problem, then, is to explain how selfishly motivated actors create social
order. If all you care about is yourself, why would you cooperate with other people
to achieve goals you don’t care about? One solution to the problem is found
in exchange theory (Chapter 10); another prominent idea is proposed by both
Durkheim and Parsons. Functionalists argue for the equilibrium approach to the
problem of social order: society is produced as individuals are constrained and
directed through a cohesive set of norms, values, and beliefs. For Durkheim, this
took the form of a moral collective consciousness that imposes its will on the indi-
vidual members of the group. You’ll remember that, for Parsons, the solution is
found in modes of orientation, commonly held cultural belief systems, expressive
symbols, value orientations, and recognizable types of action.
Dahrendorf (1968) recognizes that “continuity is without a doubt one of the
fundamental puzzles of social life” but argues that social order is the result of con-
straint rather than some consensus around social beliefs (pp. 139–140). In the con-
straint approach, the norms and values of society are established and imposed
through authoritative power. Be careful to see the distinction that’s being made. In
the equilibrium model, the actions of individuals are organized through a collec-
tively held and agreed-upon set of values, roles or types of action, expressive
symbols, and so on. In this Durkheim–Parsons model, these cultural elements hold
sway because they are functional and/or they have moral force. These elements
produce an equilibrium or balance between individual desires and social needs.
Dahrendorf, however, points out that there is an assumed element of power
in the equilibrium model. By definition, “a norm is a cultural rule that associates
people’s behavior or appearance with rewards or punishments” (Johnson, 2000,
p. 209). Not all behaviors are normative—that is, not all are governed by a norm or
standard. To bring out this point, let’s compare normal (in the usual sense) and
normative. Some behaviors can be normal (or not) and yet not be guided by a
norm. For example, I usually wear jeans, T-shirts, and Chuck Taylor shoes to teach
in. That’s not normal attire for a professor at my school, but I’m not breaking a
norm in dressing like that. There are no sanctions involved—I don’t get rewarded
or punished. I’m sure you see Dahrendorf ’s point: norms always presume an
element of power in that they are negatively or positively enforced.
Dahrendorf agrees with Durkheim and Parsons that society is created through
roles, norms, and values, but he argues that they work through power rather than
collective consensus. Here is where we can see the primary distinction between the
functional and conflict theory approaches: Functionalists assume some kind of cul-
tural agreement and don’t see power as a central social factor; in contrast, conflict
theorists argue that power is the central feature of society. Further, as a conflict the-
orist, Dahrendorf (1968) sees that the substance of social roles, norms, status posi-
tions, values, and so forth “may well be explained in terms of the interests of the
powerful” (p. 140). Like Marx, Dahrendorf argues that the culture of any society
reflects the interests of the powerful elite and not the political interests of the
middle or lower classes.
It is also important to note that Dahrendorf sees class as related more to power
than to money or occupation. Both of those might be important, but the reason for
this is that they contribute to an individual’s power within an ICA. Thus, for
Dahrendorf (1957/1959), classes “are social conflict groups the determinant . . . of
which can be found in the participation in or exclusion from the exercise of author-
ity within any imperatively coordinated association” (p. 138). Keep this distinction
in mind. It implies that Dahrendorf ’s concern with conflict is more narrowly
defined than is Coser’s. Coser is interested in explaining any internal and external
conflict, while Dahrendorf ’s main interest is internal class conflict.
Latent and Manifest Interests
Like Marx, Dahrendorf sees the interests of power and class in dichotomous
terms: you either can wield legitimated power or you can’t. Now that I’ve said that,
I need to qualify it. Remember that Dahrendorf calls the social relationships orga-
nized around legitimated power imperatively coordinated associations. One of the
ideas implied in the term is that social relations are embedded within a hierarchy of
authority. What this means is that most people are sandwiched in between power
relations. That is, they exercise power over some and are themselves subject to the
authority of those above them. However, this idea also points out that embedded
within this hierarchy of power are dichotomous sets of interests.
For example, let’s say you are a manager at a local eatery that is part of a restau-
rant chain. As manager, you will have a number of employees over whom you have
authority and exercise power. You will share that power with other shift or section
managers. In the restaurant, then, there are two groups with different power inter-
ests: a group of managers and a group of employees. At the same time, you have
regional and corporate managers over you. This part of the organizational structure
sets up additional dichotomous power interests. In this case, you are the underling
and your bosses exercise power over you and others. If you stop and think about it,
you’ll see what Dahrendorf wants us to see: Society is set up and managed through
imperatively coordinated associations. Society is a tapestry that is woven together
by different sets of power interests.
Okay, social relationships are coordinated through authority and power is every-
where. What’s the big deal? What else does Dahrendorf want us to see? There’s
an important distinction and significant question that Dahrendorf wants us to become
aware of. Using two terms from Merton, Dahrendorf argues that everyone is involved
in positions and groups with latent power interests. People with these similar interests
are called quasi-groups. Quasi-groups “consist of incumbents of roles endowed with like
expectations of interests” and represent “recruiting fields” for the formation of real
interest groups. Interest groups, Dahrendorf tells us, “are the real agents of group con-
flict” (Dahrendorf, 1957/1959, p. 180). Everybody is part of various quasi-groups. For
example, you and your fellow students form a loose aggregate of interests opposed to
the professors at your university. Here’s the significant question that Dahrendorf wants
us to consider: How do latent interests become manifest interests? In other words, what
are the social factors that move an aggregate from a quasi-group to an interest group?
Concepts and Theory: Conflict

Groups and Social Change
Conditions of Conflict Group Formation
Before we get into these conditions, let me reemphasize an important sociolog-
ical point. Every single one of us maintains different positions within social aggre-
gates. An aggregate is simply “a mass or body of units or parts somewhat loosely
associated with one another” (Merriam-Webster, 2002). For example, you have an
economic class position; perhaps you’re working or middle class. Yet, while you
share that position with a vast number of others, you may not experience any sense
of group identity or shared interests. When, why, and how these aggregates actually
form into social groups is a significant sociological question. As an illustration, ask
yourself what would have to happen for you and your fellow students to become an
active social group that would rise up against the authority of your professors or
campus administrators? More significantly, what are the conditions under which
disenfranchised groups such as gays and lesbians (in the United States) would
challenge the existing power arrangements?
Dahrendorf gives us three sets of conditions that must be met for a group to
become active in conflict: technical, political, and social conditions. The technical
conditions are those things without which a group simply can’t function. They are the
things that actually define a social group as compared to an aggregate. The technical
conditions include members, ideas or ideologies (what Dahrendorf calls a “charter”),
and norms. The members that Dahrendorf has in mind are the people who are active
in the organization of the group. For an illustration, we can think of a Christian
church. As any pastor knows, within a congregation there are active and inactive
members. There are the people who actually make the church work by teaching
Sunday school or organizing bake sales; and then there are the people who show up
once or twice a week and simply attend. We can see the same thing in political parties:
There are those who are active year in and year out and there are those who simply
vote. It’s the workers or “leading group” that Dahrendorf has in mind as members.
For a collective to function as a group, there also has to be a defining set of ideas,
or an ideology. These ideas must be distinct enough from the ruling party to set
the conflict group apart. For example, for the students at your school to become an
interest group, there would have to be a set of ideas and values that are different
from the ones the administration and faculty hold. Just such an ideology was
present during the free speech movement at the University of California at Berkeley
during the sixties. A friend of mine taught his first introduction to sociology class
at Berkeley during this time. He walked in on the first day of class and handed out
his syllabus. In response, the students, all 300 of them, got up and walked out. Why?
The students believed that they should have had input in making up the syllabus—
a value that most professors don’t hold. (My friend, by the way, invited them back
to collectively negotiate a syllabus.)
A group also requires norms. Groups are unruly things. Without norms, people
tend to go off in their own direction either by mistake or intention. There must be
some social mechanism that acts like a shepherd dog, nipping at the heels of the
sheep to bring them back to the flock. So important are norms to human existence,
Durkheim argued that people would commit suicide if there were no clear norms
to guide behavior (anomic suicide). Norms are particularly important for interest
groups involved in conflict. Conflict demands a united stand from the interest
group, and norms help preserve that solidarity. Note also that the existence of
norms implies a power hierarchy within the interest group itself—a leadership
cadre.
The political conditions refer specifically to the ability to meet and organize. This
is fairly obvious but is nonetheless important. Using our student revolt example,
let’s say that your university administration got wind of student unrest. Now, where
is the most logical and the easiest place for a group of students to meet? The college
campus would be the best place; many students live there and perhaps have limited
transportation, and the campus is also the place that every student knows. However,
the administration controls access to all campus facilities and could forbid students
to gather, especially if they knew that the students were fomenting a revolt.
The administration could further hamper meetings through the way the campus
is built. I attended a school that was building a student center while I was there.
Everybody was excited, and we students were looking forward to having all the
amenities that come with such a facility, such as greater choices in food (we would
be getting Burger King, Kentucky Fried Chicken, Pizza Hut, and assorted other
options) and a movie theater. What most of us didn’t realize at the time was that the
university had had plans long before to build a student center, but those plans got
scrapped. Why? The original center was supposed to be built in 1964, right in the
middle of the civil rights and free speech movements. The university didn’t build the
center then because they didn’t want to provide the students with an opportunity to
gather together. The center was eventually built during the latter part of the 1980s,
when students seemed most content with capitalist enterprise. Now, move this illus-
tration out to general society and you’ll see the importance of these political condi-
tions: governments can clearly either hamper or allow interest groups to develop.
Social conditions of organization must also be met. There are two elements here:
communication and structural patterns of recruitment. Obviously, the more people
(quasi-groups) are able to communicate, the more likely they will form a social
group (interest group). A group’s ability to communicate is of course central to
Marx’s view of class consciousness. Dahrendorf (1957/1959) brings it into his
theory with updates: “In advanced industrial societies this condition may be
assumed to be generally given” (p. 187).
Marx of course was aware of some communication technologies, such as print-
ing and newspapers, but still saw that bringing people together in physical proxim-
ity was necessary for communication. Dahrendorf, writing in the 1950s, saw even
more technological development than did Marx, and you and I have seen this con-
dition fully blossom with the advent of computer technologies and the Internet.
Communication is thus a given in modern society. But hold onto this idea of
non–face-to-face communication until we get to Randall Collins; he’s going to give
us a caveat to Dahrendorf ’s assumed level of communication.
The second part of Dahrendorf ’s social conditions also sets a limit on commu-
nication. The social connections that people make must be structurally predictable
for an interest group to develop. Let’s use Internet communication as an example.
When email and the Internet first began, there were few mechanisms that patterned
the way people got in touch with one another. People would email their friends or
business acquaintances, and in that sense computer technologies only enhanced
already established social connections. But with the advent of search engines like
Google and Web sites like Yahoo, there are now structural features of the Internet
that can more predictably bring people together.
For instance, I just opened the Yahoo homepage. Under “Groups” is listed “From
Trash to Treasure; React locally, impact globally.” If I’m concerned about ecological
issues, then my communication with other like-minded people is now facilitated by
the structure of the Internet. However, my accessing the Yahoo homepage is not
structured. Whether or not you or I use Yahoo and see the discussion group is based
on “peculiar, structurally random personal circumstances,” which “appear generally
unsuited for the organization of conflict groups” (Dahrendorf, 1957/1959, p. 187).
Thus, while parts of these social conditions appear to be structured, others are not.
The thing I want you to see here is that this condition is highly variable, even
though we are living in a technologically advanced society.
Social Change
According to Dahrendorf, conflict will vary by its level of intensity and vio-
lence. Conflict intensity refers to the amount of costs and involvement. The cost
of conflict is rather intuitive; it refers to the money, life, material, and infrastruc-
ture that are lost due to conflict. Involvement refers to the level of importance the
people in the conflict attach to the group and its issues. We can think of this
involvement as varying on a continuum from the level that a game of checkers
requires to that of a front-line soldier. Checkers only requires a small portion of a
person’s personality and energy, while participating in a war where life and death
are at stake will engulf an individual’s entire psyche. For Dahrendorf, conflict vio-
lence refers to how conflict is manifested and is basically measured by the kinds of
weapons used. Peaceful demonstrations are conflictual but exhibit an extremely
low level of violence, while riots are far more violent.
While violence and intensity can go together, as in a nuclear war, they don’t nec-
essarily covary, and they tend to influence social change in different directions.
More intense conflicts will tend to generate more profound social changes. We can
think of the life of Mahatma Gandhi as an example of conflict with a high level of
intensity but no violence. Gandhi is also a good example of the profound social
changes that intense conflict can engender. Not only was he centrally responsible
for major structural changes in Indian society, he has also had a profound and
lasting impact worldwide.
On the other hand, the violence of a conflict will influence how quickly the
changes occur. We can think of the recent invasion of Iraq by the U.S. military as
an example of violent conflict and rapid social change. The United States invaded
Iraq on March 20, 2003. On April 9, 2003, Baghdad fell to the U.S.-led military
forces. On that day, U.S. marines pulled down the 20-foot-tall statue of Saddam
Hussein, thus symbolically ending his regime. An interim Iraqi government was
appointed in 2004 and elections for a permanent government occurred in 2005.
How deep these structural changes go remains to be seen, yet there is little doubt
that the rapidness of the changes is due to the level of violence the United States
government was willing to employ.
Important note: the two examples I’ve just given are somewhat outside the
scope of Dahrendorf interests. Remember that Dahrendorf is concerned primarily
with explaining class conflict within a society. The reason I used those examples is
that they clearly point out the differences between the violence and the intensity
of conflict. Often class conflict, especially over longer periods of time, involves
both intensity and violence and thus they are difficult to empirically disengage
from one another. A good example of these factors is the civil rights movement in
the United States. I invite you to check out a civil rights timeline by using your
favorite Internet search engine; be sure to use a timeline that goes back at least to
1954. Think about the types of conflict, whether intense or violent, and the kinds
of social changes occurring.
Level of Violence
Within a society, the violence of class conflict, as defined by Dahrendorf, is
related to three distinct groups of social factors: (1) the technical, political, and
social conditions of organization; (2) the effective regulation of conflict within a
society; and (3) the level of relative deprivation. Violence is negatively related to
the three conditions of organization. In other words, the more a group has met the
technical, political, and social conditions of organization, the less likely it is that the
conflict will be violent. Remember, we saw this idea in a more basic form with
Coser. While some level of organization is necessary for a group to move from
quasi- to interest group, the better organized a group is, the more likely it is to have
rational goals and to seek reasonable means to achieve those goals.
The violence of a conflict is also negatively related to the presence of legitimate
ways of regulating conflict. In other words, the greater the level of formal or infor-
mal norms regulating conflict, the greater the probability that both parties will use
the norms or judicial paths to resolve the conflict. However, this factor is influenced
by two others. In order for the two interested parties to use legitimate roads of con-
flict resolution, they must recognize the fundamental justice of the cause involved
(even if they don’t agree on the outcome), and both parties need to be well-
organized. In addition, the possibility of violent conflict is positively related to a
sense of relative deprivation. We reviewed this idea with Coser, but here Dahrendorf
is specifying the concept more and linking it explicitly to the level of violence.
Level of Intensity
Within a social system, the level of conflict intensity is related to the technical,
political, and social conditions of organization; the level of social mobility; and to
the way in which power and other scarce resources are distributed in society. Notice
that both violence and intensity are related to group organization and the relation-
ship in both cases is negative. The violence and intensity of conflict will tend to
go down as groups are better organized—again, for the same reason: better organi-
zation means more rational action.
With Coser, we saw that people will begin to question the legitimacy of the dis-
tribution of scarce resources as the desired goods and social positions tend to all
go to the same class. Here, Dahrendorf is being more specific and is linking this
issue with conflict intensity. The relationship is positive: the more society’s scarce
resources are bestowed upon a single social category, the greater will be the intensity
of the conflict. In this case, the interest groups will see the goals of conflict as more
significant and worth more involvement and cost. Finally, the intensity of a conflict
is negatively related to social mobility. If an ICA (imperatively coordinated associa-
tion) sees its ability to achieve society’s highly valued goods and positions systemat-
ically hampered, then chances are good the group members will see the conflict as
worth investing more of themselves in and possibly sustaining greater costs.
In Table 7.1, I’ve listed the various propositions that Coser and Dahrendorf give
us concerning the varying levels of conflict violence and intensity. As you can see,
the level of violence tends to go up with increasing levels of emotional involvement,
the presence of transcendent goals, and a sense of change from absolute to relative
deprivation. Conversely, the likelihood of violence in conflict tends to go down
when the interest groups meet the technical, social, and political conditions of orga-
nization (class organization); when they have explicitly stated rational goals; and
when there are norms and legal channels available for resolving conflict. As the vio-
lence of conflict increases, we can expect social changes to come rapidly and we can
anticipate groups to experience stronger boundaries, solidarity, and more efficient
control and authority. Only Dahrendorf comments on conflict intensity, and he
argues that decreasing class organization and social mobility and increasing covari-
ance of authority and rewards will tend to produce higher levels of intensity, which
in turn will produce more profound structural changes.
Table 7.1 Coser and Dahrendorf’s Propositions of Conflict Violence

and Intensity
Propositions Concerning the Level of Conflict Violence
↑ Emotional Involvement ↑ Violence
↑ Transcendent Goals ↑ Violence
↑ Sense of Absolute to Relative Deprivation ↑ Violence
↑ Class Organization ↓ Violence
↑ Explicitly Stated Rational Goals ↓ Violence
↑ Normative Regulation of Conflict ↓ Violence
Possible functional effects: greater rapidness of change; stronger group

boundaries; greater group solidarity; centralization of power
Propositions Concerning the Level of Conflict Intensity
↓ Class Organization ↑ Intensity
↓ Social Mobility ↑ Intensity
↑ Association of Authority and Rewards ↑ Intensity
Possible effects: more profound structural changes
Regardless of how fast or how dramatically societies change, the changes must
be institutionalized. We saw this idea with Parsons. For Dahrendorf (1957/1959),
institutionalization occurs within structural changes “involving the personnel
of positions of domination in imperatively coordinated associations” (p. 231).
What you should notice about this statement is that social change involves chang-
ing personnel in ICAs. Remember that ICAs are how Dahrendorf characterizes the
basic structure of society. The roles, norms, and values of any social group are
enforced through the legitimated power relations found in ICAs. Every ICA con-
tains quasi-groups that are differentiated around the issue of power. ICAs move
from quasi-group status to interest groups, and concerns of power move from
latent to manifest, as these groups meet the technical, political, and social condi-
tions of group organization. This conflict then brings different levels and rates of
change based on its intensity and violence. These changes occur in the structure of
ICAs, with different people enforcing different sets of roles, norms, and values,
which, in turn, sets up new configurations of power and ICAs. Then this power
dialectic starts all over again.
Dahrendorf Summary
• Dahrendorf argues that underlying all social order are imperatively coordi-
nated associations (ICA). ICAs are organizational groups based on differential
power relations. These ICAs set up latent power interests between those who have
it and those who don’t. These interests will tend to become manifest when a group
meets the technical, political, and social conditions of group organization. Conflict
generated between interest groups varies by intensity and violence.
• The intensity of conflict is a negative function of group organization and
social mobility, and a positive function of association among the scarce resources
within a society. The more intense conflicts are, the more profound are the struc-
tural changes.
• The violence of conflict is a negative function of the conditions of group
organization and already existing legitimate ways of resolving conflict, and a posi-
tive function of relative deprivation. The more violent is the conflict, the quicker
structural change occurs.
• Social change involves shifts in the personnel of ICAs. The new personnel
impose their own hierarchy of status positions, roles, norms, and values, which sets
up another grouping of ICAs and latent power interests.
Randall Collins: Emotion and

the World in Conflict
Randall Collins takes us in a different direction from either Coser or Dahrendorf.
First, Collins’s work of synthesis is broader and more robust. As I’ve already men-
tioned, Collins draws not only from the classical conflict theorists, he also uses
Durkheim and Erving Goffman (Chapter 9). The inclusion of Durkheim is
extremely important. Using Durkheim allows Collins to consider the use of emo-
tion and ritual in conflict. As you’ll see, these are important contributions to
our understanding of conflict. In talking about Collins’s theory, I’m not going to
review what Durkheim said about rituals and emotion. So, be sure to bring the
information you learned in Chapter 3 into your thinking here. If you need to, please
review Durkheim’s theory of ritual.
But more than adding new ideas, the scope of Collins’s project is much wider. In
1975 Collins published Conflict Sociology. His goal in the book was to draw together
all that sociologists had learned about conflict and to scientifically state the theories
in formal propositions and hypotheses. The end result is a book that contains hun-
dreds of such statements.
Without a doubt, his book represents the most systematic effort ever undertaken
to scientifically explain conflict, even to this day. Then, in 1993, Collins reduced the
hundreds of theoretical statements from his 1975 work to just “four main points
of conflict theory” (1993a, p. 289). Anytime a theorist does something like this, the
end statement is theoretically powerful. In essence, what Collins is saying is that
most of what we know about conflict can be boiled down to these four points.
Collins also takes us further because he considers more macro-level, long-range
issues of conflict in a new theoretical domain called “geopolitical theory.”
Photo: © Courtesy of Randall Collins.
The Essential Collins

Concepts and Theory: Four Main Points in Conflict Sociology
Scarce Resources and Mobilization
The Propagation and End of Conflict
Concepts and Theory: Geopolitics
The Role of the State
Geopolitical Dynamics
The Demise of Soviet Russia
Collins Summary
The Essential Collins
Biography
Randall Collins was born in Knoxville, Tennessee, on July 29, 1941. His father was
part of military intelligence during WWII and then a member of the state depart-
ment. Collins thus spent a good deal of his early years in Europe. As a teenager,
Collins was sent to a New England prep school, afterward studying at Harvard
and the University of California, Berkeley, where he encountered the work of
Herbert Blumer and Erving Goffman, both professors at Berkeley at the time.
Collins completed his Ph.D. at Berkeley in 1969. He has spent time teaching at a
number of universities, such as the University of Virginia and the Universities of
California at Riverside and San Diego, and has held a number of visiting profes-
sorships at Chicago, Harvard, Cambridge, and at various universities in Europe,
Japan, and China. He is currently at the University of Pennsylvania.
Collins has enormous breadth, but seems focused on understanding how conflict
and stratification work through face-to-face ritualized interactions. Specifically,
his passion is to understand how societies are produced, held together, and
destroyed through emotionally rather than rationally motivated behaviors.
Keys to Knowing
Conflict mobilization, material and emotional resources, resource mobilization,

ritualized exchange of atrocities, bureaucratization of conflict, ritual solidarity,
geopolitical theory, the state, state legitimacy, heartland advantage, marchland
advantage, overexpansion
Concepts and Theory: Four Main

Points in Conflict Sociology
Scarce Resources and Mobilization
Point One: The unequal distribution of each scarce resource produces potential con-
flict between those who control it and those who don’t. Dahrendorf argues that there
is one primary resource in society: power. Randall Collins, on the other hand,
follows the basic outline that Weber gave us of the three different types of scarce
resources: economic resources, which may be broadly understood as all material con-
ditions; power resources, which are best understood as social positions within con-
trol or organizational networks; and status or cultural resources, which Collins
understands as control over the rituals that produce solidarity and group symbols.
Notice that Collins expands and generalizes two of these resources. Both Marx
and Weber saw economic resources in terms of class position; Collins, however,
argues that economic resources ought to be seen as encompassing a much broader

spectrum of issues—control over any material resources. These may come to us as
a consequence of class, but they also may accrue to a person working in an under-
ground social movement through thievery or other illegal means.
Point Two: Potential conflicts become actual conflicts to the degree that opposing
groups become mobilized. There are at least two main areas of resource mobilization:
The first area involves emotional, moral, and symbolic mobilization. The prime
ingredient here is collective rituals. This is one of Collins’s main contributions
to conflict theory. Groups don’t simply need material goods to wage a battle; there
are also clear emotional and symbolic goods used in conflict. As Durkheim
(1912/1995) says, “we become capable to feelings and conduct of which we are inca-
pable when left to our individual resources” (p. 212). Collins uses Durkheim’s
theory of ritual performance to explain symbolic mobilization. In general, the more
a group is able to physically gather together, create boundaries for ritual practice,
share a common focus of attention, and have a common emotional mood, the more
group members will
1. Have a strong and explicit sense of group identity

2. Have a worldview that polarizes the world into two camps (in-group and
out-group)
3. Be able to perceive their beliefs as morally right
4. Be charged up with the necessary emotional energy to make sacrifices for the
group and cause
The second main area for mobilization concerns the material resources for orga-
nizing. Material mobilization includes such things as communication and trans-
portation technologies, material and monetary supplies to sustain the members
while in conflict, weapons (if the conflict is military), and sheer numbers of people.
While this area is pretty obvious, the ability to mobilize material resources is a key
issue in geopolitical theory.
There are a couple of corollaries or consequences that follow these propositions.
If there are two areas of mobilization, then there are two ways in which a party can
win or lose a conflict. The first has to do with material resources, which get used up
during conflicts. People die; weapons are spent; communication and transportation
technologies are used up, break down, or are destroyed; and so on. A conflict out-
come, then, is dependent not only upon who has the greatest resources at the begin-
ning of a war, but also upon who can replenish those supplies.
A group can also win by generating higher levels of ritual solidarity as compared
to their enemies. Collins gives the example of Martin Luther King Jr. King obviously
had fewer material resources than the ruling establishment, but the civil rights
movement was able to create higher levels of ritualized energy and was able to gen-
erate broad-based symbolic, moral appeal. Of course, a group can also lose the con-
flict if its members are unable to renew the necessary emotional energies. Emotional
energy and all the things that go with it—motivation, feelings of morality, righteous
indignation, willingness to sacrifice, group identity, and so on—thus have a

decay factor.
Symbols and ideas aren’t themselves sacred or moral, nor do they actually
“carry” sacredness or morality; they only act as prompts to evoke these emotions in
people. It is necessary, then, to renew the collective effervescence associated with the
symbol, moral, or group identity. If collective rituals aren’t continually performed,
people will become discouraged, lose their motivation, entertain alternatives views
of meaning and reality, and become incapable of making the necessary sacrifices.
The Propagation and End of Conflict
Point Three: Conflict engenders subsequent conflict. In order to activate a poten-

tial conflict, parties must have some sense of moral rightness. Groups have
a difficult time waging war simply on utilitarian grounds. They have to have some
sense of moral superiority, some reason that extends beyond the control of oil or
other material good. As a result, conflicts that are highly mobilized tend to have
parties that engage in the ritualized exchange of atrocities. Collins calls this the
negative face of social solidarity. This is a somewhat difficult subject to illustrate,
because if you hold to or believe in one side in a conflict, its definition of atrocities
or terrorism will seem morally right. The trick is to see and understand that there
has never been a group that has entered into a conflict knowing or feeling that they
are wrong. For instance, the people who flew the airplanes into the World Trade
Center felt morally justified in doing so.
We can think of many, many examples from around the world, such as the
Croats and Serbs and the Irish Catholics and Protestants. And the history of the
United States is filled with such illustrations. For example, there is still a debate con-
cerning the reasons and justifiability of the use of nuclear weapons during WWII.
Whatever side of the debate people take, it is undeniable that retribution was and is
part of the justification. As President Truman (1945a, 1945b) said,
The Japanese began the war from the air at Pearl Harbor. They have been
repaid many fold. And the end is not yet. With this bomb we have now added
a new and revolutionary increase in destruction. . . . Having found the bomb
we have used it. We have used it against those who attacked us without warn-
ing at Pearl Harbor, against those who have starved and beaten and executed
American prisoners of war, against those who have abandoned all pretense of
obeying international laws of warfare.
In addition to satiating righteous indignation and affirming social solidarity, rit-

ualized retributions are used to garner support. We can see this clearly in the United
States’ use of the attacks of September 11, Israel’s use of the holocaust, the antiabor-
tionists’ conceptualization of abortion as murder, and the various civil rights
groups’ use of past atrocities. Atrocities thus become a symbolic resource that can
be used to sway public opinion and create coalitions.
Point Four: Conflicts diminish as resources for mobilization are used up. Just as
there are two main areas of conflict mobilization, there are two fronts where
demobilization occurs. For intense conflicts, emotional resources tend to be
important in the short run, but in the long run, material resources are the key fac-
tors. Many times the outcome of a war is determined by the relative balance of
resources. Randall Collins gives us two corollaries. The first is that milder or spo-
radic forms of conflict tend to go on for longer periods of time than more intense
ones. Fewer resources are used and they are more easily renewed. This is one rea-
son why terrorism and guerilla warfare tend to go on almost indefinitely. Civil
rights and relatively peaceful political movements can be carried out for extended
periods as well.
The second corollary Collins gives us is that relatively mild forms of conflict
tend to deescalate due to the bureaucratization of conflict. Bureaucracies are quite
good at co-optation. To co-opt means to take something in and make it one’s own
or make it part of the group, which on the surface might sound like a good thing.
But because bureaucracies are value and emotion free, there is a tendency to
downplay differences and render them impotent. For example, one of the things
that our society has done with race and gender movements is to give them official
status in the university. One can now get a degree in race or gender relations.
Inequality is something we now study, rather than it being the focus of social
movements. In this sense, these movements have been co-opted. “This is one of the
unwelcome lessons of the sociology of conflict. The result of conflict is never the
utopia envisioned in the moments of intense ideological mobilization; there are
hard-won gains, usually embedded in an expanded bureaucratic shell” (Collins,
1993a, p. 296).
The second front where conflicts may be lost is deescalation of ritual solidarity.
A conflict group must periodically gather to renew or create the emotional energy
necessary to sustain a fight. One of the interesting things this implies is that
the intensity of conflicts will vary by focus of attention. Conflict that is multi-
focused will tend not to be able to generate high levels of emotional energy. The
conflict over civil rights in the United States is just such a case. The civil rights
movement today has splintered because the idea of civil rights isn’t held by every-
one involved as a universal moral. That is, the groups involved don’t focus on civil
rights per se; they focus on civil rights for their group. For example, there are those
working for the equal rights of African Americans who would deny those same
rights to homosexuals.
Concepts and Theory: Geopolitics

There are two things that I want to point out before we consider geopolitical theory.
The first is that geopolitical processes happen over the long run. These forces take
time to build up and aren’t readily apparent, especially to most of us living in the
United States. In this country, we have difficulty thinking in the long term. We are
focused on the individual and immediate gratification, and even the economic
planning that is done is oriented toward short-term portfolio management.

Geopolitical theory is sociology over the long term. It explains how nations grow
and die. The processes and dynamics can’t be seen by just looking at our daily con-
cerns. We have to rise above ourselves and look historically.
The second thing I want to point out is that geopolitical theory focuses on the
state rather than the economy. Generally speaking, world-systems theory, like that
of Immanuel Wallerstein (Chapter 12), focuses on the economy. Collins under-
stands the world system in more Weberian terms, where the nation-state is the key
actor on the world stage. As mentioned earlier, nation-states are relatively recent
inventions. Up until the sixteenth century, the world was not organized in terms of
nation-states. People were generally organized ethnically with fairly fluid territorial
limits, as with feudalism. Feudalistic states were based on land stewardship estab-
lished through the relation of lord to vassal. Its chief characteristics were homage,
the service of tenants under arms and in court, wardship, and forfeiture. A nation-
state, on the other hand, is a collective that occupies a specific territory, shares
a common history and identity, is based on free labor, and sees its members as
sharing a common fate.
The Role of the State
In Weberian terms, the state is defined as an entity that exercises a monopoly

over the legitimate use of force within and because of a specific geographic terri-
tory. First and foremost, nation-states have a monopoly on force. In fact, one of the
main impetuses behind the nation is the ability to regularly tax people for the
purpose of creating a standing army. Previously, armies were occasional things that
were gathered to fight specific wars. A standing army is one that is continually on
standby; it is ready to fight at a moment’s notice.
Notice that nation-states are organized around the legitimate use of power.
Thinking about power in terms of legitimacy brings in cultural and ritual elements.
If power is defined as the ability to get people to do what you want, then legitimacy
is defined in terms of the willingness of people to do what you want. In order for
any system of domination to work, people must believe in it. As we saw in Weber’s
theory, to maintain a system of domination not based on legitimacy costs a great
deal in terms of technology, money, and peoplepower. In addition, people generally
respond in the long run to the use of coercion by either rebelling or giving up—the
end result is thus contrary to the desired goal. Authority and legitimacy, on
the other hand, imply the ability to require performance that is based upon the
performer’s belief in the rightness of the system.
With nation-states, there is an interesting relationship between force and
legitimacy. According to Randall Collins (1986c), this legitimacy is a special kind of
emotion: it’s “the emotion that individuals feel when facing the threat of death in
the company of others” (p. 156). Legitimacy isn’t something that is the direct result
of socialization, though it plays a part. Rather, legitimacy is active; it ebbs and flows
and is stronger at some times than at others—people feel more or less patriotic
depending on a number of factors, most notably ritual performance.
The governments of nation-states are painfully aware of the active nature

of legitimacy. Legitimacy provides the government’s right to rule. Though also
associated with economic prosperity and mass education, nationalism—the
nation-state’s particular kind of legitimacy—is dependent upon a common feeling
that is most strongly associated with ritualized interactions performed in response
to perceived threat. This threat can be internal, as in the case of minority group
uprisings, crime, and deviance, but it is most strongly associated with externally
produced threat and shock. You will notice that state legitimacy comes up again in
the next section on critical theory, but from a different perspective.
The other defining feature of the nation-state is the control of a specific geo-
graphic territory. One of the reasons that a standing army originally came about
was to defend a specific territory. As humans first became settled due to agriculture,
it became increasingly necessary to defend the territory and internally organize a
population that was growing in both size and diversity. The geographic contours of
this territory are extremely important for Collins. Collins (1987) argues that the
idea of property “upholds the macroworld as a social structure” (p. 204). The rea-
son behind this is that property is the fundamental backdrop against which all
interaction rituals are produced. Further, geographic space is not simply the arena
in which interactions take place; it is one of the fundamental elements over which
people struggle for control, thus making space a strong ritual focus of attention.
Thus, on one level, the explicitness and increased size of the territories associated
with nation-states have important implications for the production of interaction
ritual chains and macro-level phenomena in general.
Geopolitical Dynamics
Territory is also important because specific geopolitical issues are linked to it. All
forms of political organization come and go, including nation-states. Nations are
born and nations die. A sociological study in the long run ought to explain—and
predict, if it is scientific—the life course of a nation. The geopolitical factors that
predict and explain the rise and fall of nations are linked to territory. There are two
territorial factors: heartland and marchland advantages. Heartland advantage is
defined in terms of the size of the territory, which is linked to the level of natural
resources and population size. The logic here is simple. Larger and wealthier terri-
tories can sustain larger populations that in turn provide the necessary tax base and
manpower for a large military. Larger nations can have larger armies and will defeat
smaller nations and armies. Marchland advantage is defined in terms of a nation’s
borders: nation-states with fewer enemies on their immediate borders will be
stronger than other nations with more enemies nearby but a similar heartland
advantage. Marchland nations are geographically peripheral; they are not centered
in the midst of other nations.
Taken together, we can see that larger, more powerful states have a cumulative
resource advantage: nations with both heartland and marchland advantage will
tend to grow cumulatively over time, and the neighbors of such nations will tend to
diminish. Eventually, as smaller nations are annexed, larger nations confront one
another in a “showdown” war, unless a natural barrier exists (such as an ocean).

Natural barriers form a buffer between powerful states and will bring a stable bal-
ance of power. On the other hand, nations that are geographically central and have
multisided borders will tend to experience internal political schisms and conflict
that can lead to long-term fragmentation.
The key to geopolitical theory and the demise of heartland/marchland nations
is overexpansion. A nation can overextend itself materially and culturally. One of
the important features of warfare is the cost involved with keeping an army sup-
plied. The further away an army has to go to fight, the greater are the costs involved
in transporting goods and services to it. This issue becomes important as the size
of the army increases past the point where it can forage or live off the land. A crit-
ical point is reached when a nation tries to support an army that is more than one
heartland away (if there is another nation or more in between the two warring fac-
tions). A nation-state can also overextend itself culturally. Remember that legiti-
macy is a cultural good. The legitimacy of a nation is strained the farther away it
moves from its ethnic base. In other words, there is an increase in the number and
extent of tension points the more a nation increases its social diversity. There are
more areas of potential disagreement within a diverse population than among a
homogeneous population, especially if the other ethnic groups are brought into
society through warfare or other measures of forced annexation.
The Demise of Soviet Russia
Randall Collins gives us an example of these geopolitical forces in the case of the
USSR. On Christmas day in 1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics officially
collapsed. Five years prior, Collins (1986c, pp. 186–209) published a book with a
chapter entitled “The Future Decline of the Russian Empire.” Collins’s prediction of
the fall of the USSR was based on geopolitical theory. The historical expansion of
Russia illustrates these principles of geopolitical theory.
The expansion began with Moscow in the late fourteenth century, a small state
with a marchland advantage. Fighting fragmented rivals, Moscow made slow
cumulative growth. By 1520, Moscow had annexed all of ethnic Russia. By the late
1700s, Russia had expanded across Siberia and the Southern Steppes and was a
strong military power in Europe. Russia further expanded by taking advantage of
Napoleon’s wars, the fall of the Ottoman Empire, and China’s prolonged civil
wars—this further expansion was based on geopolitical factors. In the end, the
USSR was the largest country on the globe, consisting of 15 soviet socialist
republics whose territories reached from the Baltic and Black Seas to the Pacific
Ocean, an area of 8,649,512 square miles, 11 time zones, and, most importantly,
that shared common boundaries with six European and six Asian countries.
Thinking in terms of geopolitical issues, the problems that faced the USSR are
obvious. The nation was overextended both culturally and economically. It no
longer held heartland advantage: in terms of total population, the enemies of the
USSR outnumbered them 3.5 to 1; and in terms of economic resources, it was
4.6 to 1. In addition, because of its successful expansion, the USSR no longer had a
marchland advantage. It had done away with all weak buffer states and only faced
powerful enemy nations in all directions. Further, the USSR had to exert military
control over its Eastern European satellites, which were two and three times
removed from the heartland. All told, it had to defend borders totalling 58,000 kilo-
meters, or over 36,000 miles. What’s more, the USSR contained at least 120 differ-
ent ethnic groups. As Collins (1986c) projected, “if Russia has shifted from a
marchland to an interior position, it may be expected that in the long-term future
Russia will fragment into successively smaller states” (p. 196).
Collins Summary
• According to Collins, in order for conflict to become overt, people must
become mobilized through the material resources for organizing, and they must be
emotionally motivated and sustained, feel moral justification, and be symbolically
focused and united. Once conflict begins, it tends to reproduce itself through a rit-
ualized exchange of atrocities. The back and forth exchange of atrocities reproduces
and boosts emotional motivation and moral justification, and it creates further
representative symbols for additional ritual performances. After a time, conflicts are
won or lost primarily as the two different kinds of resources are gained or lost.
• Nation-states are based on the legitimate use of force and territorial bound-
aries. Legitimacy is a product of ritual performance. The rituals that produce
nationalism, the nation-state’s specific form of legitimacy, occur most frequently in
response to the perception of threat. Threat can come from outside, as from other
nations, or inside, as from social movements. Because nationalism, as with all forms
of emotional energy, has a natural decay factor, it is in the government’s best inter-
est to keep the perception of threat somewhat high.
• The other defining feature of nation-states is territory, and territory, like
legitimacy, carries its own set of influences, specifically heartland and marchland
advantages. Heartland advantages concern material resources: natural resources,
population size, and tax base. Marchland advantage is an effect of national bound-
aries and the number and distance from enemy territories. The key variable in
geopolitical theory is overexpansion, a condition where a nation overextends its
reach materially (supporting armies too far from the heartland) and culturally
(controlling too diverse a population).

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07-Allan (Social).

qxd 11/22/2006 12:22 PM Page 211

Seeing Further: Normal Conflict

212——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

In the early twentieth century, Max Weber formulated a response to Marx’s

groups require disharmony as well as harmony, dissociation as well as associ-

Conflict and Critical Theories——213

inherently antagonistic and by their nature dictate different political interests;

Defining Conflict Theory

In general, conflict theory seeks to scientifically explain the general contours

214——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

Lewis Coser: The Functional

Photo: © Reprinted with permission of the American Sociological Association.

The Essential Coser

The Essential Coser

Conflict and Critical Theories——215

he always considered himself an intellectual first and a sociologist second.

Crosscutting influences, absolute deprivation, relative deprivation, rational and

Concepts and Theory: Variation in Conflict

216——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

Basic Sources of Conflict

Predicting the Level of Violence

Conflict and Critical Theories——217

it is a low-level conflict in terms of violence. People engage in exchange in order to

Concepts and Theory:

218——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

Conflict and Critical Theories——219

220——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

In addition, a group experiencing conflict will tend to produce a more central-

Coalition . . . permits the coming together of elements that . . . would resist

Ralf Dahrendorf: Power and Dialectical Change

Conflict and Critical Theories——221

Photo: Hulton Archives/Getty Images.

The Essential Dahrendorf

The Essential Dahrendorf

Ralf Dahrendorf was born in Hamburg, Germany, on May 1, 1929. His

222——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

Ph.D. in philosophy; he earned his second Ph.D. (sociology) in England at

In describing his own intellectual search, Dahrendorf (1989) says that it is

Power, authority, imperatively coordinated associations, Hobbesian problem of

Concepts and Theory:

Conflict and Critical Theories——223

And imagine the small political base

Power is an uneasy word, a word we don’t like to acknowledge in proper

224——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

Conflict and Critical Theories——225

Latent and Manifest Interests

226——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

Concepts and Theory: Conflict

Conflict and Critical Theories——227

228——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

Conflict and Critical Theories——229

230——THEORY CUMULATION AND SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

Conflict and Critical Theories——231

Table 7.1 Coser and Dahrendorf’s Propositions of Conflict Violence

Propositions Concerning the Level of Conflict Violence

↑ Emotional Involvement ↑ Violence

↑ Transcendent Goals ↑ Violence

↑ Sense of Absolute to Relative Deprivation ↑ Violence