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Female competition: Causes, constraints, content, and contexts

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Female Competition: Causes, Constraints, Content, and Contexts
Author(s): Anne Campbell
Source: The Journal of Sex Research, Vol. 41, No. 1, Evolutionary and Neurohormonal
Perspectives on Human Sexuality (Feb., 2004), pp. 16-26
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
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 Female Competition: Causes, Constraints, Content, and Contexts

Anne Campbell
Durham University

Monogamy tends to equalise mate competition between the sexes. However, women show greater restraint in th
direct intrasexual aggression, which, I argue, is a result of their higher parental investment and the consequent
reproductive cost of injury or death. Women usually compete for mates by advertising qualities valued by men (b
sexual exclusiveness) and by using indirect means of denigrating rivals (through gossip and stigmatisation). Howev
well-resourced men are in short supply, women mustfind alternative sources of support or escalate their compe
male partners to physical levels. Data from criminology, psychology, evolutionary biology, and anthropology ar
support these proposals.

In this article I offer an interpretation of female compe- "raging misogyny." As Tanenbaum (2002, p. 47) puts it,
tition from an evolutionary perspective. First, it is useful to "Many women compete over things they think men value,
briefly review prior social science research (not informed such as looking sexy .... The most dangerous outcome of
by such a perspective) to indicate the richness of the qual- this is self hatred; girls and women disparage themselves
itative observations and the alternative positions taken to and dissociate from other females."
their interpretation. The present article sees competition as an inherent part
Despite a recent surge of popular journalistic books (e.g., of our biological status and women's lesser willingness to
Fillion, 1997; Simmons, 2002; Tanenbaum, 2002), academ- escalate competition to direct aggression as arising out of
ic interest in competition among women was almost nonex- their particular biology rather than from conformity to cul-
istent until the 1980s. Initial research (Gilligan, 1982; tural expectations of femininity. Because the vast majority
Goodwin, 1980; Lever, 1976) found that girls tended to of research has been done on young women in the United
avoid competition in favour of tactics that diffuse conflict States and Europe, we lack the data to examine the cultur-
and preserve intelpersonal harmony. When competition is al specificity or generality of female competition.
made inevitable, girls used apologies and excuses to miti- Certainly sex differences in aggression are universal (Daly
gate their behaviour (Hughes, 1.988) or "double voicing" to & Wilson, 1988), but competition can take other forms.
promote their own cases while simultaneously taking into Some work suggests that competition is more direct and
account the positions of their rivals, thereby preserving their physical among poor and minority women than among
relationships (Sheldon, 1992). This attenuation of competi- their middle-class White counterparts (Brown, 1998; Eder,
tion in favour of sustaining positive relationships is thought 1990). However, this could be due to culture-specific gen-
to reflect socialisation into cultural norms against the overt der expectations or greater competition resulting from
expression of conflict among females (Miner & Longino, higher levels of resource scarcity (as I discuss later).
1987; Tracy, 1991) and the greater centrality of intimate Although there is academic agreement on the foci of
friendships to girls than to boys (Brown, 1998). female competition, women's concern with relative attrac-
Research that has examined the focus of female compe- tiveness might result from the internalisation of patriarchal
tition identifies appearance, popularity, and preservation values or from mate competition. Again, cross-cultural
of a "good" sexual reputation as central (Brown, 1998; data are needed. Problematically, men (and women) uni-
Eder, 1985; Merten, 1997; Simmons, 2002; Tanenbaum, versally seem to agree on standards of female facial beau-
2002). These are intimately connected since popularity ty, making it hard to choose between the two accounts
(which consists of "visibility" rather than liking; see Eder, (Langlois et al., 2000). Research certainly suggests that the
1985; Merten, 1997) is associated with physical attractive- current fashion for slimness is not imposed on women by
ness to the opposite sex (often reflected, in the United men because men prefer plumper figures than do women
States, in achieving cheerleader status) but highly selective (Anderson, Crawford, Nadeau, & Lindberg, 1992; Cohn et
sexual availability. Girls, it is argued, come to "ventrilo- al., 1987; Fallon & Rozin, 1985; Furnham & Radley,
quise" patriarchal male attitudes about appropriate female 1989). Women also care more about other women's opin-
appearance and behaviour (Brown, 1998), resulting in ions of attractiveness than those of men (Graziano, Jensen-
Campbell, Shebilske, & Lundgren, 1993), suggesting that
within-sex competition can take on a dynamic of its own.
Address correspondence to Anne Campbell, Psychology Department,
Durham University, South Road, Durham, DH1 3LE, England; e-mail: a.c.camp- Similarly, with regard to sexual conduct and reputation, a
bell @ durham.ac.uk. recent review concluded that women are stronger

The Journal of Sex Research Volume 41, Number 1, February 2004: pp. 16-26 61

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Campbell
17

enforcers of the double standard than are men (Baumeister family and where male investment is necessary to ensure
& Twenge, 2002), casting doubt on the proposal of inter- child survival. Such conditions are common; in societies
nalisation of male values. where polygyny is legal more than 80% of men marry
I turn now to an evolutionary approach to the under- monogamously (Murdock, 1981). Socially imposed
standing of female-female competition. Conflict can and monogamy is characteristic of large stratified societies
does occur between the sexes; indeed women's rates of (Draper & Harpending, 1988). Because it equalises repro-
aggression (excluding homicide) toward partners equal ductive opportunities among men, it reduces male compe-
those of men (Archer, 2000). Because the theoretical pre- tition (Betzig, 1995; Ridley, 1993; Smuts, 1995).
dictions and the foci of conflict are quite different, I do not Human cultures and individuals show marked variabil-
consider them in the present article. ity in their marriage patterns (Alexander, 1979).
Monogamy tends to benefit the majority of men while
CAUSES OF FEMALE COMPETITION imposing costs on the minority who through wealth
Sex differences in parental investment form the backbone (Betzig, 1986) or genetic quality (Gangestad & Simpson,
of evolutionary accounts of sexual selection (Williams, 2000) could feasibly improve their reproductive success
1966). Parental investment is any investment by the parent by polygyny. Effective polygyny exists where male fitness
in an offspring that increases the chance of its survival at variance exceeds that of females and it can be achieved via
the cost of the parent's ability to invest in other offspring serial monogamy. Serially monogamous men produce
(Trivers, 1972). The higher investing sex becomes the more children then men who remain in a single partner-
resource for which the other sex competes. In 95Wo of ship, but the same is not true for women (Forsberg &
mammals, females provide all the parental care (Clutton- Tullberg, 1995). Men who marry twice are more likely to
Brock, 1991). Consequently, males compete vigorously have children by both wives than are women to have chil-
for status and resources attractive to females. dren by both their husbands (Alexander, 1979). At the
Human sexual dimorphism suggests selection for male- margins of monogamy, then, successful men leave more
male competition congruent with a history of mild polyg- children than women. As Archer and Mehdikahni (in
yny. In common with other polygynous primates, men press) summarise the situation,
compared to women have broader canines (Frayer &
Wolpoff, 1985) and are heavier (McHenry, 1994). Boys ...the sex difference in size in humans is relatively small compared
with that found in primates with a clearly polygynous mating strat-
reach physical maturity later than girls and after puberty
egy. Paternal investment is relatively high in humarls (Geary,
have larger hearts, skeletal muscles, lung capacity, lower 2000), which would make them in some ways nearer to monoga-
resting heart rate and are capable of longer bouts of phys- mous species, while still retaining a tendency towards polygyny.
ical exertion (Tanner, 1990). In consequence they can run
faster, jump further, grip more strongly, and throw faster Monogamy and biparental care reduce fitness variabili-
and further (Thomas & French, 1985). While these sex dif- ty among males. In pure form, they constrain a man's
ferences might reflect division of labour and specialisation reproductive success to that of his partner. Given the heavy
for hunting (Wood & Eagly, 2002), across species they commitment that he will make in their joint progeny, it
appear to be more strongly related to the degree of male- pays a male to be choosy. (Such choosiness does not apply
male competition (Placvan & van Schaik, 1997a, 1997b). to short-term sexual relationships; men are willing to drop
Nonetheless, the majority of men today marry monoga- their standards quite considerably when no investment is
mously. In Western societies at least, both men and women required of them [Kenrick, Sadalla, Groth, & Trost,
value monogamy over short-term affairs (Miller, Putcha- 1990].) Monogamy means that sexual selection acts on
Bhagavatula, & Pedersen, 2002). When Pedersen, Miller, both males and females. The investment costs sustained by
Putcha-Bhagavatula, & Yang (2002) asked participants to both parties support discrimination in partner choice and
indicate the number of partners preferred over the next 30 mean that women must compete with one another to
years, the higher mean for males reported by Buss and secure the best men, just as men vie for the best woman.
Schmitt (1993) was replicated but, crucially, the male dis- "In theory and in practice, the dynamics of human mating
tribution was very heavily skewed. When median values involve female-female competition and male choice, in
were examined, both sexes showed a preference for one addition to male-male competition and female choice"
partner and did not differ in the number of partners they (Geary, 1998, p. 121).
preferred prior to settling down.
There is debate as to the origins of human monogamy. CONSTRAINTS ON FEMALE COMPETITION
Monogamy may have been the result of male-female Why then do women so rarely exhibit the kind of overt,
coevolution of reproductive strategies, initiated by female sometimes lethal physical competitiveness among their
preference for investing males (Geary, 2000) resulting own ranks that men do? The classic explanation of height-
from the protracted period of human infant dependency ened intramale violence is predicated upon polygyny
(Miller & Fishkin, 1997). Ecologically imposed incentive: Males are competing for status and resources
monogamy occurs where harsh conditions prevent many which are associated with the prize of fathering a dispro-
men from acquiring the resources to support more than one portionate number of children (Daly & Wilson, 1988).

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 Female Competition

18
Low levels of female aggression are explained in terms of that the relevant adaptation occurs at an emotional lev
an absence of incentive for competition: Because males (Damasio, 1994; Loewenstein, Weber, Hsee, & Welch,
are willing to inseminate women promiscuously (where 2001). Women's avoidance of danger is mediated by fear
little or no paternal care is required of them) women have and associated behavioural inhibition. This may explain
no need to compete for copulations. why women show higher rates of phobias and anxiety dis-
A complementary view of sex differences in aggression orders than men (Arrindell, Kolk, Pickersgill, & Hageman,
in terms of reproductive costs focuses upon parenting rather 1993), lower levels of sensation-seeking and risk-taking
than mating (Campbell, 1999, 2002). This proposal argues (Zuckerman, 1994), and lower engagement in dangerous
that the chief difference between the sexes lies in the costs sports and occupations (Wilson & Daly, 1985). Women are
rather than the rewards of within-sex aggression. The sex less willing to risk their lives than men.
difference in aggression is found among nonhuman pri- The emotional rather than rational nature of this effect
mates also (Smuts, 1987), despite the fact that there are clear is confirmed by studies of risk. When studies of risk are
advantages to dominant females. They reach sexual maturi- dichotomised into those that are cognitive and abstract
ty earlier, first conceive at an earlier age, produce more off- (e.g., what would the odds of success have to be before
spring, have greater infant survival and live longer (Ellis, you would agree to an operation?) and those that employ
1995; Pusey, Williams, & Goodall, 1997). The crucial fac- immediate, emotion-based behavioural measures (e.g.,
tor is that in these female-bonded species (which include distance of nearest approaching car in relation to willing-
most primates but not humans; Rodseth, Wrangham, ness to make a turn across oncoming traffic), the sex dif-
Harrigan, & Smuts, 1991), maternal rank is inherited rather ferences are more marked in the latter (Byrnes, Miller, &
than fought for. When direct challenge does occur, it does so Schafer, 1999). The emotional basis of the sex difference
under "minimal risk" conditions (Chapais, 1992). appears also in experimental studies of aggression. Women
Competition between women, as between men, is won perceive the danger associated with an act of aggression as
in the currency of inclusive fitness. In men, inclusive fit- higher than men even in the same objective situation, and
ness depends crucially upon sexual access, but in women this perceived danger is a strong negative predictor of
the critical factor is the mother's ability to shepherd her aggression (Bettencourt & Miller, 1996; Eagly & Steffen,
offspring safely through the dangerous selection funnel of 1986). It acts as a "brake" on aggression. In addition, psy-
the juvenile period. In nonhuman primates, 70Wo to 90Wo of chopharmacological studies suggest that men's willing-
young born die before adulthood. In hunter-gatherer soci- ness to engage in risky and dangerous behaviours may be
eties, approximately 50Wo of offspring born survive mediated not by the incentives but by an absence of inhi-
(Kaplan & Lancaster, 2003). This higher survival rate bition. The neurotransmitter serotonin is implicated in
among humans is particular impressive because of the behavioural inhibition, and low levels have been linked
doubling of time spent in the most perilous phase of all, as both to impulsive killings and to suicide (Moore, Scarpa,
juveniles. Central to the survival of the young are the & Raine, 2002). In addition, there is a sex difference favor-
choices and competence of the mother, who delivers the ing women in the availability and uptake of this transmit-
bulk of direct care (Hrdy, 1999). It is not surprising there- ter (Biver et al., 1996; Reisert & Pilgrim, 1991).
fore that even under biparental care, the death of a mother One way women can compete without risking the* safe-
compromises a child's life more severely than the death of ty or compromising their lives is through acts that ostracise,
a father (Hill & Hurtado, 1996; Sear, Mace, & McGregor, stigmatise, and otherwise exclude others from social interac-
2000; Voland, 1988). A careless attitude to one's own safe- tion without risking direct physical confrontation. Such acts
ty and survival has greater consequences on the reproduc- do not eliminate or physically injure the target, nor do they
tive success of a female than a male. Hence, selection has demonstrate the greater size, strength, or belligerence of the
favored females who avoid danger because of the higher attacker. They do, however, inflict stress and diminish the
fitness costs of risking their lives. opponent's reputation and social support. The target is
Parenthetically, it is worth noting that while human attacked circuitously and the aggressor can therefore remain
females deliver the bulk of parental care, the critical factor unidentified. This set of behaviours is referred to as indirect
in this argument is not sex per se. Allman, Rosin, Kumar, aggression (Bjorkqvist, Lagerspetz, & Kaukiainen, 1992) or
and Hasenstaub (1998) compared ten species of primates relational aggression (Crick & Grotpeter, 1995). Girls
that varied in the amount of paternal or maternal effort exceed boys on measures of indirect aggression by the age of
they contributed to parental care. They plotted the survival 11, and the sex difference continues to be present up to the
curves for each species and found significant sex differ- age of 18. As male physical aggression diminishes with age,
ences in life expectancy favouring whichever sex took the sex difference in indirect aggression lessens and disap-
most parental responsibility. They also ranked the primates pears in adulthood at least among educated middle-class
in terms of which sex lived longer and by how much. The samples (Pellegrini & Archer, in press). These stigmatising
results showed that the amount of parenting was closely and excluding strategies can have devastating effects upon
associated with female-to-male survival ratio. the victim (Ahmad & Smith, 1994; Simmons, 2002).
But evolutionists do not argue that reward-cost deci- An alternative interpretation of these sex differences
sions are calculated rationally or oonsciously. It is likely might be that women's preference for indirect strategies is

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Campbell ls

a result of gender role prescription. Because women's tance assigned to other attributes (Buss, 2000; Buss &
direct aggression is seen as an aberration from the female Schmitt, 1993; Etcoff, 1999; Feingold, l 990).
stereotype, women might seek alternative means of
Youth and 13eaut
expressing competition that are more acceptable.
Osterman et al. (1994) reasoned that if a form of aggres- A universal feature of men's preferences is youth. After a
sion was socially condemned, then children would be period of adolescent sterility, women become most fertile
more likely to attribute it to their peers and less likely toat the age of 25 from whence their fertility declines until it
admit to it themselves. They asked children to report on reaches zero by the age of about 50. When adult males are
their own and their friends' use of various forms of asked about age preference, they consistently choose
aggression and then computed an Attributional someone who is younger than themselves, and marriage
Discrepancy Index by subtracting self-estimates from patterns indicate that the typical age gap is about 3 years
peer estimates for various forms of aggression. There was (Buss & Schmitt, 1993). But this 3-year gap is not a con-
no sex difference for indirect aggression This suggests stant. Teenage boys rate a woman 5 years older than them-
that stigmatising and rumour spreading are no more selves as the perfect partner (Kenrick, Keefe, Gabrielidis,
socially acceptable for one sex than for the other. Another& Cornelius, 1996). As men age they prefer ever younger
clue to the fact that indirect aggression is not simply the women, and by the age of 60 they prefer women who are
result of human socialisation is that other primate femaleson average 15 years younger than themselves (Kenrick &
use analogous techniques. Females have been observed to Keefe, 1992). Buunk, Dijkstra, Kenrick, and Warntjes
engage in sustained, low-level harassment of other (2001), however, found that men's expressed preference
females; the target is consistently interrupted and dis- may be constrained by realistic pragmatism and the type of
placed as she tries to rest, feed, or mate. The resulting relationship. In line with earlier work they found that 60-
stress suppresses oestrus and can cause abortion (Chapais, year-old men fantasise about and would have casual sex
1992; Hrdy, 1981; Smuts, 1987), diminishing the repro- with women up to their 40s, but would be prepared to
ductive success of the victim. marry a woman up to the age of 55.
While the term indirect aggression emphasises the Men also place a greater premium upon physical attrac-
indirect nature of the attack and relational aggression tiveness than do women, and this is closely bound up with
highlights the manipulation of social re]ationships, both age. Facial features that reflect youth inc]ude shiny hair,
functions come together in the activity of"gossiping," or unwrinkled skin, large eyes, a small nose, and full lips.
social evaluation about a person who is not present (Eder (Etcoff, 1999). A youthful, beautiful appearance is what
& Enke, 1991). Gossiping has been argued variously to women compete with each other to achieve. Historically,
disseminate information, entertain, establish norms, exer- women have used lead, mercury, lemon juice, egg whites,
cise social control, enhance in-group bonding, and act as milk, vinegar, kohl, and dye to enhance their facial fea-
a psychodynamic projective defence (Fine & Rosnow, tures. In the United States, 88% of women over the age of
1978; Leaper & Holliday, 1995; Nevo, Nevo, & Derech- 18 wear makeup designed to correct asymmetries, signal
Zehavi, 1993). But it is also a potent form of indirect com- sexuality, and mimic youth (Etcoff, 1999). Eighty-nine
petition. When we gossip about another person we simul- percent of cosmetic surgical procedures in the United
taneously achieve two goals. Most obviously, we spread States are performed on women, including 91% of face
information that is damaging to the other's reputation and lifts (Etcoff, 1999).
so diminish his or her social standing. But the act of con- Tooke and Camire (1991) asked men and women about
demnation is also an act of self-promotion; one cannot deceptive tactics used to compete with rivals and attract
credibly accuse a rival of behaviours that one engages inthe opposite sex. While men competed with other men by
oneself. If gossip is a form of competition, then women exaggerating superiority, promiscuity, intensity, and popu-
should gossip about the domains about which they are larity, women competed with other women by alterations
to their appearance, such as makeup, nail polish, fake tans,
most competitive and those, in turn, should be those qual-
ities that are important to men in their choice of mates.and tight clothing (see also Buss, 1 988a, 1 988b). Walters
The following discussion considers competition among and Crawford (1994) asked undergraduate subjects about
young women at a time of intense competition for mates. competitive tactics that they used against members of their
Most published material is gained from this age group. own sex. No explicit mention was made of competition for
Little is known about the foci of competition in older mates, but nonetheless women most often nominated, per-
women, although this would be a valuable and fruitful formed, and rated as effective the tactic of attracting atten-
tion to their -appearance. Using diaries to examine the
w .

area oz enqu
everyday experience of competition, Cashdan ( 1998)
THE CONTE
found that while men competed with other men in the
In seeking long-term mates, men and women similarly arena of sports, women competed with one another in
award considerable importance to personal qualities such terms of their appearance. Attractiveness appears to be the
as intelligence and a sense of humour (Buss & Schmitt, currency of female competition even when no mention is
1993). However, men differ from women in the impor- made of what the competition is about.

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20 Female Competition

Arluke, 1985). Female dyads have a higher rate of nega-

A very strong factor in men's preferences is not just faces
but bodies. Before puberty and after menopause, the ratio of gossip than male or mixed-sex pairs, and the conver-
tive
sational partner in female dyads more often gives a strong-
waist to hips in women is about 1.0, but during women's fer-
tile years it diminishes. The waist-hip ratio in the interven-encouraging response to gossip initiation than in the
ly
ing years is associated with fertility (Singh, 1993; Zaadstra other two groups. My interest, however, is specifically in
et al., 1993). Singh (1993) found that men's preferred the topics that women's groups and men's groups discuss
female body shape was a 0.7 waist-to-hip ratio (WHR) and in connection with others. Although Levin and Arluke
suggested that this preference reflected selection for health, (1985) reported no sex differences in discussion of other
youth, and fertility in a female partner. These findings have people's appearance, they did not examine the sex of the
been well replicated (see Streeter & McBurney, 2003), but target of the gossip. Hence, participants may have been
Tassinary and Hansen (1998) found that body mass index evaluating the opposite sex's appearance, rather than criti-
(BMI) is a stronger correlate of male preference than WHR. cising members of their own sex. Martin (1997) recorded
Critics have objected that WHR and BMI cannot be inde- conversations between male, female, and mixed-sex dyads
pendently experimentally manipulated and that the results and (after removing obvious gender cues) asked partici-
of statistically apportioning variance depend critically upon pants to identify the sex composition of the pair. They
the range of values investigated for each variable. Streeter were able to do this with greater than chance accuracy. The
and McBurnley (2003) manipulated chest, waist, and hip chief cue they used was the topic of conversation: Women
size to examine five WHRs, with the effects of participants' more often than men discussed matters relating to others'
weight estimates of the bodies removed. Body mass esti- appearance. Of the top 10 topics, 4 of women's were
mates explained about 66(Wo of the variance in attractiveness appearance-related (31% frequency of mention) while
ratings, but, independent of this, both sexes (and especially only 2 of men's concerned appearance (llSo frequency of
men) preferred a waist-hip ratio of 0.7. Medium-sized hips, mention). Nevo et al. (1993) developed a Tendency to
waists, and chests were all preferred. Women use bras, Gossip Questionnaire (which confirmed that women gos-
corsets, and surgery to "normalise" perceived size anom- sip more than men). Only one of the four factors derived
alies and to exaggerate the apparent narrowness of the waist. from principal components analysis showed a significant
Every year in the United States approximately 125,000 sex difference and that was Physical Appearance. None of
breast implant operations are performed. In evaluating theirthese studies, however, specifically examined the sex of
rivals, women attend particularly to their waist, hips, and the gossipee. Hall (2002) found that physical appearance
legs (Dijkstra & Buunk, 2001). was more often discussed by both sexes in relation to
Men's preference for thinness has also been examined female targets, while possessions and intelligence were
as a dimension of female competition. Although anorexia most often discussed in connection with men.
has in the past been investigated in terms of media influ- Buss and Dedden's (1990) work took an explicitly evo-
ences, family interactions, anxiety about sexual maturity, lutionary approach to gossip, viewing it as a tool of intra-
and perfectionism (see Polivy & Herman, 2002), evolu- sexual competition. They asked participants to suggest
tionary psychologists have proposed that it may represent things they would do if their aim was to make members of
a dysfunctional form of female competition (Mealey, their own sex undesirable to the opposite sex. They identi-
2000). Abed (1998) suggested that sexual selection would fied 28 tactics. One of these was "derogate competitor's
favour women who preserved a nubile shape that signalled appearance." Further groups of subjects judged this tactic
their continued youth and fertility. This might be mediated significantly more likely to be used by females in general,
by anxiety about weight gain, which would be exacerbat- and women more than men reported that they were likely
ed by higher levels of competition in Western societies to use it themselves. Naturalistic studies concur that pejo-
where delayed reproduction and longer interbirth intervals rative comments about other girls' appearance rank high in
mean that women retain their nubile shape until older ages. girls' topics of gossip (Brown, 1998; Duncan, 1999;
Although studies of eating disorders and social climates Owens, Shute, & Slee, 2000; Simmons, 2002).
have not supported the competition hypothesis (Connor-
Fidelity
Greene, Striegel-Moore, & Cronan, 1994; Striegel-Moore,
Connor-Greene, & Shime, 1991), competitiveness as a A woman's chances of securing a desirable long-term mate
depend in large part upon the mate's evaluation of her like-
personality trait has been found to be related to eating dis-
orders (Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, Grunberg, & Rodin, ly future fidelity. Since the best predictor of future behav-
1990), and interpersonal competitiveness (the desire to do iour is past behaviour, a woman's past willingness to
better than others) is a stronger correlate than goal com- engage in casual sex is information that is likely to carry
petitiveness (the desire to excel; Webber, 2003). considerable weight. That is why terms such as "slag,"
If physical appearance is so critical to men's choice of "tart," or "whore" are powerful sources of reputation chal-
mates, women should not only compete with one another lenge among women (Brown, 1998; Campbell, 1982,
to meet men's criteria but they should also use gossip as a 1995; Duncan, 1999; Lees, 1993; Marsh & Patton, 1986).
way to derogate rivals. Women gossip about others more Wilson's (1978) study of working-class teenage girls
than do men (Bischoping, 1993; Eckert, 1990; Levin & found that sex without at least lip service to marriage

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Campbell 21

placed the girl in danger of developing a sexual reputation. the falsity of the accusation. If she publicly confronts the
The girls themselves were vocal in enforcing this code. boy she is alleged to have had sex with, he has every rea-
"The girls regulated their contact with other girls who son to lie and it is his word against hers. If she refuses to
were known as 'lays' in order to preserve their own repu- rise to the bait and respond to the remark, she is taken to
tations. In fact they openly ridiculed the girls referring to have tacitly admitted the truth of the accusation. If she
them as 'whores"' (Wilson, 1978, p. 70). Fifteen years admits the act but repudiates the double standard used
after this study, teenagers were still alert to the distinction against her, what others view as her "free and easy" atti-
between nice girls and tarts and avoided friendships with tude to sex may further damage her reputation. The best
sexually available girls for fear of reputation-by-associa- she can do is to forcefully repel anyone who labels her as
tion (Lees, 1993). Boys continued to make the same dis- a tart and so minimise the likelihood of such a reputation
tinction between prospective wives ("Not someone who's attack being repeated.
been out with people I know"; Lees, 1993, p. 139) and
slags ("You wouldn't go out with her, you would just THE CONTEXTS OF FEMALE COMPETITION
knock her ofr'; Duncan, 1999, p. 54). Evolutionary accounts are sensitive to the fact that any
Indeed, girls themselves actively collude in enforcing evolved mechanism interacts with environmental factors.
the double standard not only through distancing them- With respect to mate competition, many variables affect a
selves from "easy" girls but through gossip and rumour young woman's strategy, including her family structure
spreading (Coleman, 1961; Du Bois-Reymond & and circumstances (Belsky, Steinberg, & Draper, 1991),
Ravesloot, 1996). Buss and Dedden's (1990) study found age, sexual maturity, and mate value (Campbell, 1995).
that young women were judged more likely than men to Here I briefly consider how one ecological factor (resource
question a rival's fidelity and to draw attention to her availability) can alter reproductive timing and the intensi-
promiscuity. Nor is such gossip about sexual reputation ty of female competition.
confined to "nice" middle-class girls (Millhausen & As we have noted, women require assistance in raising
Herold, 1999). Members of street gangs in deprived inner- children and all the more so in contemporary Western
city areas show the same concern (Campbell, 1984; nations where an artificial barrier has been erected
Hanna, 1999). between women's roles as mothers and as workers. As
Hrdy (1999) points out, women in traditional hunter-gath-
[T]he girls have very distinct notions and expectations of other
erer societies are able to forage locally and to care for their
female members' appearance and conduct that are clearly tied to
their sexual reputation.... At times, they can be more judgemen-
children at the same time. The requirement that women
tal regarding other girls' respectability than their male counter- now abandon their children and travel to a child-free site
parts...we find gang girls spending a great deal of energy 'bitch- to work for 8 hours a day has created a situation that ben-
ing' or casting doubt on others' reputations. This cross-cultural efits neither mothers nor children. The problem has result-
process operates not only as a mechanism of social control, but
ed in a bifurcation of women's reproductive strategies.
also of distancing and confirming one's own reputation. (Joe
Laidler & Hunt, 2001, p. 668)
One route is to delay childbirth, a choice often made by
those whose income is high enough to guarantee future
Feminists have struggled to understand the continuing advantages for their offspring (private schooling, tertiary
potency of accusations of sexual accessibility. With the education). But among women facing minimum wage
inequity of the sexual double standard acknowledged, "slut" employment or survival on state benefits, delayed repro-
should have lost its power long ago. But even today, young duction promises no economic benefits for their children.
women are deeply offended by such accusations, and eman- Early childbearing has positive advantages (Geronimus,
cipated attempts to turn the same accusation of excessive 1996). Adult mortality is one of the strongest predictors of
sexual experience on men simply provoke laughter (Duncan, reproductive timing (Low, 2000), and in poor Black popu-
1999, p. 53). Unlike young women, sexual conquests lations in the United States, mortality and morbidity are
enhance rather than detract from a young man's reputation. high. With age, poor health increases the difficulties of
When physical fights do occur among young women, both conceiving and raising a child. A woman who gives
they are frequently a response to gossip spread about a birth at a younger age also improves the likelihood that her
girl's sexual reputation (Campbell, 1982; Duncan, 1999; own mother will be alive to provide assistance. By the age
Marsh & Paton, 1986; Owens et al., 2000). As Lees (1993, of 20, the probability of a Black woman's mother being
p. 267) notes alive drops to only 40%, compared to 75% during the
teenage years (see Low, 2000).
...a girl reacts by denying the accusation rather than by objecting But why do so many young women in poor communi-
to the use of the category. For them what is important is to prove
ties rely on maternal assistance? First, there is a severe
that you are not a slag: what they unquestioningly accept is the
legitimacy of the category of slag. In other words, the category
shortage of men. In the 20 to 29 age group there are 85
has uncontested status. Black men for every 100 women, compared to 99 among
Whites (U.S. Bureau of the Census, l995). The ratio has
Such accusations place girls in a strategically awkward sit- been worsening since the 1920s, and the current situation
uation. It is virtually impossible for a girl to demonstrate is a confluence of high mortality and incarceration rates

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22 Female Competition

(Tucker & Mitchell-Kernan, 1995). Second, young women see, I am just with him because that is the environment that I am
in, and I am trying to get out of this environment. I would like to
are understandably reluctant to marry men who have few
have a man. Not no nigger that wants to beat me and makes me
material benefits to offer (Cherlin, 1981). Between 1970 make money all the time and give it to him. I want somebody you
and 1990, the proportion of Black women who had ever know that cares about me and loves me, and loves my kids and
married dropped from 83% to 63%. The high proportion of helps me raise them, and give them a good family." (Joe Laidler

births to Black single mothers (which rose from 42% to & Hunt, 2001, p. 674)

70% between 1960 and 1989; U.S. Bureau of the Census,

These young women's plight derives from an opera-
1992) was chiefly the result of a declining rate of marriage
tional sex ratio that is skewed in the direction of too few
rather than an increase in the birth rate to younger women
4'good" men (Campbell, 1995). Homicide, accidents, drug
(Weinraub & Gringlas, 1995). A husband who makes no
addiction, incarceration, and unemployment mean that
financial contribution is not merely economically neutral.
young women in deprived urban areas are pitted against
The wife is effectively paying for the privilege of his pres-
one another in an intense competition. The results are two-
ence and, given the still modest contribution of men to
fold. First, the paucity of good men puts them in a seller's
household duties, she is likely to receive little in return.
market where they are able to impose their preferred
Statistical and ethnographic studies of the Black under-
class in the United States have documented the male promiscuous mating strategy on women (Guttentag &

response to such situations (e.g., Anderson, 1981; Secord, 1983). Cross culturally teenage girls are more like-

Glasgow, 1981; Wilson, 1987). Unable to effectively con- ly to become pregnant where there is a shortage of men
tribute in the home and viewing it as a female preserve, the (Barber, 2000). Although women may succeed in extract-
men pass their days in the streets talking, drinking, and ing short-term resources in return for sex with "high
attempting to salvage some pride if only in their ability rollers" (Taylor, 1993), these men are unlikely to remain
to attract women despite their conspicuous absence of and assist with child-rearing, forcing women back to their
resources. Divorce rates among Black Americans are high- mothers for practical and financial assistance.
er than among other ethnic groups (Norton & Glick, 1979). A second consequence is that intensified female compe-
In 1990, there were 358 divorces per thousand among tition, usually managed by display and indirect aggression,
Black women compared to 166 among U.S. women as a can escalate to physical levels. O'Brien (1988) generated
whole (Tucker & Mitchell-Kernan, 1997). The lower the predictions about the expected distribution of male-on-male
rate of male employment, the higher the rate of female- and female-on-female crime based on the proportion of each
headed households with children (Sampson, 1995). sex in the population and the sex of violent offenders. He
Anxiety about the ability to provide has been found to be found that women commit simple and aggravated assault
a strong contributor to marital instability among African against other women more often than expected by demo-
Americans (Hatchett, Veroff, & Douvan, 1995). However,
graphic predictions, especially in instances of simple
when the effects of poverty and family size are controlled,
assault. An examination of juvenile female crime in the
Black partners are less likely to separate than Whites
United States found that the majority of victims of violence
(Hampton, 1975). This underlines the central importance
(70 - 75%) were other females predominantly of similar age
of economic rather than cultural factors in mating tactics.
to their attackers (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1999; Federal
Black men earn less, are unemployed more often, and
Bureau of Investigation, n.d.), and this is equally true in
occupy low status positions all of which make them eco-
Britain (Home Office Research and Planning Unit, 1995, p.
nomically dispensable (Wilson, 1987). With economically
8). A number of studies (Campbell, 1986a; George, 1999;
supportive males thin on the ground, young women often
Home Office Research and Planning Unit, 1993; Home
seek support from female kin (Apfel & Seitz, 1996;
Leadbeater, Way, & Raden, 1996). Office Statistical Bulletin, 1996) concur that female-female

But this strategy seems to be a second-best choice. fights are usually between young similarly aged women

Tucker and Mitchell-Kernan (1997, p. 2) note that the (15-24 years old) who are acquainted. They occur chiefly in
"striking decline in marriage entry among Blacks has not drinking establishments or in the streets and involve non-
been accompanied by a devaluing of marriage as an insti- weapon, hand-to-hand tactics such as pushing, shoving,
tution, but rather recognition of constraints on the ability grabbing, tripping, slapping, kicking, and punching.
to marry." Ethnographic studies of young underclass But what are they fighting about? Campbell (1986a)
women affirm that their ideal situation is a solvent and sta- found that the most common category (accounting for 46%
ble husband (Campbell, 1984; Miller, 1986). Street hus- of fights) was an attack on the girl's personal integrity
tlers and gang members, far from rejecting traditional which included instances where there had been allegations
roles, continue to aspire to a situation where they can raise about the girl's promiscuity, false accusations, or pejora-
their children in economic and emotional security. tive gossiping behind her back. The next most common
category was loyalty, in which the girl fought to defend the
We are looking for working men basically. Men that want to work
name of a friend or relative who had been the butt of an
and are going to be responsible. Like if they get us pregnant we
want them to stay with us. Whereas the men that we are left with integrity attack. The third most common category was
are the street niggers that wear gold rings, wear gerry curls. You Jealousy about a romantic partner (12%).

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 23
Campbell

Violence occurs disproportionately among the under- appearance and guarding their sexual reputation, since this
. . . . .

class (the long-term unwaged) where competition for as slm

resources is highest (Brownfield, 1986; Campbell, 1986b; This
Farnworth, Thornberry, Krohn, & Lizotte, 1994). The par- fram
ticular salience of economic factors in explaining female- stere
female assault was examined by Campbell, Muncer, and of pa
Bibel (1998). Using data from 34 reporting districts in do so
Massachusetts as their units of analysis, they examined ary m
female-female assault in relation to rates of male and ical f
female unemployment, receipt of Aid to Families with opera
Dependent Children (AFDC), and the prevailing sex ratio. mode
A female-biased sex ratio was associated with higher lev- able g
els of AFDC receipt a payment made overwhelmingly to archy
single mothers and an index of male desertion. Both have
AFDC and female unemployment were significant predic- Relax
tors of female-female assault, suggesting that as women lead t
face greater poverty and are unable to support themselves, 1996
rates of intrasexual assault rise. Though we cannot from decre
these data know the triggers for such assaults, cross-cul- did n
tural evidence (both quantitative and qualitative) supports dard
the view that women's dependence on men increases com- about
petition for resource-rich males (Burbank, 1987; Schuster, one-n
1985). Among the very poorest sections of society, the of in
intensity of competition for "good" men drives young ful. A
women from display and gossip to outright attack. But varia
even here, the disparity in severity remains. Women are far phys
less likely than men to use weapons and to inflict serious mode
injury (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1999; Federal Bureau confo
of Investigation, n.d.). acade
that
CONCLUSIONS
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