Housing and Society: 30

Some Thoughts on the Role of

Housing in Social Reproduction

Riaz Hassan

Two major questions are explored in this and well serviced urban and suburban areas resettlement or eradication. Such policies
paper the relationship between housing and The urban lower classes typically reside in have failed in most countries, due to a lack
social structure, and the role of housing in congested tenement housing in the city of financial and technical resources. These
the reproduction of social structure. It will centre, in low cost public housing projects or failures have catalyzed a reexamination of
be argued that all aspects of housing are in the peripheral squatter settlements The the nature of squatter settlements and of the
inextricably related to social structure, and last type of settlement, according to recent housing problem in general, in an attempt to
that housing forms and human settlement surveys by various international and find a more practical resolution of the
patterns playa determining role in re- national bodies, houses about one third of problem.
producing the social and cultural forces the total urban population. Such settlements This reassessment has led government to
which define their physical and social forms are largely an extension of the rural society abandon or modify its conventional housing
and conditions. The first question will be into the urban areas. Their village-like policy, which was predicated on the view
discussed in a general context, the second in building structure and social organization that housing is a consumer good with access
the form of a case study; sociological and play an important role in the increasing regulated by the market forces. It is this
architectural implications are treated briefly ruralization of Third World urban centres. policy which is largely responsible for the
in the final section of the paper. A recent report on urban growth in Jakarta present housing problem and the emergence
reveals that there are about three million of "housing classes." The new or modified
people living in kampongs. About twenty policies view housing either as a socially
Housing and Social Structure percent of these have family incomes of less desirable good, because it affects health,
than U.S. $17 per month; another fifty welfare and family functioning, or as an
In modern societies, housing forms and percent have a monthly family income instrument of development These new
conditions are closely linked to that most between $17 and $48. According to the policies are characterized by public inter-
salient feature of the social structure, the same report, vention in the housing problem, justified on
class structure. This correlation is especially Aside from the short-lived materials they economic grounds: provision of housing to
pronounced in the Third World countries. use, the location of their houses does not the working class externalizes capital costs
In these countries the class structure is take into consideration the need for open and facilitates the reproduction of private
characterized by a very small upper class, space, sewage disposal, or a supply of capital Access to housing is indeed facili-
consisting of the traditional and modern clean water. The unhealthy environment tated, but only to a certain type of domicile
elites, and an equally small middle class [in the kampongs] has led to frustration (low cost, high-rise flats) In general, access
which consists mostly of the trading class and indifference to their surroundings to a variety of housing types is largely a
and the higher administrative and executive Education and health care facilities are function of socioeconomic position in the
personnel in the private and public sectors virtually nonexistent. Nevertheless, labour market or in the process of social
The largest class comprises the workers in despite the shortcomings of their en- reproduction
the primary and secondary industries, either vironment and their problems of adapta-
tion to city life, the people of the The preceding account argues that a
full-time farmers or unskilled / semi-skilled society's class structure is spatially expressed
workers employed in the urban-based kampongs relate well to each other and
have developed a community spirit . in the form of physically distinguishable
indu~trial or tertiary sectors of the economy.
This description is representative of the social areas (housing classes). Such physical
A characteristic feature of class structure is expression of the class structure has
that most of the poor are concentrated in nature and conditions of squatter settle-
ments in other large urban centres of the important sociological implications. It tends
the rural areas, and the upper and middle to reinforce social inequalities by institu-
classes in the urban centres. Third World.
tionalizing differential access to public
The socioeconomic differences between the services and social amenities. The high
rural and urban popUlations are clearly status areas usually have the best schools,
evident in the form and structure of rural Housing Policies and Social Consequences best health and sanitation facilities, etc.
and urban housing stock Much of rural Lower income housing areas receive cor-
housing is self-help, constructed with For most city administrators, politicians and respondingly poorer public services and
indigenous building materials; a great planners, squatter settlements are anathe- social amenities. This is largely due to a
majority lack modern amenities such as mas. The structural conditions which middle class bias on the part of public
clean water, drainage, electricity, etc. In produce them are rarely seen or understood. bureaucracies which dictates the distribution
contrast, most of the housing occupied by The settlements are conveniently labeled of social and public services in modern
the upper and middle classes consists of "unplanned" (which they are), "undesirable," societies. Studies show that due to an
large detached or semi-detached bungalows, "radical," "unhealthy," "unsafe," etc, it is inherent evaluative mechanism and eco-
terrace houses, rowhouses or private flats, this labeling process which affords legal and nomic rationality, service and welfare
usually situated in spacious, well planned moral legitimacy to policies of squatter bureaucracies tend to discriminate most
31 Housing and Society: Some Thoughts on the Role of Housing in Social Reproduction

against the poor, who need their services

Housing Supply __ Housing Policies
most. They therefore play an important role
in maintaining the status quo. The following
case study of Singapore recapitulates some
of these arguments, and will highlight the A. Housing as a Con- B. Housing as a So- C. Housing as an
role of housing form and human settlement sumer Good cially Desirable Instrument of
patterns in the reproduction of social and Good, Because It Development
Affects Health,
cultural patterns.
Welfare and
Family Func-
tioning
HOUSING FORM, SETTLEMENT
PATTERNS AND SOCIAL REPRODUC-
TION IN SINGAPORE: A CASE STUDY

Social and cultural patterns clearly influence

the form and conditions of human settle- Social Consequences of Policies
ments, but of even greater significance is the
role of human settlements in reproducing
those social and cultural patterns which A B C
define their form and conditions The 1. Government regulation 1. Selective intervention 1. Housing as part of
comments presented in the following study of housing market, by governments or social and physical
are based on my research into the rela- lacking active public public bodies to pro- infrastructure to
tionship between the built environment and intervention in pro- vide housing to low attract private capital
human behaviour. This research is struc- duction and distribu- income groups 2. Housing as a factor in
tured in several sections: the main features tion mechanisms 2. Public housing improving labour
of settlement patterns and social ecology of 2. Emergence of housing programmes productivity
Singapore until 1960; the changes in set- classes, reflecting the 3. Relocation into public 3. Housing and economic
tlement patterns after 1960, and implications inequalities of the housing development
of these changes for the reproduction of social structure (upper 4. Relocation problems 4. Housing as a wage
social structure and ideology.l income suburbs, Increasing government subsidy
5.
squatter settlements, control through
etc.) manipulation of land-
3. Economic exploitation lord-tenant relation-
Urbanization and Settlement Patterns Until 4. Market rental ship
1960 6. Rent control

The foundations of modern Singapore were

laid when the British acquired the island in Implications for Planning
1819. Their objective was to establish a
colonial base to promote and protect British
commercial and military interests in the A B C
region. The settlement was an immediate I. Development of I. Urban renewal I. Housing provided
and remarkable success. The location, the satellite towns 2. Sites and services closer to the industrial
free trade policy of the British and the 2. Public investment in development sites
absence of restrictions attracted merchants infrastructure for 3. Management and 2. Development of
and labourers from all over Asia, par- housing development maintenance problems community services
ticularly from China and India. Singapore 3. Self-help housing for of public housing 3. Transportation
grew very lapidly as a result of this con- working class 4. Development of social network to integrate
tinuous immigration. infrastructure, i.e. the industrial site with
Urban growth in the country's formative community develop- the city / society
years was unplanned and haphazard until, ment projects
with an eye toward future urbanization, the
British colonial administration appointed a
 Housing and Society: Some Thoughts on the Role of Housing in Social Reproduction 32

committee to plan the growth of Singapore 1950s, the British sociologist Barrington small bath enclosure. Such close proximity
City. This committee drew up a settlement Kaye studied one of these streets and and maximum use of open spaces in daily
plan which stipulated the segregation of reported that "there is a great deal of life has resulted in an emphasis on outdoor
Singapore's various ethnic groups: special activity most of the day: people coming activities. Very few of the daily activities are
areas in the city were allocated for from and going to work, itinerant hawkers conducted within the confines of individual
Europeans, Chinese, Indians and Malays. selling cooked foods and other commodities; houses Children in the kampongs freely use
The European quarter was situated on an the activity stemming from the shops, some both the private and public spaces for their
extensive, well-drained site near the gov- of which in fact are workshops, or small play activities, and parents show very little
ernment offices. The Chinese, a majority of factories; children playing on the stairs and anxiety about this because the public spaces
whom were merchants or in allied occupa- on the pavements; people gossiping; and so are perceived to be safe. The pace of life in a
tions, were adjacent to the mercantile forth." kampong is in general more relaxed than life
establishments The Indians were also in the city areas.
allocated areas close to the mercantile zone, While the city area of Singapore was
while the Malays, mainly fishermen, were becoming more urbanized, the remaining The residential areas for the rich and middle
expected to settle along the coasts and parts of the island, originally covered by classes consist mainly of detached modern
creeks beyond the city perimetre. jungle or swamps, were cleared for planta- bungalows, semi-detached and terrace
tions and agriculture. But in general the houses. These houses are located in well
In subsequent years a rapid increase in British authorities showed little interest in planned and well serviced areas. Less than
population greatly accelerated urban the countryside. In the years immediately ten percent of the housing stock in 1970 was
growth. By the end of the nineteenth following the establishment of Singapore as of this type. Patterns of social life in these
century, the majority of Singapore's popu- a colony, a few Chinese immigrants cleared areas are very similar to suburban life in
lation was concentrated within six square some land outside the city and started European and North American cities.
miles of the modern "central city," despite agricultural farming. By the end of the
the fact that the total land area of Singapore nineteenth century more than half of the
is 225 square miles. Within this area island consisted of arable land, but nearly
Singapore's business and commercial 40,000 of these acres were used for non- From Shop-Housing and Kampong
centres, its godowns (warehouses), govern- agricultural purposes (mostly for the British Housing to Public Housing
ment offices and main shopping centres were armed forces).
located; commerce formed the city's
economic base. The majority of the houses The Chinese and Malays were the segments Shortly after assuming power in 1960, the
in the city were two or three-storied of the population engaged in agriculture. People's Action Party (PAP) Government
multifunctional shop-houses that went The rural popUlation lived in kampongs embarked on a programme of rapid indus-
through many stages of subdivision to consisting mostly of a half dozen Chinese trialization and development of communi-
accommodate the influx of migrants. Most and Indian shops strung along the road cation, financial, management and tourist
immigrants chose to settle in the already These were reached by small wooden bridges services. Implementation of these pro-
highly populated city areas, for reasons of across the ubiquitous roadside rainwater grammes involved a radical restructuring of
personal preference and convenience. trenches, which also doubled as drains. The Singapore's social ecology. Much of the
Housing conditions in the city have always shops constituted a sort of social centre for central city was earmarked for redevelop-
been marked by high i~ternal and external the kampong. Economic and social condi- ment, mainly for business and commercial
densities, and usually by a lack of en- tions in the rural areas were characterized by activities. A considerable amount of land
vironmental hygiene, public and communal poverty, poor housing and a lack of social outside the central city was needed for new
facilities. amenities and public utilities. The houses industrial estates, for building "new towns"
served by the shops were scattered, and the and for highways and other infrastructure.
By the mid-twentieth century, the spatial More than half of this very necessary land
typical kampong house was built of wood or
organization of Singapore was characterized was privately owned, which meant that a
wood and brick, with an attap or zinc roof
by a parallel network of streets. These massive relocation (rehousing) of the
The internal subdivisions were usually
streets are about one-eighth of a mile long, existing population would be required.
flexible, reflecting the family needs: there
and usually bounded at both ends by busy
were spaces for sleep and for socializing, a
main roads. This feature has often resulted To make this possible, the Government
small veranda, and a separate kitchen and
in individual street isolation, with each street established the Housing and Development
outside toilet and bath enclosures
comprising a separate neighbourhood or Board (HOB) in 1960; it was charged with
social area. Main entries into houses A striking feature of kampong life is the fact building public housing and undertaking
invariably faced the street, contributing to that activities such as working, eating, urban redevelopment. The Board embarked
this sense of community, furthermore, bathing, washing, ironing and child-caring almost immediately upon its public housing
streets were commonly named after some occur in open areas. It is not uncommon to programme, and subsequently began urban
characteristic of their residents. In the late carryon a conversation while bathing in the renewal efforts. The acquisition of the
33 Housing and Society: Some Thoughts on the Role of Housing in Social Reproduction

essential privately-owned land surrounding structures"; they are designed to be con- Rehousing in a new environment has
Singapore City was made possible through venient and comprehensive new towns, involved changes in spatial and social
legislation: the Land Acquisition Act of self-sufficient except for employment. organization. Between 1969 and 1976, I and
1966 empowered the Government to Allocation is generally based on ability to my students in the Department of Sociology
compulsorily acquire private land if it was pay rent, and rental rates vary according to at the University of Singapore carried out a
"of public benefit, of public utility or in the the number of rooms. These housing estates series of studies on the sociological con-
public interest." are economically homogeneous and sequences of rehousing, especially on the
To date the HDB has built over 200,000 ethnically heterogeneous. This is a marked low income families. A particular focus of
residential units of various sizes; each year it contrast with the former settlement pattern, our studies was the impact of relocation on
adds 25,000 new units to the existing stock. which was likely to be ethnically homo- the family unit. The major findings of our
At present over sixty percent of the popula- geneous and economically heterogeneous. investigations are summarized here.
tion resides in HDB flats, and it is estimated The older pattern was more conducive to the
development of the neighbourhood than are One feature of housing, namely crowding,
that by 1980 some sixty-five percent of the was of special interest to us. Studies have
popUlation will live in such flats. Thus about the new housing estates.
found crowding to have a serious impact on
300,000 households of an estimated total of certain aspects of family functioning and
500,000 will be residing in HDB housing. organization. Data collected from 121
Public housing has been transformed into a families residing in a twelve-story,
national symbol due to the achievements of Sociological Implications of the New one-room block of flats revealed that
the Housing Development Board. The most Housing Settlement Patterns children who came from larger families
common public housing design is high-rise (more than six members) tended to play
buildings located within housing estates In the past sixteen years, 200,000 families outside more frequently than children who
which are planned as "viable spatial have been resettled in public housing. came from smaller families (fewer than five

Singapore· view of a public housing estate

Photo H-U Khan/Aga Khan Awards
 Housing and Society: Some Thoughts on the Role of Housing in Social Reproduction 34

members). In general, however, the majority only three stories, mothers could keep an
of children from both large and small eye on their children. They pointed out,
families played inside their homes. This was however, that if they lived in a high-rise
true for all children between the ages of one block of flats this supervision would not be
and ten. In the sampling of children between possible. Five respondents reported that
the ages of six and ten, only fifty-seven they had only a very vague idea of the
percent played inside the flat, whereas of the activities of the children when they were
younger children between the ages of one playing outside. For safety reasons only
and five years, sixty-four percent played those children over ten years of age were
inside. allowed to play downstairs in the play-
The parents of larger families with children ground. Younger children were instructed to
of six years and older were asked where play in the corridor where their mothers
their children were playing outside, and in could supervise them.
what activities they were engaged. They The children from the smaller families
usually had some idea, but most were not usually played inside the flat. Some parents
absolutely sure; given a choice, they would had even erected barriers at the doorstep to
have liked their children to play inside the prevent their children from going out. The
flat, as the outside was "full of bad practice of confining the children inside
elements" who might teach their children could have serious sociological and psy-
undesirable things. Studies carried out chological consequences. Confining a child
elsewhere suggest that under conditions of indoors deprives him of experience in the
higher internal density (crowding), parental physical world, and this could hinder the
surveillance and control over children child's sensory development.
decline.
The study found that internal crowding was
Let us assume that the tendency to play a constant hindrance to children's studying.
outside in the case of children who came Public housing estate, Singapore Lack of privacy, frequent movement by
from larger families did indeed result in other family members, demands by the
reduced parental control. One should then Photo: H- U Khan mother for their help and noise from the
expect children coming from larger families surrounding area were some of the dis-
to exhibit a greater tendency toward tractions which prevented children from
socially deviant behaviour, such as juvenile concentrating on their schoolwork. As a
delinquency. We attempted to ascertain, in one of the objectives of this study was to result, most of the children from large
the context of Singapore, whether or not ascertain the sociological effects of internal families (eleven of the fifteen) fared very
such a correlation existed. This was done density. Density is perceived as the factor badly in school. Some of them have been
by comparing the floor area per person for which forces children out of their flats to retained once or twice and, in cases where
ninety juvenile delinquents who were reared play. Children from eleven of the fifteen they did well in the first year of schooling,
in public flats with the overall floor area per large families played outside most of the their performance declined in later years.
person for all public housing flats. time, whereas children from only three of
Another revealing aspect of this study was
the fifteen small families generally played
the manner in which mothers justified their
The comparison showed that the juvenile outside. All mothers (respondents in the
children's poor school results. Mothers,
delinquent cases usually came from flats study) whose children played outside
especially from the larger families, tended to
which have considerably smaller floor area preferred that their children play inside; the
perceive their children as stupid, and
per person than most public housing flats. interior was considered safer and more
comments like "my children cannot speak
The smaller floor areas were found to be secure because it ensured that the children
intelligently" were frequently made in front
related to poverty. Though it is possible that would not get involved in fights or mix with
of the children. The mothers were found to
poverty could have a potentially com- bad company. The outside environment was
be ashamed of their children's poor scho-
pounding influence, it is reasonable to perceived as undesirable and dangerous for
lastic achievements and had very low
conclude that overcrowding is a contributing children. However, a lack of play space
aspirations for their future. They felt that
factor in juvenile delinquency, because of inside the flats left little choice for the
since their children were stupid there was
the attendant decline in parental supervision mothers, except to allow their children to
little that could be done. They expected their
and control. play outside.
children to leave school and go to work in
These findings are supported by a case study Of the respondents whose children played order to help supplement the family income,
of fifteen large and fifteen small families outside, nine knew what their children were or else earn enough to look after themselves
residing in one-room public flats. Again, doing; since the study block consisted of independently. The mothers had no con-
35 Housing and Society: Some Thoughts on the Role of Housing in Social Reproduction

ception of the influence of social factors

(poverty, malnutrition, etc.), ecological
factors or physical features of housing upon
the children's achievements.
A mother's perception that her offspring are
stupid is internalized by the children, who
then come to regard themselves as
"backward." It is not surprising that there
tends to be a high dropout rate among such
children. The most obvious consequence is
that their chances of social mobility are
effectively blocked, and they become early
recruits to the working class.
The 1968 HDB Survey also suggests that
children from one-room flats, which have a
higher internal density, have lower school
attendance rates than those from larger flats.
According to the survey findings, the
average number of children per household is
three, one from each age group (under six
years, seven to twelve years and thirteen to
seventeen years). Thus each HDB household
averages two children of primary or
secondary school age. For one-room flats,
the ratio of secondary school students to
primary school students is one to three. In
larger flats, more room reduces the ratio to
one to one. Seventy percent of children age
thirteen to seventeen who come from the
poorer and more crowded one-room flats
do not continue their schooling beyond
primary level six.
The above findings show that conditions of
high internal density in flats occupied by
lower socioeconomic groups tend to weaken
parental surveillance over children, and
adversely affect the children's academic
achievement. These related ill effects of
crowding could be minimized by the
availability of modern medical and social
welfare services, and through the develop-
ment of social infrastructure such as urban
community development programmes. The
adaptation of children and families to their
environment could thereby be facilitated.
These findings, notwithstanding their limita-
tions, also indicate the need for alternative
housing design for low income groups.
These designs must be more congruent with
their lifestyles and more directed toward
reducing some of the problematic aspects of
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia' middle income housing scheme
living in a high--density environment.

Photo: H-U Khan/Aga Khan Awards

 Housing and Society: Some Thoughts on the Role of Housing in Social Reproduction 36

Housing Environment as Learning vague and general, such as "avoid playing stituted some of their very first exposures to
Environment with other children." Although children did market transactions and the use of money.
play with other children, a considerable Through these exchanges (as well as by
The field work for the above case study amount of their play contacts tended to be observing their parents' market behaviour)
revealed that the new environment is also restricted to their own siblings and to the children began to develop a certain
a very significant learning environment. It children who attended school with them or awareness toward commercial exchange and
shapes certain patterns of social interaction were their immediate neighbours. Thus, an orientation toward money and its proper
and attitudes and reinforces others. A children accepted impersonal and superficial handling. Money became a desired and
thorough examination of this problem is social interaction as a form of normative valued object, its acquisition a highly
beyond the scope of this paper, but certain behaviour, because it was valued by their desirable social goal
observations, though speCUlative in nature, parents. One could therefore argue that Children learned very quickly from their
are worthy of reflection. learning a "norm of impersonality" began at parents that money was earned, and that to
a very early age, and was reinforced both by earn money one had to work. The condition
During casual conversation in the study parents and by the environment of the new
areas with children between the ages of six of unemployment therefore meant no
public housing. money. Parents made certain that children
and fourteen, I noticed that they were very
conscious of the hugeness of the buildings Children were often involved in buying realized the importance of work by telling
which surrounded them. Building size and sundry goods for their families or for their them repeatedly that when they grew up
form appeared to have an intimidating effect own consumption. These transactions con- they must do something useful, i.e. work to
earn money. Parents tried their best to send
on the children. Parents frequently told
children to school, in order to equip them
them to be careful, for a fall from the
with marketable skills or a certificate of
building would mean serious and even fatal
proficiency in some occupation; the children
injuries. Such exhortations about danger,
were told that they would learn something
combined with the overwhelming size of the
useful in school. Education thereby acquired
buildings, evoked a fear of the environment;
purely an instrumental value. The school
this perhaps constituted some of the
system reinforced this orientation through
children's earliest learning experiences
its emphasis on memory recall by frequent
about the meaning of danger and fear.
examination. The child learned the meaning
The new settlement pattern served as a and significance of money because it was
learning environment in other important such a critical aspect of socialization; he
respects. It exposed children to the im- learned the means of getting it by seeing the
personality and superficiality of social way his parents earned it, i.e. through wages
contacts among neighbours and friends; for work done outside the home and for
extreme routinization of social life; social someone else. He therefore learned the role
transactions in which material wealth played of the wage labourer at a young and impres-
an important role; the housing bureaucracy; sionable age.
and family environments characterized by a
Children also learned the significance and
highly materialistic orientation.
necessity of following rules and regulations
Interaction among neighbours was marked of the outside world. This learning took
by an ideology of non-involvement and place when they saw their parents and others
avoidance of meaningful social contacts. paying the rent and other fees regularly at
Social interaction among the residents tends the local offices of the Housing Board.
to be superficial, impersonal and instru- Children would be familiarized with these
mental; children are discouraged from regulations when parents talked about not
having close associations with other children being able to make any alteration in the flat
in the block. Parents, remarking on the because of Housing Board restrictions, or
problems of raising children, very often through the maintenance services rendered
implied that the neighbourhood was full of periodically by the Housing Board em-
bad elements; if only they could prevent ployees. This exposure, combined with the
their children from associating with bad children's experience that school rules must
company, they would have no problems also be observed, constituted early ex-
with them. However, who constituted "bad Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: middle income housing periences with bureaucratic organization.
company" was never explicitly defined, and scheme They learned that the best way to deal with
instructions to the children were usually very Photo· H-U KhanjAga Khan Awards these bureaucracies was to observe, me chan-
37 Housing and Society: Some Thoughts on the Role oj Housing in Social Reproduction

icaJly and passively, their fuJI complement of to housing constructed in the future. This tinctive character of the Islamic community.
rules and regulations. At home too, sub- raises the practical problem of which The social and cultural de Jacto tenets of
mission to parents' wishes and observance of strategy should be adopted to achieve the Islam-the social division of labour,
their expectations was the best policy. desired objective; this problem has not yet material austerity, social equality, equal
been given the attention it deserves. There is accessibility to public services, mutual care,
an urgent need to formulate a housing assistance to the needy, social cohesion and
policy which reflects, as well as enshrines, cultural values-are just some of the factors
Housing, Spatial Organization and the that most fundamental Islamic social value: which merit consideration in the design of
Islamic Social Structure equality. I hope that the members of the new residential complexes.
seminar will apply their experience and This is an area of immense potential, and
Our observations about the housing system knowledge to this problem In view of its opportunities for creative work in this field
and social structure of Singapore have obvious urgency, I would encourage serious are unlimited. It is an exciting intellectual
important implications for sociopolitical research on this problem under the auspices challenge for future social and physical
movements in the modern Islamic world. of the Aga Khan Foundation. planners in Islamic communities, one which
These aim at restructuring society in Another major implication of my studies in requires both research and creative thinking.
accordance with Islamic values. An im- Singapore pertains to the design and One can only hope it will receive the
portant aspect of such a restructuring wiJl be planning of housing complexes. The existing attention it deserves from those avowedly
the reduction of existing socioeconomic design and architectural orientation toward concerned with the expression of cultur-
disparities between the rich and the poor. settlement complexes have largely been ally-and regionally-specific Islamic
Since it reflects the inequalities of the influenced by the free market mechanism values, and who are capable of improving
existing social structure, the housing system and by motor vehicles. This has resulted in the spatial organization of Islamic com-
will inevitably require public intervention- an urban sprawl which is undesirable both munities and society in general.
to ensure that the existing housing stock is from the economic and environmental
equitably distributed, and to guarantee that viewpoint. In designing future housing
all socioeconomic groups have equal access complexes one needs to consider the dis-
Reference Note

I This research was undertaken in Singapore between

1970 and 1975 Major findings have been published in
Families in Flats (Singapore University Press, 1977)

Public housing estate, Singapore

Photo: H-U Khan