INTRODUCTION

There are large numbers of revolutionary workers, as well

as an even larger number now awakening to political life and
activity, who know practically nothing of the vast store of
concentrated revolutionary teaching contained in the Theses
and Resolutions of the Communist International.
The re-publication of the Thesis of the Second Congress of
the Communist International on “The Role of the Communist
Party in the Proletarian Revolution” is of enormous importance
for us to-day. The Second Congress took place in 1920, when
the workers of Europe were engaged in big class battles for
power following the victory of the workers’ dictatorship in
what had been the Empire of the Russian Tsar.
The Thirteenth Plenum of the Communist International,
held recently, declared that: “The objective pre-requisites for a
revolutionary crisis have matured to such an extent that at the
present time the world is closely approaching a new round of
revolutions and wars.”
Therefore, the need of an understanding of the role of the
Communist Party as the leadership of the workers in the
decisive class battles which face us is of vital importance.
This Thesis could have been written yesterday, so aptly
does it characterise the urgent tasks at the present moment.
We have just celebrated the Tenth Anniversary of the
death of Lenin and the Fifteenth Anniversary of the foundation
of the Communist International. To-day we are witnessing the
triumph o£ Socialist construction in the Soviet Union under
the leadership of the Bolshevik Party and are able to record
tremendous advances in the growth, influence, and
Bolshevisation of the Sections of the Communist International
all over the capitalist world. This document will serve to
strengthen the hands of all revolutionary workers in that it will
make for greater clarity on the gigantic tasks which confront
us. It will assist in the process of attracting to Communism the
cream of the British working class.
Unfortunately we cannot print the document in full. We
are living under a capitalist dictatorship that denies free
speech to the working class. When this document was first
published a prosecution and a prison sentence followed.

1
Sentences or words deleted in this reprint are indicated by
asterisks (***). The fact that capitalist governments fear this
document is in itself a good reason for reading it, and we feel
that even in its present form it will be of value.
M. N., March, 1934.

2
 THE ROLE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
IN THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION
Thesis of the Second Congress of the Communist International
The international proletariat is confronted with decisive
battles. We are living in an epoch of civil war. The critical hour
has struck. In almost all countries where there is a labour
movement of any importance the working class, arms in hand,
stands in the midst of fierce and decisive battles. Now, more
than ever, is the working class in need of a strong organisation.
Without losing an hour of invaluable time, the working class
must indefatigably prepare for the impending decisive struggle.
The fi rst heroic uprising of the French proletariat
during the Paris Commune of 1871 would have been much
more successful, and many errors and shortcomings would
have been avoided, had there been a strong Communist
Party, no matter how small. The struggle which the
proletariat is now facing, under changed historical
circumstances, will be of much more vital importance to the
future destiny of the working class than was the insurrection
of 1871.
The Second World Congress of the Communist
International therefore calls upon the revolutionary
workers of the whole world to concentrate all their attention
on the following:—
1. The Communist Party is part of the working class,
namely, its most advanced, intelligent, and therefore most
revolutionary part. The Communist Party is formed of the
best, most intelligent, self-sacrificing and far-seeing
workers. The Communist Party has no other interests than
those of the working class. It differs from the general mass
of the workers in that it takes a general view of the whole
historical march of the working class, and at all turns of the
road it endeavours to defend the interests, not of separate
groups or professions, but of the working class as a whole.
The Communist Party is the organised political lever by means
of which the more advanced section of the working class leads
the whole proletarian and semi-proletarian mass.
2. Until the power of government has been finally
conquered by the proletariat, until the proletariat has

3
established its supremacy beyond the possibility of a bourgeois
restoration, the Communist Party will have in its organised
ranks only a minority of workers. Until the seizure of power,
and during the transition period, the Communist Party may,
under favourable conditions, exercise undisputed moral and
political influence on all the proletarian and semi-proletarian
elements of the population, but it will not be able to unite
them within its ranks. Only when the dictatorship of the
workers has deprived the bourgeoisie of such powerful
weapons as the Press, the school, parliament, the church, the
governmental machinery, etc., only when the final overthrow
of the capitalist order is an evident fact—only then will all, or
almost all, the workers enter the ranks of the Communist
Party.
3. A sharp distinction must be drawn between the
conception of “party” and “class.” The members of the
“Christian” and Liberal trade unions of Germany, England, and
other countries, undoubtedly form sections of the working
class. More or less considerable sections of the working people,
followers of Scheidemann, Gompers and Co., are likewise part
of the working class. Under certain historical conditions the
working class is very likely to be impregnated with numerous
reactionary elements. The task of Communism is not to adapt
itself to such retrograde elements, but to raise the whole
working class to the level of the Communist vanguard. The
confusion of these two conceptions— of party and of class—
can only lead to the greatest errors and chaos. Thus, for
instance, it is clear that, notwithstanding the disposition or
prejudices of certain sections of the working class during the
imperialist war, the workers' parties ought to have
counteracted these prejudices, defending the historical
interests of the proletariat, which demanded of the proletarian
parties a declaration of war against war.
Thus, at the beginning of the imperialist war of 1914, the
social traitors of all countries, in upholding the capitalists of
their "own” countries, unanimously declared that such was the
will of the people. They forgot at the same time that even if
this were so, the duty of the workers’ party was to combat such
an attitude on the part of the majority of the workers, and to
defend -the interests of the workers at whatever cost. At the

4
very beginning a{ the twentieth century the Russian
Mensheviks of the rime (the so-called “economists”) denied
the possibility of an open political struggle against Tsarism, on
the ground that the working class in general had not attained
to an understanding of the political struggle. So also the right
wing of the Independents of Germany, in its compromising,
has referred constantly to the “will of the masses,” failing to
understand that the party exists precisely for the purpose of
marching ahead of the masses and pointing out the way.
4. The Communist International is firmly convinced that
the collapse of the old “Social Democratic” parties of the
Second international cannot be represented as a collapse of the
proletarian party organisations in general. The period of open
struggle for the dictatorship of the workers has created a new
proletarian party—the Communist Party.
5. The Communist International emphatically rejects the
view that the workers can carry out a revolution without
having an independent political party of their own. Every class
struggle is a political struggle. The object of this struggle,
which inevitably develops ***, is to obtain political power. But
this power cannot be acquired, organised and directed
otherwise than by means of a political party. Only when the
workers have for their guide an organised and experienced
party, with strictly defined objects, and a practically drawn up
programme of immediate action, both in internal and foreign
policy—then only will the acquisition of political power cease
to be an accidental episode, but serve as a starting point.
This class struggle likewise demands that the general
guidance or the various forms of the proletarian movement
(trade unions, co-operative associations, educational work,
elections, etc.) shall be united in one central organisation.
Only a political parry can act as a unifying and guiding centre
of this kind. To refuse to create and strengthen such a party
and submit to its dictates, would mean to abandon the idea of
unity in the guidance of the separate proletarian groups
operating in the different arenas of the struggle. Lastly, the
class struggle of the proletariat demands a concentrated
propaganda, throwing light on the various stages of the fight,
giving a single point of view, and directing the attention of the
proletariat at each given moment to the definite tasks to be

5
accomplished by the whole class. This cannot be done without
the help of a centralised political apparatus, i.e., a political
party. Therefore the propaganda of the revolutionary
Syndicalists, and the partisans of the Industrial Workers of the
World (I.W.W.), against the necessity of an Independent
Workers’ Party, as a matter of fact has only served and
continues to serve the interests of the bourgeoisie and the
counter-revolutionary “Social-Democrats.” In their propaganda
against the Communist Party, which the Syndicalists and
Industrialists desire to replace by the labour unions, they
approximate to opportunists. After the defeat of the revolution
in 1905 the Russian Mensheviks for several years proclaimed
the necessity of a so-called Labour Congress, which was to
replace the revolutionary party of the working class. All kinds
of “Labourists” in England and America, while consciously
carrying on a bourgeois policy, are propagating among the
workers the idea of creating indefinite, shapeless “workers’
unions” instead of a political party. The revolutionary
Syndicalists and Industrialists desire to struggle against the
dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, but they do not know how to
do it. They do not see that the working class without an
independent political party is like a body without a head.
Revolutionary Syndicalism and Industrialism constitute a
step forward only in comparison with the old, musty, counter-
revolutionary ideology of the Second International. But in
comparison with revolutionary Marxism, i.e., with
Communism, Syndicalism and Industrialism are a step
backward. The declaration made by the “left” Communist
Labour Party of Germany (in the programme-declaration of
their Constituent Congress in April) to the effect that they are
forming a party, but not one in the traditional sense of the
word (“Keine Partei im überliefertem Sinne”) — is a
capitulation to those views of Syndicalism and Industrialism
which are reactionary. The working class cannot achieve
victory over the bourgeoisie by means of the general strike
alone, and by the policy of folded arms. *** Understanding
this, it becomes clear that an organised political party is
absolutely essential, and that shapeless labour organisations
will not suffice.
The revolutionary Syndicalists frequently advance the

6
idea of the great importance of a determined
revolutionary minority. The Communist Party is just such a
determined minority of the working class, which is ready to
act, which has a programme and strives to organise the
masses for the struggle.
6. The most important task confronting a genuine
Communist Party is to preserve constantly the closest contact
with the general mass of the workers. For that purpose the
Communists must carry on activity also within such
organisations which are non-partisan, but which comprise
large proletarian groups, for example, organisations of ex-
Service men in various countries, the “Hands Off Russia ”
Committee in England, proletarian Tenants’ Unions, and so
forth. Of special importance are the so-called non-party
conferences of workers and peasants held in Russia. Such
conferences are being organised almost in every town, in all
industrial districts, and in the country. In the elections to these
conferences the general mass even of the most backward
workers take part. The order of business at these conferences is
made up of the most pressing questions, such as the food
question, the housing problem, the military situations, and the
education question. The Communists exercise their influence
on these non-party conferences in the most energetic manner,
and with the greatest success for the party. They consider it
their most important task to carry on the work of organisation
and instruction within such bodies. But in order that their
efforts shall bring forth the desired results, and that such
organisations shall not become the prey of opponents of the
revolutionary proletariat, the most advanced Communist
workers must always have their own independent, closely-
united Communist Party, working in an organised manner,
and standing up for the general interests of Communism at
each turn of events, and under every form of the movement.
7. The Communists have no fear of the mass workers’
organisations which belong to no party, even when they are of
an openly reactionary nature (“yellow” unions, “Christian”
unions, etc.). The Communist Party carries on its work inside
such organisations, and untiringly instructs the workers, and
proves to them that the idea of “no political party” as a
principle is consciously fostered among the workers by the

7
bourgeoisie and its adherents, with the object of keeping the
proletariat from an organised struggle for Socialism.
8. The old “classical” division of the Labour movement into
three forms (party, trade unions and co-operatives) has
obviously outlived its time. The proletarian revolution in
Russia has brought forward the fundamental form of the
workers' dictatorship—the Soviets. The new divisions which
are now everywhere forming are: Party, Soviet, and Industrial
Union. But the party of the proletariat, that is to say, the
Communist Party, must constantly and systematically direct
the work of the Soviets as well as of the revolutionised
industrial unions. The Communist Party, the organised
vanguard of the working class, must direct the struggle of the
whole class on the economic and the political fields, and also
on the field of education. It must be the animating spirit in the
industrial unions, labour councils, and all other forms of
proletarian organisation. The appearance of the Soviets is an
historically basic form of the dictatorship of the proletariat in
no way lessens the guiding role of the Communist Party in the
proletarian revolution. The assertions made by the “Left”
Communists of Germany (in their appeal to the German
proletariat of April 14th, 1920, signed—“The Communist
Labour Party of Germany”) that the party must always adapt
itself to the idea of the Soviets and assume a proletarian
character, is nothing but a hazy expression of the opinion that
the Communist Party should dissolve itself into the Soviets,
and that the Soviets can replace the Communist Party. This
idea is essentially reactionary. There was a period in the history
of the Russian Revolution when the Soviets were acting in
opposition to the party, and supported the policy of the agents
of the bourgeoisie. The same has happened in Germany, and
may take place in other countries. In order that the Soviets
may be able to perform their historic mission, a party of
staunch Communists is necessary, who will not merely adapt
themselves to the Soviets, but, on the contrary, will take care
that the Soviets do not adapt themselves to the bourgeoisie,
and to the White Guard Social-Democracy; so that, with the
aid of the Communist fractions in the Soviets, the latter will be
brought under the banner of the Communist Party. Those who
propose that the Communist Party should “adapt” itself to the

8
Soviets, those who perceive in such “adaptation” a
strengthening of the “proletarian character” of the party, are
rendering a bad service both to the party and to the Soviets,
and do not understand the importance of the party, nor that of
the Soviets. The stronger the Communist Party in each
country, the sooner will the Soviet idea be victorious. Many
“Independent” and even “right” Socialists profess to believe in
the Soviet idea. We shall only prevent such elements distorting
this idea if there exists a strong Communist Party, capable of
determining the policy of the Soviets and making them follow
it.
9. The Communist Party is necessary to the working class
not only before it has acquired power, not only while it is
acquiring such power, but also after the power has passed into
the hands of the working class. The history of the Russian
Communist Party, for three years at the head of such a vast
country,, shows that the role of the party, after the acquisition
of power by the working class, has not only not diminished,
but, on the contrary, has greatly increased.
10. On the morrow of the acquisition of power by the
proletariat its party still remained, as formerly, a part of the
working class. But it was just that part of the class which
organised the victory. During 20 years in Russia and for a
number of years in Germany the Communist Party, in its
struggle not only against the bourgeoisie, but also against
those Socialists who transmit bourgeois ideas to the
proletariat, has enrolled in its ranks the staunchest, most far-
seeing and advanced fighters of the working class. Only by
having such a closely united organisation of the best section of
the working class is it possible for the party to overcome all the
difficulties which arise before the proletarian dictatorship on
the morrow of victory. The organisation of a new proletarian
Red Army, the practical abolition of the bourgeois governing
apparatus, and the building in its place of the framework of a
new proletarian State apparatus, the struggle against the
narrow craft tendencies of certain separate groups of workers,
the struggle against local and provincial “patriotism,” the
clearing of the way for a new labour discipline—in all these
undertakings the final, decisive word belongs to the
Communist Party, whose members, by their own living

9
example, guide the majority of the workers.
11. The necessity of a political party for the proletariat can
cease only with the complete abolition of classes. On the way
to this final victory of Communism it is possible that the
relative importance of the three fundamental proletarian
organisations of modern times (party, Soviets and Industrial
Unions) will undergo some changes, and that gradually a
single type of workers’ organisation will be formed. The
Communist Party, however, will become absorbed in the
working class only when Communism ceases to be the object
of struggle, and the whole working class shall have become
Communist.
12. The Second Congress of the Communist International
must not only serve to establish the historical mission of the
Communist Party generally, but it must indicate to the
international proletariat, in general terms, what kind of
Communist Party is needed.
13. The Communist International considers that, especially
during the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the
Communist Party must be organised on the basis of strict
proletarian centralism. In order to lead the working class
successfully during ***, the Communist Party must establish
the strictest military discipline within its own ranks. The
experience of the Russian Communist Party in its successful
leadership *** of the working class during three years has
proved that the victory of the workers is impossible without a
severe discipline, a perfected centralisation and the fullest
confidence of all the party organisations in the guiding party
centre.
14. The Communist Party must be based on the principle of
democratic centralisation. The chief principle of the latter is
the election of the upper party units by those immediately
below, the unconditional subordination of subordinate units to
the decisions of those above them, and a strong party centre,
whose decrees are binding upon all the leaders of party life
between party conventions.
15. In view of the state of siege introduced by the
bourgeoisie against the Communists, a whole series of
Communist Parties in Europe and America are compelled to
exist illegally. It must be remembered that under such

10
conditions it may become necessary, sometimes temporarily,
to deviate from the strict observance of the elective principle,
and to delegate to the leading party organisations the right of
co-optation, as was done in Russia at one time. Under the state
of siege the Communist Party cannot have recourse to a
democratic referendum among all the members of the party
(as was proposed by part of the American Communists), but,
on the contrary, must empower its executive centre to make
important decisions in emergencies on behalf of all the
members of the party.
16. The doctrine of wide “autonomy” for the separate local
organisations of the party at the present moment only weakens
the Communist Party, undermines its working capacity, and
aids the development of petty bourgeois, anarchistic,
centrifugal tendencies.
17. In countries where the power is in the hands of the
bourgeoisie or the counter-revolutionary Social-Democrats,
the Communist Party must learn to co-ordinate *** work; but
all work must be carried on under the practical control of the
legal party. The parliamentary groups of Communists, both in
the central as well as in the local government institutions,
must be absolutely and entirely subject to the Communist
Party in general, irrespective of whether the party as a whole
be a legal or an illegal organisation at the moment. Any deputy
who in one way or another does not submit absolutely to the
party shall be expelled from the ranks of the Communists. The
legal Press (newspapers, publications) must be unconditionally
and entirely subject to the party in general, and to its Central
Committee. No concessions are admissible in this respect.
18. The fundamental basis of all the organising work of the
Communist Party and individual Communists must be the
creation of Communist groups wherever they find proletarians
and semi-proletarian—although even in small numbers. In
every Soviet of Workers’ Deputies, in every government
institution, everywhere, even though there may be only three
people sympathising with Communism, Communist groups
must be immediately organised. It is only the organisation o£
the Communists that enables the advance guard of the
working class to be the leader of the whole class. Communist
groups working in organisations adhering to no political party

11
must be subject to the party organisation as a whole, whether
the party itself is working legally or illegally at the given
moment. Communist groups of all kinds must be subordinated
one to another in a strictly hierarchical order and system.
19. The Communist Party almost always begins its work
among the industrial workers residing for the most part in the
towns. For the rapid victory of the working class it is necessary
that the party should also work in the villages. The Communist
Party must carry on its propaganda and organising work
among the agricultural labourers and the small farmers. It
must especially endeavour to organise Communist groups in
the rural districts. The international organisation of the
proletariat will be strong only if in all the countries where the
Communists are living and working the above principles of
party organisation and activity are firmly established. The
Communist International invites to its Congress all trade
unions which accept the principles oi the Third International,
and are ready to break with the yellow” International. The
Communist International intends to organise an international
section composed of the Red Unions, which accept the
principles of Communism. The Communist International will
not refuse to co-operate with purely non-political workers’
organisations desirous of carrying on a serious revolutionary
struggle against the bourgeoisie. But, at the same time, the
Communist International will never cease to emphasise to the
workers of all the world:—
(1) The Communist International is the chief and
essential instrument for the liberation of the working class.
In each country there must now be not only Communist
groups, or tendencies, but—a Communist Party.
(2) In every country there must be only one
Communist Party.
(3) The Communist Party must be founded on the
principle of the strictest centralisation, and *** it must
introduce military discipline in its ranks.
(4) Wherever there are a dozen proletarians or semi-
proletarians, the Communist Party must have an organised
group.
(5) In each non-political organisation there must be a
Communist group, strictly subordinate to the party as a

12
whole.
(6) While firmly and faithfully supporting the
programme and revolutionary tactics of Communism, the
Communist Party must always be closely united with the
great working-class organisation, and avoid sectarianism as
much as it avoids lack of principle.

13
 WHEN AND UNDER WHAT CONDITIONS SOVIETS
OF WORKERS’ DEPUTIES SHOULD BE FORMED

1. The Soviets of Workers’ Deputies appeared for the first

time in Russia in 1905, at a time when the revolutionary
movement of Russian workmen was at its height. Already in
1905 the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ Deputies was taking the
first instinctive steps towards a seizure of power. And at that
time the Petrograd Soviet was strong only in so far as it had a
chance of acquiring political power. As soon as the imperial
counterrevolution rallied its forces and the Labour movement
slackened, the Soviet, after a short period of stagnation, ceased
to exist.
2. When in 1916, at the beginning of a new, strong
revolutionary wave, the idea began to awaken in Russia of the
immediate organisation of Soviets of Workers’ Deputies, the
Bolshevik Party warned the workers against the immediate
formation of Soviets, and pointed out that such a formation
would be well-timed only at the moment when the revolution
was already beginning, and when the time had come for a
direct struggle for power.
3. At the beginning of the February revolution of 1917,
when the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies were transformed into
Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, they drew into
the sphere of their influence the widest circles of the masses,
and at once acquired a tremendous authority, because the
real force was on their side, in their hands. But when the
Liberal bourgeoisie recovered from the suddenness of the
first revolutionary blows, and when the social traitors, the
Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, helped the
Russian bourgeoisie to take the power into its hands, the
importance of the Soviets began to dwindle. Only after the
July days and after the failure of Korniloff’s counter-
revolutionary campaign, when the masses began to move, and
when the collapse of the counter-revolutionary bourgeois
coalition Government was quite near, then the Soviets
began to flourish again; and they soon acquired a prominent
importance in the country.
4. The history of the German and the Austrian revolutions
shows the same. When the popular masses revolted, when

14
the revolutionary wave rose so high that it washed away the
strongholds of the monarchies of the Hohenzollerns and the
Hapsburgs, in Germany and in Austria the Soviets of Workers’
and Soldiers’ Deputies were formed with gigantic rapidity. At
first the real force was on their side, and the Soviets were
well on the way to become the de facto power. But as soon
as, owing to a whole series of historical conditions, the
power began to pass to the bourgeoisie and the counter-
revolutionary Social-Democrats, then the Soviets began to
decline and lose all importance. During the days of the
unsuccessful counter-revolutionary revolt of Kapp-Luttwitz in
Germany, the Soviets again resumed their activity, but when
the struggle ended again in the victory of the bourgeoisie
and the social-traitors, the Soviets, which had just began to
revive, once more died away.
5. The above facts prove that for the formation of Soviets
certain definite premises are necessary. To organise Soviets of
Workers’ Deputies, and transform them into Soviets of
Workers’' and Soldiers’ Deputies, the following conditions are
necessary: —
(a) A great revolutionary impulse among the widest
circles of workmen and workwomen, the soldiers and the
workers in general;
(b) An acute political and economic crisis attaining
such a degree that the power begins to slip out of the
hands of the Government;
(c) When in the ranks of considerable masses of the
workmen, and first of all when in the ranks of the
Communist Party, a serious decision *** has become ripe.
6. In the absence of these conditions, the Communists may
and should systematically and insistently propagate the idea of
Soviets, popularise it among the masses, demonstrate to the
widest circles of the population that the Soviets are the only
efficient form of Government during the transition to complete
Communism. But to proceed to the direct organisation of
Soviets in the absence of the above three conditions is
impossible.
7. The attempt of the social traitors in Germany to
introduce the Soviets into the general bourgeois-democratic
constitutional system, is treason to the workers’ cause and

15
deception of the workmen. Real Soviets are possible only as a
form of State organisation, replacing bourgeois democracy, ***
by the dictatorship of the proletariat.
8. The propaganda of the Right leaders of the
Independents (Hilferding, Kautsky, and others), intended to
prove the compatibility of the “Soviet system” with the
bourgeois Constituent Assembly, is either a complete
misunderstanding of the laws of development of a proletarian
revolution, or a conscious deceiving of the working class. The
Soviets are the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Constituent
Assembly is the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. To unite and
reconcile the dictatorship of the working class with that of the
bourgeoisie is impossible.
9. The propaganda of some representatives of the Left
Independents in Germany presenting the workers with a
ready-made, formal plan of a “ Soviet system” having no
relation whatever to the concrete process ***, is a doctrinaire
pastime which draws the workers away from their essential
tasks in the real struggle for power.
10. The attempts of separate Communist groups in France,
Italy, America and England to form Soviets not embracing the
larger working masses, and unable, therefore, to enter into ***
are only prejudicial to the actual preparation of a Soviet
revolution. Such artificial hot-house “Soviets” soon become
transformed, at best, into small associations for propaganda of
the Soviet idea, and in the worst case such miserable “Soviets”
are capable only of compromising the Soviet idea in the eyes of
the popular masses.
11. At the present time there exists a special condition in
Austria, where the working class has succeeded in preserving
its Soviets which unite large masses of workers. Here the
situation resembles the period between February and October,
1917, in Russia. The Soviets in Austria represent a considerable
political force and appear to be the embryo of a new power.
It must be understood that in such a situation the
Communists ought to participate in these Soviets, help them
to penetrate into all phases of the social-economic and
political life of the country; they should create Communist
factions within these Soviets, and by all means aid their
development.

16
 12. Sovi.ets without *** inevitably become a parody of
Soviets. The authentic Soviets of the masses are the historically
elaborated forms of the dictatorship of the proletariat. All,
sincere and serious partisans of Soviet power should deal
cautiously with the idea of Soviets, and while indefatigably
propagating it among the masses, should proceed to the direct
realisation of such Soviets only under the conditions
mentioned above.

17