MR EBIEDE, TONYE MARCLINT MAIR 2018
MR EBIEDE, TONYE MARCLINT MAIR 2018
MR EBIEDE, TONYE MARCLINT MAIR 2018
BY
SUMMER 2017
DECLARATION
I, undersigned, declare that this is my original work and has not been submitted to any other
college, or university other than the United States International University- Africa for
academic credit.
This thesis has been presented for examination with my approval as the appointed supervisor
ii
DEDICATION
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis could not have been accomplished without the help, contributions, and support of
At the foremost, I would like to thank God Almighty for his grace throughout my graduate
studies and thesis writing research process. I thank him for providing for me with strength
Secondly, I wish to express my sincere abundant gratitude to my parents Mr. and Mrs.
Clinton Ebiede, though I have been away from home for long, you have continued to
encourage and support me through prayers, motivation, and finance. Thank you for
continuing the conversation with me and encouraging me throughout my life to pursue those
situations which will give me something to say instead of just something to talk about.
To my brother and teacher, Tarila Marclint Ebiede you are my biggest critic and biggest
supporter, you have believed in me against all the odds, your continued support towards my
academic success and career growth is overwhelming. I sincerely appreciate your support and
guidance financially and morally for me to achieve my goals. May God Almighty bless you
in your endeavors. To the rest of my brothers and Sisters who have always believed in me,
To Dr. Richard Bosire, a man of encouragement and critique. I am grateful for his
supervision, guidance, support and brilliant suggestions on the content and structure of this
thesis. I also appreciate the panel readers, Dr. Oscar, Professor Simeon Sungi and Dr. Elijah
To my Pastor, Victory Ahuaza and members of the World International Sacred Peace
Movement-Kenya branch I thank God, I met you all and for your encouragement, assistance
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and prayers in times of trouble. May God, bless you. Thanks to my friends and fellow
students, most especially Emmanuel Tabi Ebot, Guy Fineman, Gathoni Kimani, Sara Chan
and Ahmed Mohammed Bulle I appreciate the fun we shared and strength we gave each other
when the journey got tough. It helped to know that I was not running the race alone.
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ABSTRACT
This work set out to analyze the nature and impact of Chinese aid on Nigeria-China relations.
It was also carried out to explore the extent which Chinese aid influences foreign policy and
trade relations between Nigeria and China.
The study sample is Nigeria as they are high recipients of Chinese aid and soft loans in Sub-
Sahara Africa. Data was collected from secondary sources such as journal articles, book
chapters, memos and government official reports. Descriptive statistics was adopted in forms
of tables, charts, graphs and bar charts which were utilized to describe the trend of the result.
Hence, the research methodology is a mixed method, using both qualitative and quantitative
methods and relying on secondary data collection.
Theoretically, the thesis is based on interdependence theory. It helps to explore Chinese aid
and Nigeria-China relations in three perspectives. The first is promotion and means to secure
strategic geographical interest, secondly is in exchange of resources, and lastly to a market
for Chinese goods in Nigeria. The study affirms the secretive nature of data on Chinese aid to
recipient countries, although, the amount of Chinese aid is growing in countries with mineral
resources in Africa.
The impact of Chinese assistance on trade and economy also seems to have more negative
than positive on trade with Nigeria and Sub-Sahara Africa countries. The study concludes
that interdependence between China and Nigeria is growing domestically as both sides need
each other for long-term strategic interrelations markets despite the imbalances.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION......................................................................................................................ii
DEDICATION........................................................................................................................ iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................... iv
ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................. vi
INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................... 1
vii
2.6. Economic nature of Chinese aid.................................................................................... 16
METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................ 23
4.6. The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (focac) I and Aid to Africa ......................... 39
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CHAPTER FIVE ................................................................................................................... 55
5.1 Conclusion...................................................................................................................... 58
REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................ 62
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: The first 13 Africa countries to have received Chinese Aid after the Bandung
Conference ............................................................................................................................... 27
Table 2: List of Countries receiving Chinese Aid After 1970 visit of Chinese Premier Zhong.
28
Table 3: China’s imported crude oil by region 1995-2006(%) ................................................ 29
Table 4: Analysis of Chinese official visits to Africa: From 1980s-2010 ............................... 30
Table 5: Export and Import Trade Between Nigeria and China in USD millions ................... 31
Table 6 Sectoral distribution of Chinese aid ............................................................................ 33
Table 7: Africa-China trade deficit in USD ............................................................................. 35
Table 8: some commercial deals of China’s three largest oil companies in Africa: Nigeria ... 38
Table 9: Donor spending on Africa as a percentage of total international aid ........................ 45
Table 10: Chinese aid Features and Periodization ................................................................... 46
Table 11: Major Chinese Companies in Nigeria...................................................................... 50
Table 12: signed agreements and mou between china-nigeria from 2001-
2006……………………………………………………………………………………51
Table 13: Analysis of Nigeria Federal Visits to China: 1999-2015......................................... 52
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
China’s growing involvement in Africa regarding aid, trade, and foreign relations has
drawn intense scrutiny from traditional donors (Deborah, 2011; Lyman, 2005). This has led
to the question of whether Chinese Aid and collaboration leads to development benefits for
countries in Africa (Margret and Zheng, 2001). Although China-Africa relations have
recently come under scrutiny, China’s involvements with Africa dates back to the early days
of the independence movements in the 1960s and before (Patrick, 2013; Alaba, 2010).
However, the present level of Chinese involvement in Africa is taking different dimension
(Princeton, 2006). Sino-Africa relationship has grown noticeably over the last five decades
and this period is categorized into three separate periods within this time frame (Judith, 2006;
Alden, 2008).
The first phase was the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and African
states as they gained independence. The second is the period when China was given a
permanent seat and replace Taiwan in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in 1971
is the second phase. The third stage is the post-Maoist period and the liberation and growth
experience in the Chinese economy (Judith, 2006). Since the 1950’s, China-Africa relations
were largely influenced by China’s aspiration for international recognition and political or
international alliances against the capitalist movements. Before this, Africa was of little
China's foreign assistance to countries in Africa started in the 1950's (Zheng, 2016;
Deborah, 2011) and had grown to be the largest developing country to providing aid (Zheng,
2016; Naohiro and Yukinori, 2014). Aid from China to countries in Africa has rapidly
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expanded because of china’s remarkable economic growth (Nahorio and Yukinori, 2014).
China’s Foreign Aid began in 1950 when China provided aid to neighboring countries such
as Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK) and Vietnam. However, it was in 1956 when
China began to give aid to countries in Africa (White Paper, 2011; Marek 2012, 2010;
Deborah, 2008).
In the early 1950’s and 1960’s China viewed Africa as an insignificant partner in
international politics, while most African states (including Nigeria) inside this period
additionally saw China as a neutral state (Utomi, 2008). Countries in Africa, such as Nigeria,
did little to foster business or even foreign and diplomatic relations with Asian Countries
(Utomi, 2008). However, Lyman (2005) asserts that things have changed. China has shown
interest in extractive industries and particularly in oil. With Angola and Nigeria being the
largest producers of oil in Africa, both countries have witnessed increasing Chinese presence,
and Nigeria’s market is open to Chinese goods (Margret and Zheng 2011; Lyman, 2005).
In July 2005 China and Nigeria signed 800 million dollars’ crude oil sales agreement
setting the motion of an annual purchase by China of 30, 000 barrels a day for five years
(Lyman, 2005). China's Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Jiang Yus explains that “Chinese aid
to Africa has been a means to enhance foreign policy relations between China and recipient
states” (Armstrong, 2013). This statement clearly depicts the main reason for this research
thesis. It captures not just the intent of the research thesis, but it has fueled contentious
academic debates and deliberations with scholars, media and international political circles on
This growth is, therefore, the reason behind this increase in China's aid as well as the
impact of these aid on recipient states with a case study Nigeria. This research work intends
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and trade behavior towards one another. The international attention China has given to Africa
regarding its foreign policy goals is part of the agenda of Chinese political leadership. It is
claimed that China has affected Africa in aid amounting to about $44 billion dollars over the
Bilateral China-Nigeria relations is evolving faster and having significant impacts on more
people and the country foreign relations (Margaret and Zheng, 2011). The Asian giant and
world's most populous country with a population of about 1.32 billion (Brandon, 2007),
meets the African giant and Africa most populated country. With a population of about 170
million (Bamgbese, 2009). With aims to become one of the world's top 20 economies
(Margaret and Zheng, 2011). Nigeria relations with China have grown in the last decade from
the limited and intermittent contact that marked the immediate post-independence era to an
increasingly complex and expensive engagement (Utomi, 2008). The relationship between
the two ‘giants’ People's Republic of China (PRC) and The Federal Republic of Nigeria
formally established diplomatic relations with China in February 1971 (Margaret and Zheng,
2011).
Likely, as a result of growing frustration with conditionality associated with aid from
western donors, Nigeria relationship with China increased in the year 2003 as there was a dire
need for improved infrastructure and economic development under the democratic
government of Olusegun Obasanjo (Margaret and Zheng, 2011). There are several kinds of
literature on Chines aid to Africa and its growing relationship with Nigeria in various sectors
(Shelton 2001. Rupp, 2008). The study used available data that examines the impact of
Chinese aid flow to Nigeria within the period of study and look at how it has had effects on
Sino-Nigeria relationship.
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1.2 Statement of Problem
This research is about the role of Chinese development aid, within the recipient country
using Nigeria as a case study. In as much as Chinese aid has increased as noted by Rupp
(2008), African states should ensure the use of China's aid to grow relations with China to
The problems that foreign aid has brought forth have had a significant impact on how
states conduct their foreign policies and interstates relations. This is because foreign aid
assistance could be used as a tool to conduct inter-state diplomatic and foreign policy
behavior especially for developing countries and Africa at large. China’s official
development aid (ODA) is most likely to influence countries foreign policies and relations.
Hence, the study seeks to understand the role of Chinses aid on its relations with Nigeria.
Nigeria, like most other African states; is faced with rising debt and the economy rely
heavily on foreign Aid and large revenue of oil production and exploration. Since
independence on October 1st, 1960, Nigeria has received a significant amount of foreign aid
and development assistance from western donors and several international agencies.
However, in the last two decades, China has increased its foreign development assistance to
Nigeria; thus, it is to this point the study seeks to find out if this has improved China-Nigeria
relations. Chinese aid seems to be the new beacon of hope for potential development partners
such as Nigeria. The last two decades have seen a considerable increase in these relations; a
situation primarily due to the donor non-interference policy held by China and the Asian
countries in general.
Like every other aid donor, China uses foreign aid to advance their foreign policy interests
(Axel, Dreher and Fuchs, 2011). China claims to maintain non-imposing political views,
ideas or principles when giving aid to recipient countries. However, being cautious of neo-
colonialism and imperialism one needs to understand how this aid flows and support China-
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Nigeria relations, using available data to map out the change in the relationship and increased
Chinese aid into Nigeria, and knowing how Nigeria's foreign policy and relations towards
China has changed in the period of 1999-2015. Hence, how do these increased aid flows from
China to Nigeria influence foreign policy relations between Nigeria and China?
The gap of the study is how aid has influenced Nigeria and China relationship?
Alternatively, has it had no effect at all on the relationship between China and Nigeria? All
these questions continue to be the central position in the debate on China-Nigeria relations.
1.5 Hypothesis
Chinese aid influence China-Nigeria relations.
1.6 Significance
Previous studies on China’s aid have largely focused on Africa on a general context and
mainly from traditional donor’s authors, who have tried to understand the mask behind the
increase of China’s aid to Africa and in so doing China’s developmental assistance has faced
severe criticism from most western authors. China’s aid is depicted by this study as an
independent variable that influences Nigeria China foreign and trade relations since 1999
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The debate, for some time now has been on whether Chinese aid is personalized with the
However, this research seeks to bring balance and objectivity on the subject matter by
presenting available data showing the distinct phases of Chinese aid to the continent
actor influencing the relationship between the two states, the existing scholarly gap on
foreign policy and aid needs to be addressed. China aids in Africa has continuously increased
and to an extent exercise some level of influence in relations with recipient state. This study,
take a more active role in understanding the role of China’s aid as an influencing factor in
This study could be of benefit to the Nigeria parliament, ministry of foreign affairs,
ministry of finance and policy makers, and could help students understand the effectiveness
Chinese aid as a tool to improve states relationship. Also, China’s developmental assistance
useful to other researchers and scholars in the field of international relations and international
political economy. Hence, providing a stepping stone for further study and research on
1.7.1. Foreign Aid: Developmental aid as referred to by Jerker et al., (1997) is a global
phenomenon that originated from the post-cold war period, and it encompasses several
institutions both bilateral as well as multilateral, solely employ in giving aid to poor and
developing nations. Maurits Van Der Veen (2011) gave an earnest and idealistic definition of
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aid, stating that it is an innovation introduced by the politics of modern age into the practice
of foreign policy. In this study, Foreign aid is a bilateral and multilateral act of donating in
cash or kind to countries what they deem needed in other to achieve a particular foreign
1.7.2. Foreign Policy: foreign policy as defined by Ryan et al., (2012), can be divided into
two aspects. The first aspect is to understand the meaning of foreign which as described by
Ryan et al. (2012) is meant to apply policy toward the world outside states geographical
boundaries, secondly policy is a set of rules officially implemented by states in other to guide
their relationship with other countries. Using this definition in this study. foreign policy will
be described as a set of rules by states or actors to pursue an interest outside its boundaries.
period of context and limited to a certain length. This thesis will be restricted since not all
aspect of China’s aid to Africa can be covered. Rather, the research is limited to China’s
The research thesis recognizes some essential weaknesses. It will concentrate on the period of
1999-2015, the period Chinese foreign policy strategy to Africa changed from ideological
liking to a talk of key partnership and necessary development motivation. This research
maintains the following noteworthy limitations. It concentrated from 1999 when China re-
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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
As already clearly established the study of Chinese aid and its growing relationship with
Nigeria within the period of study is an integral aspect of the research as it underpins the very
fabric of China’s interest in Nigeria vis a versa Nigeria Interest in China. It is against this
background that various authors have added their opinions and analysis of growing Chinese
aid and the Africa States relationship. This study samples some of these scholars and their
debates. This chapter presents literature reviewed and theoretical framework in line with the
research objectives. It discusses the history of China’s foreign aid and the key objectives of
China’s aid to Africa; the Nature of China’s aid to Africa and Nigeria. The impact of China’s
aid on Nigeria-China relations; and other factors that explain China-Nigeria relations.
In reaction to the statement; it is to state that though there is clearly quite a lot of literature
on aid in Africa (Easterly, 2008, Roger, 1987; Roger, 2007; Jerker, et all, 1997; Brautigham,
2008, 2011. 2012; Leslie and Rachel, 2004). They tend to focus on Western Donors and those
of OECD Development assistance committee (DAC), except for Deborah Brautighan (2008,
2009, 2011, 2012) of which some of her publications has tended to study the influx of
China’s aid into Africa. However, for clarification purpose, it should be noted that the
Fund (IMF), World Bank, and United Nations (UN). Over the years, the OECD development
assistance committee (DAC), which is used by the west to facilitate aid to developing
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countries, in the process of adopting changes regarding their approach; however, they began
to experience new rising aid donor power with competition from emerging economies.
China fueled by decades of economic growth and with interest to expand International
activities, by offering loans for infrastructure development and trade flexibility to countries in
requested and guided by Western donor agencies such as IMF and world bank aid and loans
China’s aid to Africa has and continue to spark contentious debates and discussions within
scholars and students of international relations and other social sciences. This is seen mostly
as a partial explanation, which is through the various comments postulated by political realist
or oppositionist of China’s aid to Africa who conceptualizes growing China’s aid and
relationship as an “old wine in a new bottle” with a “made in China” (Jean-Pierre, 2010).
different conceptual explanations. Some call it foreign aid (Stephen, 2008), others preferably
used to label Aid, it is a subject that is complex and fragmented (Peter, 1997).
Relations can be traced back to the period of the 1950s. Degnbol-Martinussen and Engberg-
Pedersen, (1999) posit that developmental assistance as a concept originated with the idea of
USA foreign Minister George C. Marshall in 1947 to give enormous aid to European states in
other to reconstruct them economically after world war II, basically what is known as the
“Marshall Plan.” Stephen Browne (2006) acknowledge the origin mentioned above postulate
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that development assistance began with the famous heady words from former US President
More than half of the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery.
Their food is inadequate, they are victims of disease, and their economic life is primitive and
stagnant. Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.
For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and skill to relieve the
suffering of these people (Browne, 2006). Jerker et all (1997) further clarifies developmental
assistance or aid as a global phenomenon of the post-war era, which has grown and has given
rise to several multilateral and bilateral institutions with the sole purpose to deliver aid to
developing countries.
The motives for giving and receiving aid or developmental assistance varies from
states to states and from actors to actors. Over the years from the inception of aid the motives
Marshal plan the reasons of aid tends to be based on national security and commercial
considerations, as this was central in the foreign policy of the US in the 1950s to 2000’s.
Nevertheless, after the era of 1950’s the motives behind aid changed, as the emphasis was
placed by the US government and other western donor as an obligation to help countries
develop economically.
Which has attained a dynamic growth and led to the rise of states and development
institutions that are either bilateral or multilateral (Carlos & Nicolas, 2010; Jerker, Gloria, &
Nicolas, 1997; Joanna, 2001; Roger, 2007). This Philosophy of aid and development
assistance was later applied to other parts of the world from Latin America to Africa and Asia
(Carlos & Nicolas, 2010). Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA) which currently receives the highest
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share of official development assistance (Carlos & Nicolas, 2010) has been related to the
colonial relationship with donor states (Roger, 2007; Carlos & Nicolas 2010). Aid flows to
African countries ideally began in 1960’s when the most state in Africa was granted
Independence (Roger, 2007). However, in 1970’s, aid flow to Africa states increased because
of the emergence of multilateral and Scandinavian aid donors (Carlos & Nicolas).
Efem N, Ubi (2014) explains how some emerging economy like China began to
challenge the current International and traditional aid donors by giving out an enormous
amount of aid, both in cash and in kind to Africa countries. Ubi (2010) emphasizes that China
share the same history of oppression and underdevelopment with Africa, hence China
deemed itself to be of better position to vitally assist Africa after about three decades of
economic growth; as this will help Africa to emulate Chinese experience in growth,
Then again, Tan-Mullins et al. (2010) observe the historical events of China as an
emerging donor to Africa. By Stating that, China and other developing aid donors in Africa
wander into active aid dating as far back as the period of the cold war time frame and past
(Tan-Mullins et al., 2010). Besides, rising aid donors in Africa, for example, China emerged
in 1980's and 1990's regardless of DAC domination of Aid Giving, depicting this increase in
Giorgia & Marco (2014) on the other hand categorize China’s aid giving in Africa
into three perspectives, the authors observe that China cannot be classified as a “new” or an
“emerging” aid donor (Girogia & Marco, 2014). Given that it had started aid giving to Africa
and other parts of developed countries since Maoist Period (Girogia & Marco, 2014;
Deborah, 2011; Naohiro and Yukori, 2014). Before that era, China’s aid enters its second
face with little growth in 1970’s (Girogia & Marco, 2014) and its final and present stage
evolved in 1990’s when China’s aid to Africa and other developed countries grow beyond
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political motivations. To more strategic ones placing emphasis on the achievement of mutual
economic benefits (Girogia & Marco, 2014). To an extent, these three epochs of Chinese aid
to Africa and rest of the world provide a platform that shows the evolution and origin of
Chinese Aid to Africa. This gives an insight on the evolutionary process that has engulfed
Kristian & Comte (2010) argues in support of the above, stating that; China is not new
to foreign aid, but rather it is re-emerging rather than emerging. Africa countries have been
beneficiaries of Chinese aid for almost 50 years (Kristian & Comte, 2010) and with this,
Chinese relationship has experienced gradual change from ideological promotion to the use
of economic policy tools to pursue foreign policy agenda’s (Kristian & Comte, 2010).
In 2006, China declared that year to be “The Year of Africa” (Kenneth, 2013) and
which China it went on to Published the popular “China African Policy” which china’s aid to
Africa was one of the objectives pursued by the China-African Policy (Kenneth, 2013).
Agubamah (2014) view Nigeria and China relations on a bilateral and general periscope
stating that Nigeria first had diplomatic contact with China in 1960 upon attainment of
independence.
Diplomatic ties were officially established in 1971 between the two countries when China
was admitted into the United Nations Security Council (Xiaoyn 2008). However, Chinese aid
to Nigeria experienced a change and growth in 2002 under former President Olusegun
Obasanjo administration; it was mostly bilateral aid which was given by China to Nigeria to
improve the economic and social development in Nigeria which eventually contributed to
boosting the relationship between China and Nigeria. Annually, from the period of 2002
Chinese aid to Nigeria was estimated about sixteen million USD (Xiaoyn, 2008). However,
data on Chinese foreign aid to Nigeria is quite difficult to put a figure on because of the fact
that China does not release complete data on its aid to countries; this as a result of the fact
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that China government posit that released data on Chinese aid to countries could lead to other
countries asking for more and likely to affect policy making in China.
Data from China’s aid statics and that which is in scholarly literature on foreign aid do not
correspond in any way as most of the data are based on assumptions on trade, foreign direct
investment (FDI) all categorized as aid. In reaction to this, some scholars (David, 2008; Lum
et al., 2009) argued that China’s aid is inflated by the government of China. However, it still
does not cover the fact that China’s foreign aid is driven primarily by the need for natural
past three decades (Brautighan, 2011). Aid to the continent has been increasing and
expanding to various developmental sectors of the continent. Chinese aid has been given to
support the economic, educational, technological, and infrastructural sectors in Nigeria for
over a decade.
countries by wealthy nations so that the former can meet the primary needs of their citizens
(Paula, 1998). This explanation is to a considerable extent simple but inaccurate, as aid is not
just for developing countries, and does not necessarily meet developmental needs of the
recipient countries; it also has economic, diplomatic, and political strings attached. To China,
its developmental assistance is more of an economic system that enables a larger means of
The first phase of Chinese aid was in 1979-1994 and was categorized with financial grants
and interest-free loans. Furthermore, 1979 to 1994 was the second phase of Chinese aid.
Unlike the first step, it was categorized with economic considerations, purchasing equipment
set for construction of infrastructural projects, and technical assistance. Lastly, the current
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phase of Chinese aid span from 1995 to 2004 and was categorized with interest-free loans,
consistently expanding, in various scope and methods; and it is based on the multilateral
system. Educational funding from China to Africa is increasing in numbers as the numbers of
Africans benefiting from Chinese scholarship over the years has grown. China to an extent
fulfilled Aid duties to African educational system, yet despite everything, it needs detailed
facts and statics on the official factual investigation on its aid financing information because
there are little data to evaluate this claim. China's aid to Africa education has been
expanding, and the responsibilities are executed than expected (Wan, 2015).
(2013) notes that, China thou have an African policy. However, its policy on education has
not been clear or separate but rather part of education, science, culture, health, and social
aspects. To this end, ratification of China’s aid to the educational sector in Africa might not
be clear, but the Chinese government has given its full support to Africa human resources
development and education. Moreover, in China’s foreign Aid to both Africa and Asian
countries, the funds for education is spent in building schools, providing teaching
equipment’s and materials, dispatching teachers, training educators and interns and offering
Africa has increased all over the continent, this raises the question if the demand for The
scholarship to study and research in China? Alternatively, is it just a means to import the
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Chinese language into Africa? Alternatively, rather is it the already influence of Chinese aid
Educational aid regarding scholarship and vocational training or research from China
has increased, and this package includes higher education, vocational training, Chinese
partnership with multilateral organizations such as the EXIM bank (James, 2015).
number of educational beneficiaries from Africa studying in China with assistant from the
Chinese government. With the changes that come in the new millennium and China renewing
its commitment to engage Africa, especially in search of raw materials and mineral resources
as a fuel to its economic growth, more and more Africa students have reported to have
beginning phase started with when diplomatic relations between China and African countries
such as Kenya, Egypt, Uganda and Cameroon in 1956; with about 24 exchange students
traveling to the East side (Hannusch, 2012: 492). Implementation was the characteristics of
the second phase which fall under the period of 1970’s – 1980’s. Moreover, with the number
of exchange students increasing to about 4,570 Africans by the end of 1996 (Ferdjani, 2012).
Beyond this, at the dawn of 2000 Chinese began providing educational equipment,
building research laborites all over the continent. The dawn of new millennium is the third
phase which started with the “declaration of 2000” which serve as a programmer that
facilitated China-Africa Co-operation regarding economic and social growth which King
(2013) has clearly verify as part of human resources development and education.
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2.6. Economic nature of Chinese aid
Still, in the context of the pervasive nature of China’s aid, Wioletta Nowak (2015) further
outlines that based on “White papers on China’s Foreign Aid” which is primarily distributed
to countries in Africa, Latin America, Asia and the Pacific. The development assistance is
characteristically combined with investments and trade initiatives. The core rationales and
driving force behind China aid program to Africa are mostly economic and strategic
objectives (Nowak, 2015). In 1994, China’s foreign aid policy launched the “Grand Plan of
Trade and Economic Cooperation” (GP-TEC). Which was flange by the then Minister of
Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation Wun-Yi, in association with the EXIM Bank
(Nowak, 2015).
Dubosse (2010) further points out that China’s economic developmental assistance to
Africa changed in 2006 with the formulation of China African Policy Paper. Economically,
debt reduction, debt relief, investment and multilateral cooperation were the core focused on
China’s economic aid to Africa (Dubbose, 2010). Economically in trade, China has vowed to
open its market which was ranging at 190 to over 440 zero-rated products from African
countries, by so doing it will establish cooperation, and funding ten special agriculture skills
In reaction to this Bankole & Adewunyi (2008) affirms this by pointing out that China-
Nigeria trade volumes have tripled in the period of five years (2002-2007) ranging from
US$1.1 to US$4.3 billion, as at 2008 it was total at US$7.3 billion (Munyi, 2009: 8). Further
to this, China has double aid assistance as earlier mentioned with statics showing that as at
2009 US$3 billion was given to African countries as preferential loans, and US$2 billion was
again given out as preferential buyers; US$5 billion was rated to Forester African China
development Fund, and cancellation of debt owed (Dubosse, 2010). This financial
relationship five years before independence to be little, at Independence increasing and five
Specifically, Bankole & Adewunyi (2008) observes that: traditional development partners
and aid donors of Nigeria are mainly from Europe and Americas (U.S.A. and Canada) which
have long dominated trade, investment regarding FDI and grants such as financial and
technical aid to Nigeria. This relationship tends to be debatable if such has in any significant
assist the country in its quest for development. To many, the relationship is exploitative with
facts showing the pattern of trade and FDI flow and inflow into the country since oil and gas
sector dominates Nigeria exports tune of about 98% and FDI inflows to the oil and gas
China-Nigeria relationship thou date back to as far back as three decades, however, with
emerging contemporary trends of development there is a need for a careful and detailed
analysis of this growing Chinas relationship to Nigeria by looking at the investment and trade
that are aid motivated. Moreover, to what extent is Chinese aid and trade deals not
Bankole & Adewunyi (2008) further notes that every diplomatic trip since 2002 between
Nigeria and China was followed by the signing of agreements and MOU to promote cordial
relationship. Technical assistance in the military, education, and health, and technological
sectors of Nigeria have been received. For example, an aid of 46 million Yuan to Nigeria for
control and prevention was granted by China (Bankole & Adewunyi, 2008).
infrastructural development projects are over time contracted to Chinese, especially from the
17
era of Olusegun Obasanjo administration which ended military rule in Nigeria and began
democratic governance in the country (Utomi, 2008). Still, in the context of china’s
technological and infrastructural aid to Nigeria, Pat Utomi (2008) further relates Chinese
with FAO in line to fight hunger and poverty in developing countries. The agreement signed
was estimating about 50 million dollars (FAO REPORT, 2013) which will support countries
in creating a food system and a strong agricultural growth chain of which Nigeria is already
benefiting. About 400 Chinese experts to help with food production and water conservation
in the country has been deployed to the country after the agreement was signed (Utomi,
2008).
Notwithstanding the advancement of the agricultural part, a few MOU in the most
recent couple of years has brought about a few Chinese organizations, in such sectors such as
power, street and rail transportation, and media communications. The organizations that have
entered the Nigerian market to take a shot at these important activities incorporate ZTE
Company, Alcatel-Shangai-Bell, China Putian and well known Chinese civil engineering
large, Chukwu Oknokwo (2015) observed the significant role of space technology to rapid
and sustainable socio-economic development. Okonkwo (2015) has gone further to outline
the satellite program in Nigeria of which the NigComSat-1 which was launch in 2004 was led
by Chinese Engineer and qualified Nigerian Engineers. Moreover, to date, China has assisted
in building and launching several other satellites for Nigeria. In examining this, it is to state
18
that China’s space program and technological assistance is utter to pursue national security,
economic and diplomatic interest and relationship. However, it has recorded little success
Keohane and Nye (2001) are renowned for their support towards interdependence theory.
Interdependence theory was first propounded by Thibaut and Kelly (1959) to analyze
choosing among potential courses of action. Keohane and Nye (2001) argue that we live in an
era that is dominated by interdependence since interdependence theory considers foreign aid
as a significant fact of human activity which is as result of globalization. The fact that this
work assumes that China’s foreign aid to Africa is increasingly causing an interdependence
This study will adopt Keohane and Nye (1997) depiction of interdependence theory as
a situation whereby states or international actors are conditions by external events in a mutual
19
relation with another state. This was adopted because it is linked to the objectives of the
study. Interdependence theory is very broad with many assumptions that are likely to underlie
the variants (Clarke, 2006) and related to the objectives of the research work.
The theory is also associated with scholars such as Grieco & Gelpi (2001), Hagre, et
al. (2009) and Masterson (2009). As a concept that can be used as a general theoretical
perspective on International Relations and analyze an economic aspect and political relations
of a given principal international actor to a less dominant actor in international relations. Paul
foreign policy relations. Hence, since Chinese Aid relations to Nigeria involve economic and
international relations as explained by the paper, this study takes the interdependence theory
this concept assumes that people, states, and institutions depend on each other to survive and
achieve their foreign policy objectives. In the study of international relations interdependence
Keohane and Nye’s (2001) argues that the term interdependence cannot be limited to
only a situation of mutual benefit since they intend to avoid the sterile argument that limited
usefulness of the terms to some specific school of thoughts such as modernist. In this context,
refereeing to China-Nigeria relations, Enuka (2011) points out that the two relating actors
possess what each other desperately needs. This “desperation for what each other needs”
creates the core assumptions and imperative for interdependence. This means both China and
Nigeria has something necessary and desired by one another, hence China as an emerging
20
and growing aid donor-initiated a fast-growing aid relationship with states in Africa which in
turns paybacks regarding resources and favors in the international system especially at United
Nations.
To further clarify this argument, economically, China and Nigeria relations over time
show that both states put in whatever is necessary for terms of resources and funds as a
driving force of their dealings hence supporting the argument of interdependence theory.
With the fact that both Nigeria and China have resources needed and ready to offer one
another as a concession to Forester relationship has shown the relevance and applicability of
interdependence theory in analyzing China’s aid vice a visa its relationship with Nigeria.
balanced. Though described as mutually dependent on each other, this paper does not
and Nye (1997) used a logical example to explain a likely unbalanced situation; whereby for
example China may be dependent on Nigeria with interest on oil and Nigeria maybe
In other to make a clear understanding and in-depth analysis in the theoretical analysis of
Chinese aid relations to Nigeria, one theory cannot perfectly explain the findings and debates
surrounding this concept. However, this study adopts interdependence theory because it
2.8. Summary
This aspect of the thesis has review relevant literature so far that sheds light on
China’s aid and Nigeria-China relations. Most of the literature examine the general role and
reasons of China’s aid to Africa. Which has to try to fill in the gap of this research on how
China’s aid has influence Africa; foreign policy behavior or states trade relation towards each
other. In the Nigeria context, there are several reasons which to show that China’s aid is an
21
involving participatory or influence of Nigeria ties with China, of which some few examples
were in the literature review to explore to prove this point. The role of China’s aid as an
influencing factor in Nigeria-China relations will be outlined in the analytical aspect of this
paper.
22
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
This chapter discusses the research methods adopted in this study. It discusses the
research design, study area and population, sampling techniques, data collection, and data
analysis techniques. There are various methods of collecting data geared towards assessing
Chinas Aid and its relationship with Nigeria for the past fifteen years.
research design will be a mixed design. Qualitative data were obtained from secondary
sources linked to Chinese aid and Nigeria-China relations within 1999-2015. This involved
reviewing of among other studies and materials that will include China’s aid to Africa,
Memorandum of Understanding, Trade deals and documents, Chinese white paper and
of 1999-2015. The work used Secondary data collection hence the study population include
Journal articles, books, media reports and statistics derived from studies conducted by authors
on China’s aid such as Deborah Brautighan, And data from the Official Chinese white paper
and the website of some ministry and institution such as Nigeria Ministry of Finance, Central
end of the continuum are the official Chinese government publications, which are highly
promotional in nature and use grand narratives to describe Chinese international engagement.
23
The Chinese government’s white paper on Chinese Africa Policy, for example, reads as
follows: “China and Africa have all along sympathized with and supported each other in the
struggle for national liberation and forged a profound friendship” (People’s Republic of
China, 2006: Part II). Other sources of secondary data include; journal articles, books,
collected. This includes correlations graphs, aid figures, loans, trade graphs and finance
reports. This technique is mostly used in case analysis where the researcher seeks collection
data in hope to construct proper meaning from the data. Hence, the study used descriptive
This is the research methodology chapter of the study. The study uses a mixed research
design of both quantitative and qualitative methods. The study is conducted in Nairobi,
Kenya. Study population shall include academic journal articles, publications, books, media
reports and statistics derived from studies conducted by respected authors in the field of
international relations. Secondary data has been collected from relevant sources and the data
24
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0. Introduction
This section is about empirical analysis and assessment of the impact of China’s aid
towards foreign relations in the lights of trade, foreign policy behaviors, and developmental
sectors. The section first will address and present the various findings and data’s by the
objectives and questions of the study, the general concerns and perceptions raised are in
relations to objectives one and two as regards the increased and nature of Chinese aid to
Africa and Nigeria. Moreover, that of objective three and four as relating to the impact of
Chinese aid on Nigeria China relations and other factors that explain Nigeria China relations.
4.1 Findings
Zeleza (2014: 3) depicts China-Africa relations as one of the fastest growing and
exciting relationship in the 21st century. He further states that the relationship between China
and Africa has been received with debate and enthusiasm of which some scholars and policy
makers either condemn or celebrate (Zeleza, 2008, 15; 2014; 3). To this point, China-Africa
relations and policies have sparked a lot of controversial debates and especially on economic,
trade and foreign direct Investment (FDI) in Africa which has been increasingly causing
Because Chinese aid to Africa is said not to be in line with the rules of aid giving and
data are not released. Nevertheless, Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) alone as a region receives one
of the highest shares of Aid and Official Development Assistance (ODA) within the period of
2000-2007 (Carlos and Nicolas, 2010). Foreign assistance in Africa has had several multiple
and contrary effects. It has either shaped or de-shaped state formation and state-society
relations, contribute to regional geopolitics, infrastructure and molded and driven policies.
25
This chapter will give a critical analysis of Chinese foreign policy on aid towards
Africa, by exploring first the context of the Chinese white paper which is a critical working
document in China’s aid policy; and understanding the roles of Various multilateral and
bilateral Chinese Institutions to promote Aid and Foreign Policy relations in Africa.
In as much as Chinese aid is growing, its growing foreign relations with developing
countries most especially Africa is also an important pillar of China-Africa relations. Chinese
aid has been described to be based on the principle of mutuality (Xinghui, 2011). Moreover,
like other countries, China uses foreign aid as a tool to serve its foreign policy goals and
domestic demands. Moreover, as Xinghui Zhang (2011) argues that china’s foreign aid is
more than a part of its foreign policy goals but also a means to facilitate relationship to suit its
internal affairs.
progressive stance from war to revolution to peace and development. China-Africa Policy has
been changing within the period of the 1960s to contemporary times focusing on political
relations, backed by generous economic assistance to emphasize both political and economic
cooperation. Hence, changes from its economic and reforms policies, no emphasis on
communist ideology, revision of foreign policy towards rationality, and rapid economic
growth and increasing energy dependence all characterized the phase of China-Africa
relations.
Suisheng Zhao (2013) depicts China phenomenal growth in global politics to its
foreign policy behavior. China Foreign Policy towards Africa has been an evolutionary
process from the formation of new China to contemporary China. Contemporary China-
Africa Policy began in 1955 (Looy,2006.5). The beginning of China-Africa Policy began
with the Bandung Conference of 1955 (Looy,2006.2). As posited by Jing Men and Benjamin
26
Barton (2011) the conference was held to enhance economic and cultural operation and
China in 1963; Premier Zhou embark on his first visit to about ten nation tour in Africa. The
visit was to pursue key eight principles that will guide China-Africa relations (Jing and
Benjamin, 2011). This principle was based on Economic and Technical aid, which in 1970
this motive prompt an increase of Chinese Aid project in Africa (Jing and Benjamin, 2011).
This principle became the driving force to China relations with African countries as some
African aid recipients increased after the premier visit to Africa in 1963; See the table 1 and 2
below.
Table 1: The first 13 Africa countries to have received Chinese Aid after the Bandung
Conference
COUNTRIES DATE OF FIRST AID AMOUNT (US MILLION
DOLLARS)
Algeria 1958 105
Egypt 1958 193
Ghana 1961 81
Mali 1961 148
Somalia 1963 220
Tanzania 1964 534
Kenya 1964 91
Burundi 1964 125
CAR 1964 56
Congo 1964 203
Uganda 1965 77
Mauritania 1967 239
Zambia 1967 372
Sources: Brautigam Deborah, 1998, Chinese Aid and African Development, pp 45.
27
Table 2: List of Countries receiving Chinese Aid After 1970 visit of Chinese Premier
Zhong.
Countries Date of first aid agreement Amount (US$ million)
Sudan 1970 230
Equatorial Guinea 1971 18.7
Ethiopia 1971 155
Guinea 1971 161
Sierra Leone 1971 94
Togo 1972 77
Tunisia 1972 97
Benin 1972 72
Mauritius 1972 48
Nigeria 1972 3
Rwanda 1972 56
Burkina Faso 1973 92
Cameroon 1973 124
Chad 1973 77
Senegal 1973 108
Niger 1974 64.7
Gabon 1975 26
The Gambia 1975 36
Guinea-Bissau 1975 18
Mozambique 1975 116
Sao Tome 1975 12
Botswana 1976 19.4
Comoros 1976 10.3
Morocco 1976 32
Cape Verde 1977 17.6
Liberia 1977 37.4
Seychelles 1978 8.1
Djibouti 1979 12.9
Source: Brautigam Deborah, 1998, Chinese Aid and African Development, pp 45-46.
28
1982 mark an end to the Premier Zhou Enlai led China-Africa policy, Zhao Ziyang
Second Chinese Premier visit Africa, giving an endorsement on China-Africa relations and
the importance of Africa-China relationship at the center of global politics. New principles
were announced with the coming of a new Chinese Premier; this principle was based on
“equality and mutual benefit, practical result, and joint development.” In the wakes of 1990s
as China economic growth continue its demand for raw materials and energy, economic and
trade relations with Africa became strengthen and necessary. Hence, China-Africa relations
move from the sector of political partnership to economic and trade relations (Jing and
Benjamin, 2011).
for Bejing and Africa. As it focuses on the issue of assistance, economic development, trade,
investment and political partnerships. Moreover, Under this network, China and African
representatives meet once every three years to renew and explore various means to improve
China-Africa relations.
Sources: Lai, 2007, ‘China’s Oil Diplomacy: Is It a Global Security Threat?’, P522,
cited from Yearbook of China’s Economic Foreign Relations and Trade, 2002, 2003;
Zhao, 2007, China-US Oil Rivalry in Africa.
important feature of high-profile visits to Chinese Premier and Africa head of states. Jing and
29
Benjamin (2011) narratively highlight the visit of Chinese Premier to Africa from the time of
MINISTER MINISTER
STATE 21 8 18 19
WORKING - - - 5
OFFICIAL - 9 44 11
OTHER 1 - 4 2
The Table above clearly indicates that China attaches immense importance in pursuing
good relations with the African continent. Nevertheless, Chinese Visits to Africa over the
years has been reciprocal by African Leaders. As Jing and Benjamin (2011) that from the
period of the late 1950s, not less than fifty African heads of States and about twenty heads of
government have visited China. Statistically, not less than two hundred times has Africa
heads of States and government visited China (Jing and Benjamin, 2011; Tian, 2005). As
China-Africa relations continue to grow and state visits increased, trade relations also grew
rapidly.
measures to expand bilateral trade relations. Chinese companies over the years have been
African development sectors in areas such as finance, agriculture, infrastructure, energy and
30
tourism (Zhiyue, 2011). The increase in trade relations is another Sector that showed the
depicted by the theory used in this research. From Table 5 and the figure 1 below it shows
how China trade import to Nigeria has been increasing and Nigeria export to China has been
Table 5: Export and Import Trade Between Nigeria and China in USD millions
31
Figure 1: Nigeria-China Bilateral trade statistics
The above table depicts the trade surplus and imbalances as describe by Munyi (2015)
between China and Nigeria to have been in more favorable terms towards China having an
increasing proportion. This unbalanced export and import trade has existed for a long time till
date. As depicted by Jing and Benjamin (2011), China-Africa relations has been growing
rapidly during the reform era of 1979 in China. They further prove this by stating further that
from 1979 trade relations between China and Africa was at US$817 million, and as at 1989, it
grew to US$1,166.6 million to reach a US$6,480 million in 1999. On getting to the twentieth
century, it ascended to US$10 billion in 2000 alone, as at 2005 and 2008 it increased to a
significant figure of US$40 billion and US$106.8 billion respectively (Jing and Benjamin,
2011)
32
Zeleza.(2015) argued that Africa trade with China has increased despite global
stagnation for a decade. He further states with the fact that China-Africa trade relations
regarding growth are staggering. Giving the statistics from 1992 he states that China trade
with Africa grows from US$ 2.4 billion in 1992 to US$ 10 billion in 2000, Trae further grew
to US$ 41 billion in 2005 and as at 2010, it was at US$ 128.5 billion and almost US$ 200
billion dollars. With this figure, as at 2010, China overtook U.S as Africa largest trading
partner in 2009, and in 2015 it was projected that China would overtake the European Union
as Africa’s largest trading bloc and with trade expected to reach a staggering 385 billion
33
Furthermore, China trade relationship with Africa is rapidly leading to expanded
activities and influence in Africa natural resources (Li and Abdulkadir, 2013; Cyril, 2008).
China’s rapid influence economic influence and penetration into Africa’s economic market
and mineral fields are mostly related to old and growing trade, energy, aid, and strategic
interests in Africa (Cyril, 2000; Wenping, 2006; Taylor, 2006; Alden, 2007). This influences
in Africa mineral resources has been faced with many reproaches and raises many questions
on the nexus between China’s increasing aid, trade and bilateral relations and Africa mineral
resources.
Zelleza (2008, 8) argues that China’s policy to Africa is not only driven by oil and
other resources but also the strategic importance of the African continent, which lies in three
considerations, with economic factors and diplomatic issues standing alongside the resource
imperative. He furthers argues that since China and African countries are still developing
their shared interests (Zelleza, 2008, 13), Brooks and Shin (2006:1) argues in agreement to
Paul Zelleza (2008:8) that the growing influence of China in Africa mineral resources is to
dominate Western political and economic influence; and positioning China at same time.
involvement in Africa natural resources and growing trade and commerce relations, it goes
through coordination and approval from Ministry of Commerce as the interest of China is
also in mind, also considering various diplomatic and foreign policy views as aid and every
other that follows such as trade and mineral imports is for policy objectives, and not just to
make money.
China is not a newcomer in Africa and its relations with Africa has been growing, and
as many Scholars have claimed that recent Chinese activities are because of China’s interest
34
in Africa natural resources, however, it tends to be different if one follows the evolution that
has helped us understand the growing relationship between China and Africa. Elijah Nyanga
Munyi (2011:5) outline a pragmatic policy on dealing with China beyond praise or criticism;
he further argues that quite some several African countries suffer huge trade surplus and
Regarding the case of Trade surplus with Nigeria, this is due to economic differences
request of African countries and jointly set up the following year 2000 around October.
Through this forum, China-Africa has built a strong relationship over the years. The forum
has served to cancel the debt, facilitate an expansion of the market for the participant and a
create a channel for positive engagement (Gart and Farhana, 2008). The objective of this
section is to understand the FOCAC and analyze how it has contributed to trade, aid, Sino-
35
From the formation of FOCAC, there have been four different forums which were held
after every three years, from 2000 FOCAC held in Beijing to the 2003 FOCAC conference in
Addis-Ababa and 2006 FOCAC conference in Beijing with the last FOCAC conference held
in Cairo in 2009. From each one of this conference held in Africa or China has ended up
with resolutions, commitment towards trade and bilateral relations, and policies adopted. It
should be noted that the FOCAC forum is a new element in China’s African diplomacy.
As explained by Garth Shelton and Farhana Park (2008) Chines President Jiang Jemin
visits Africa in 1996 paved the way for FOCAC forum. The May 1996 visit to six African
countries had a “five-point proposal” to serve as a medium to foster a long-term and stable
severed as the key points in the first FOCAC conference in Beijing and second FOCAC
conference in Addis-Ababa. Linked to this research thesis, it is to state that Jiang 1996 visit to
Africa is the framework that led to the evolution of a new diplomatic relationship with
Nigeria.
partner for Africa in the sectors of trade and development. Garth and Farahana (2008) argues
that FOCAC thou clearly showed China as a collaborative external actor but not an
interventionist actor, it supports the fact that the FOCAC paved the way for a new wave and
levels of Chinese aid to Africa. The Center for Chinese Studies policy briefing of 2012,
clearly explains in agreement to Garth Shelton and Farhana Park (2008) that the FOCAC
Which is to boost trade and Investment between China and Africa, canceling African
countries debts to China; and increasing developmental aid to invest in Africa (Center for
36
Chinese Studies, 2012). China’s aid to Africa increased to an estimate US$ 5.5 billion dollars
within the period of 2000 to 2007; after the first and second FOCAC conference in Beijing
The provision of Aid to Africa has produced positive development and diplomatic
results in several Africa countries. In Nigeria for example, China has been involved in road
construction; construction key federal and states government roads. Nigeria government to an
China civil engineering construction company (CCEC) is preferred and took over building
works from famous Julius Berger German Nigeria base company. Also, in other countries
such as Ethiopia China has been actively involved in construction and developmental needs.
forum, Chinese oil companies have in the last decade become a competitive actor in African
37
oil sector, putting up a market competition for longtime western oil companies. As Cyril Obi
(2008) note from Patey (2007:997-1016), that China’s strategies for winning oil in Africa
include: investing in countries where western companies have lost ground, or have been
forced to withdraw because of the domestic policies of either their host government or from
their home government, Sudan justify this statement, where the exit of western oil companies
and sanctions from Western government paved the way for the China National Petroleum
Corporation (CNPC) to buy about 40% of Sudan’s oil, notably Sudan Africa’s third largest
oil producer.
Table 8: some commercial deals of China’s three largest oil companies in Africa:
Nigeria
Since 1996, CNPC has controlled a 40% stake in the Greater Nile Petroleum
Operating Company in Sudan; in 2003, CNPC purchased oil refineries in
Algeria for 350 million USD and signed an exploration deal fro oil in two
blocks; in 2004, CNPC invested 1 million USD in an oil and gas exploration
project in Mauritania; in 2006, CNPC and Sinopec teamed up to exploit newly
CNPC
discovered drilling rights to an oil field in Sudan in a deal worth about 600
million USD.
In 2002, Sinopec signed a contract for 525 million USD to develop oil field in
Algeria; in 2004, Sinopec signed a technical evaluation deal for three onshore
oilfields in Gabon to supply China with crude oil; in 2005, Sinopec purchased a
27% stake in an oil field off the coast of Nigeria; in 2006, Sinopec entered into a
joint venture partnership with a local oil company to build an oil refinery in
Sinopec
Angola; in 2006, Sinopec was constructing a 1,500km pipeline to Port Sudan.
In 2005, CNOOC paid 2.3 billion dollars for a stake in the Akpo offshore oil and
gas field in Nigeria; In 2006, CNOOC signed a production-sharing contract in
Equatorial Guinea; and bought a 45% stake in a Nigeria oil and gas field for 2.3
CNOOC billion USD; also in 2006, CNOOC was allowed to explore in six blocks
covering 44500 square miles in Kenya;
Sources: Naidu & Davies, ‘China Fuels its Future with Africa’s Riches’; Scott-
Meuser, ‘Fuelling Development: China and Africa’; Meidan Michal, China’s Africa
Policy: Business Now, Politics Later.
Regarding oil investment in Nigeria and China as an actor in Nigeria oil fields, Cyril
(2008: 5) and Taylor (2007:63) depicts that in late 2004, China’s oil company (SINOPEC)
38
signed two key agreement with Nigeria oil sector; Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation
(NNPC). The first agreement was to assist in the development of five exploration wells, the
second to develop some major oil fields (specifically Okono and Okpoho oil fields).
In addition to this Cyril Obi (2008) notes that in same year petrol China signed an
agreement with the NNPC for petroleum supply of 30,000 barrels of oil to China daily for the
next five years. As china-Nigeria relations improved, two years after the first signing China
had a “big break” with the China National Offshore Corporation (CNOOC) signed a US$
2.27 billion deal that secure 45 percent of Nigerian oil and gas field, and US$60 million deal
that gave China a license to explore in the oil-rich Niger Delta (Cyril, 2008: 424).
With these findings, it suggests that China is not just a catalyst in the scramble for Africa
mineral resources but rather positioning itself strategically and competing with western
companies for mineral resources and trade partnership in Africa. China is seen to be only in
Africa to extract resources; Thou resources might be the main aim or objective of China in
Africa and its relationship with Africa this, however, might be true, but it makes no
difference as Deborah Brautighan states in her Chautauqua Institution public lecture titled
“China in Africa Think Again” states that the Chinese didn’t create this situation it was what
they met when their relationship as their relationship with Africa grew.
conference of the China–Africa Cooperation Forum held in Beijing. He suggested that China
and Africa should make a concerted effort to establish a new international political and
III. Taking part in international affairs based on equality and in an enterprising spirit.
39
IV. Establishing a new long-term stable partnership of equality and mutual benefit.
Thus, from its inception, FOCAC was grounded in a broader South-South cooperation
framework, offering Africa a new avenue for a pursuit of its political and economic
relations. By the end of the first FOCAC forum, China had provided economic and
developmental aid in one form or another to almost every African country and was involved
The first FOCAC meeting was focused on developing a common perspective for dealing
with post-war international system and solidification of China-Africa trade and investments
links. Four workshops were held along with the conference that addresses China-Africa trade
investment, reform experiences of China and Africa, poverty eradication and sustainable
development, and cooperation on education, science, technology and health (Garth Shelton
development assistance, trade and economic assistance Chinese government has granted to
Africa countries. There is also an increasing interest and international concerns about China
foreign policy on aid, especially towards Africa. China's foreign policy on aid and
developmental assistance has always placed emphasis on infrastructure something many aid
Africa countries lack and also non-interference (Hu, 2010). According to the Chinese white
paper Chinas, foreign policy on aid is characteristically different to suit both China and
Nevertheless, China’s foreign policy on aid has been evolving from the 1960s and is based
Movement (NMA) in Bandung set the pace for Chinese relations with other developing
40
countries. The core five principle principles according to the Chinese White Paper (2011) and
placed emphasis on Infrastructure, The Chinese White Paper on foreign policy on aid
confirms this statement by stating that Chinese aid unremittingly assists developing
developmental boost such as local personnel and technical forces as part of its aid to
recipient countries; this is to lay a foundation for development in future terms and
Paper, 2011).
II. Equality. Mutual respect and Common Development: Adhering to equality, mutual
benefit and joint development has been a key policy of Chinas foreign policy on aid.
China maintains stands that foreign policy is a mutual assistance to recipient countries.
III. No Political Conditions: Hu Wenping (2010) clearly states that Chinese aid does
maintain the principles of non-interference, and China’s White Paper (2011) clearly
explains that China does not impose political conditions and upholds the concept and
five principles of peaceful coexistence while giving aid (Chinese White Paper, 2011).
This is in respect to the fact that despite growing Chinese aid, PRC respects recipient’s
countries right to choose their developmental models that are suitable to its actual
conditions
IV. Realistic Conditions: Chinese Foreign Policy and white paper on Foreign Aid
emphasize on being realistic for the best. China foreign aid is provided by being at the
reach of its abilities and national conditions and channel aid to recipient countries
41
V. Attention to reforms and Innovation: Foreign policy on aid in PRC is to provide
development to both domestic and international situations. The idea behind this
according to Deborah Brautighan (2011) and Chines White paper (2011) is to facilitate
innovations in the field of foreign aid, and reforms several management mechanisms
Andrei R. Deleanu (2015:3) states that the main trait of Chinese aid is that economic
assistance and cooperation from China is linked to development assistance, he further states
that to understand Chinese foreign aid policies and evolution it is necessary to understand the
institutional framework of Chinese aid and how China achieve foreign aid goals (Andrei,
financial means of China’s foreign aid it is necessary to analyze the foreign aid system and its
The organizational structure of China’s foreign aid is complex and different from
OECD members, Chinese foreign aid is structured in a top-down management system that
involves various ministries and institutions (Andrei, 2015:8). The organizational structure of
Chinese aid is different from that of many aid giving countries especially OECD members.
The functions of the Chinese foreign aid institutional framework are to provide an official
duty breakdown and analysis on the flow of aid to recipient’s countries. See the figure below
The chart of Chinese aid depicts the state council at the top of decision making. Zhang
and Song (2012:8) further analyses the role of state council to be very crucial in the decision
making of aid disbursement stating that budgets, cash grants, above US$ 1.5 billion and aid
project above US$12.5 million are subject to political sensitization and approval by the state
council. The Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM), Ministry of Finance (MOF) and the
42
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) China Export-Import Bank (Exim Bank) and Department
of Foreign Aid (DFA) reports directly to the state's Council. Although, every ministry is
Deborah Brautigam (2009, 2010:5) debunks the idea that China aid system does not
have a central agency, she claims that it is an organized system run by the department of
foreign Aid (DFA) under the Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM), and in cooperation with
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). She further depicts that the Department of Foreign
Aid operates Chinas program on grant, zero interest loans on aid, Youth Volunteer program
and technical assistance. Chinas-export and Import Bank (Exim bank) administers China’s
concessional foreign aid loan program using subsidies from the foreign aid budget to soften
Sources: text readings on Sarah Lengauer “China’s foreign aid Policy: Motives and Methods:
center for east and west economics studies, 2012: pp 1-40.
43
Zhang Qingmin and Song Wei (2012:2-8) asserts that Beijing has made a concerted
effort to expand its foreign policy towards developing countries in general and focusing more
towards Africa. The foundation of China’s policy towards Africa, in general, began with
Premier Zhou Enlai China’s first premier and foreign affair minister at the Asian-African
Conference in Bandung 1955 (Zhang and Song, 2012:2). After the Bandung Conference, the
rules of foreign aid which is also known as the Eight Principles for Economic Aid and
Technical Cooperation was introduced, and they are still essential in China’s foreign aid
I. Equality and mutual benefit of donor and recipient country must be ensured.
II. non‐Interference in internal affairs and respect for the state sovereignty of the
V. Support projects that yield results and increase the capital revenue of recipient’s
countries.
countries.
Shuaihua Cheng (2012:1-5) states that China economic system or foreign aid policy
was first only focused on DPRK, Vietnam and several African countries who shared identical
political stands. Moreover, its aid was mainly material assistance and was limited. The
second stage of China’s policy concentrated on reforms and the opening of campaigns, hence
the economy was liberalized and new market mechanisms introduced. Assistance was
44
strengthened to least developed countries (LDC), and the long-term effects of aid were
Furthermore, Shuaihua Cheng (2012:1-5) further explains that Chinese aid in its third
stage focused on a pattern, the first pattern was diversification of the sources and means of
between China and recipient Countries. This action was a means to utilize joint ventures and
cooperative projects and issued low-interest loans using the Export-Import Bank of China
(Exim Bank). Also, greater importance was attached to capacity building through the
aid
2005
2005
Source: Gill Bates, et.al Assessing China’s Growing Influence in Africa, China Security,
45
Table 10: Chinese aid Features and Periodization
PERIOD DOMESTIC POLITICAL FEATURES OF CHINA AID
ECONOMY POLICY
First stage (1950-1977) Headstrong communist political- Vietnam, DPRK, Africa Material
economic system; Own assistance
difficulties of political isolation
and economic shortage
Third stage The transition from planned 1, Diversified the sources and
(1992-2003) economy to the socialist market means of funding. (Foreign Aid
economy. Fund for Joint Ventures and
Cooperative Projects; and low-
interest loans via the Export-
Import Bank of China).
2, Attached greater importance to
the capacity building via scaling
up technical training. (Forum on
China-Africa Cooperation,
FOCAC)
46
4.8 China-Africa Policy Objectives
Beijing foreign policy objectives have been focused on strengthening and developing a
friendly partnership with all developing countries, most especially with African nations after
it was admitted into United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Garth Shelton and Fahana
Paruk (2012) argues that the core guiding factors of China’s relationship with Africa were
laid in the foundation of the late premier Zhou Enlai 1960s visit and the 1980s propose four
principles on economic and mutual benefit. These principles which have always encompass
In all of this growing relationship and increasing aid to Africa from Beijing, many have
argued that Chinese government has made enormous contributions on aid to Africa and its
policy towards China has been an evolving process. Deborah Brautighan and Jyhjong Hwang
(2016:8-13) explains this by stating that the Christian Science Monitor depicts China’s aid to
Africa as at 2006 to be three times the total development aid given by rich countries. This
In 2015, the Economist’s corporate network highlighted that Chinese policy banks had
pledged to provide about US$1 trillion over the next decade or so in Africa. Both were
clearly off track by order of magnitude, but it is significant that neither the authors nor the
editors questioned these sums (Brautighan and Jyhjong,2016:8-13). Chines aid to Africa is
difficult to be measure, but the fact that it is increasing is what cannot be denied. See
appendix I.
return to democracy, he states that the civilian government that assumed power In May
1999recognised the necessity to redirect Nigeria’s foreign policy. Its first step in achieving
this was to aggressively search for friends, especially among Countries responsible for
47
influencing global affairs and shaping international economic diplomacy. Nigeria realized
that its primary influence lay in the West African sub-region, where it had been the dominant
actor, and in the rest of Africa where, alongside South Africa, it had become a major player.
However, Nigeria also recognized that its ability to play this regional and continental role
policy relations has focused on Africa because it has received one of the greatest amounts of
aid globally on per capita basis of any world region and, one of the most constant receivers of
Chinas aid for the past two decades. Following the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1971
(Utomi, 2008; Rindap, 2012: 18-30), Jeffrey Herbst and Charles Soludo (2000) argued that
aid is not a vital component of Nigeria’s political economy because of three reasons. First,
the fact that donors have been biased against countries with large populations has been a
scenario working against getting aid in Nigeria as the most populous African country,
secondly; the idea that Nigeria has an extravagant oil wealth cause aid donors to assume that
Nigeria do not need aid. Moreover, due to the rate of corruption and utter difficult in working
in Nigeria has discouraged many aid donors and agencies in working in Nigeria.
Pat Utomi (2008) classify Nigeria relations with China to have grown in the last decade
from a limited ground to an intermittent contact, this has marked the immediate post-
Salter (2009:4) correlate Utomi idea on the complexity of China-Nigeria relations. He argues
that the relationship between Nigeria and China is paradoxical and complex and not
straightforward. The relationship is what former Nigeria diplomat and scholar Alaba
Ogunsanwo describes as a tale of two giants. Nigeria relationship with China began with a
six-man economic delegation led by Adebayo Adedeji in 1972 August (Rindap, 2012: 18-30),
this delegation led to the signing of economic and technical cooperation which includes trade,
48
and developmental assistance was signed (Rindap,2012:18-30, Ogunsanwo, 2008:192). China
Nevertheless, the relationship varied in several sectors and dimensions, and the main focus
was on trade from china’s perspectives and infrastructural development from a Nigerian
perspective. This relationship grew as Gregory Muthemb (2009:4) depicted that Nigeria as at
2009 became one of the Chinas top trading partners alongside Angola and Sudan.
numbers and size. Nigerian-Chinese Chamber of Commerce was formed in 1994, and this
about US$ 529 million on railway and renovation system, this was during Late president
Trade Volume between Nigeria and China also increased from a US$ 178 million in 1996 to
US$ 1.44 billion in 2001. This further increased to US$ 1.169 billion in 2002, US$ 1.86
billion in 200, US$ 2 billion by 2004 and US$ 2.83 billion in 2007. This made China be one
of Nigeria top trading partners and with about 30 companies in Nigeria (Abiodun2013:16).
These companies are involved in the construction, oil and gas, technology, service and
49
Table 11: Major Chinese Companies in Nigeria
The diplomatic ties grew stronger between both countries in 1995 to 1999 when the
Sani Abacha government diplomatically took steps to bring Nigeria closer to China in what
was describe as “the look east foreign policy” because of sanctions from United Sates and its
Western allies as a result of human right abuses (Rindap, 2015:21). The diplomatic tie grew
stronger when in 1999 and 2001, former President Olusegun Obasanjo Visited China about
four times (Abua, 2004), This visit yield number of trade, economic, technical, scientific,
technological and investment agreement and assistance. In the strength of these political
bonds has been revealed by deeper China-Nigeria cooperation at the United Nations (UN). In
50
2015, China endorsed Nigeria’s bid to become a permanent member of the UN Security
Council, citing Nigeria’s status as a “leading developing country. (Samuel Ramani, 2016)”
President Hu Jinato visited Nigeria for two days, this two visit Udeala (2010:66)
describe as a visit to consolidate bilateral and diplomatic relations between two countries,
turns out to be true as at the end of the visit a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on
petroleum cooperation was signed (see Cyril I, Obi; 2000, 2008). This agreement provided a
gateway for Chinese Investment in the Nigerian Oil Industry, as part of the agreements,
drilling license was granted to China in exchange for Investment US4billion in oil and
infrastructural development project. (Udeala, 2010:66; Cyril, 2000, 2008). Tom Jack Pamela
(2016) describes Nigeria-China Policy under President Obasanjo administration as “oil for
infrastructure.” This clearly explains the idea of oil for Nigeria’s development. The
presidential visit became a means to secure mutual support and developmental assistance
51
Table 13: Analysis of Nigeria Federal Visits to China: 1999-2015
VISIT TYPES PRESIDENTS FEDERAL FOREIGN COMMERCE
MINISTERS MINISTER MINISTER
STATE 4 1 1 -
WORKING - - - 1
OFFICIAL 2 - - -
OTHER 1 - - -
SOURCES: Readings from Egbula, M., & Zheng, Q. (2011). West African Challenges -
China and Nigeria: A Powerful South-South Alliance. Sahel And West Africa. 5.
Late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua visited China ones in February 2008, and
eventually both countries agreed to a strategic partnership in power and energy and transport
infrastructure, other financial agreement include US$500 million concessional projects loan
from China to Nigeria and US$4.2 million for hospital construction in Abuja; Nigeria (Okeke
2008:4-6; Rindap2015:15). The relationship between Nigeria China dwindle under Yar’dua
as there was only one state presidential visit and many contracts signed under Obasanjo was
Former President Goodluck administration revives the relationship between Nigeria and
China, as energy contracts worth over US$ 10 billion was invested and contracted to Chinese
companies, the contract rejuvenation of the rail system in Nigeria was awarded to Chinese
companies in 2010, and it was worth US$ 2 billion. Obasanjo records more foreign policy
agreements and relationship than his successors. The late President Yar’Adua, who
succeeded Obasanjo in 2007 and Goodluck Jonathan, who in turn succeeded Yar’Adua.
4.10 Summary
In this chapter, Foreign aid as a key instrument to pursue a trade, and the diplomatic
relationship was address in the context of Africa. In China, foreign policy objectives. An
overview of events such as FOCAC and its significance on aid to Africa and increasing
52
bilateral relations. What has been derived from this chapter by assessing the increasing aid
patterns of China to Nigeria; Africa is that Chinas aid is huge to Africa, but it is hard to be
measured. Apart from investment, trade and monetary fund from China to Africa and Nigeria
if one sticks with the Eurocentric idea of aid, Chinese aid is quite small compared to other
countries. All the same, Aid from China to Africa either it is bilateral loans, FDI, and the
infrastructural project is posited to be diplomacy and politics, and it is not all about mineral
resources.
Also, the chapter contextualized Nigeria relationship with China, and from findings, it is
to state that it is to state that the relationship between Nigeria and China has evolved from the
different political administration and has become a significance in world politics. An analysis
of presidential visits from both countries was carried out to justified the increase in a
relationship and foreign aid between both countries. The Sino-Nigerian relationship
53
CHAPTER FIVE
relation from 1999-2015. Moreover, in this study, the research objectives first are to
understand how aid from China to various sectors such as economic, trade, education,
technology, and security has influence foreign policy behavior between Nigeria and China.
Chapter two of this research gave a historical analysis of Chinese aid to Africa and an
overview of the evolution of China- Africa relations broadly. In particular, the essences of
this chapter which includes a literature review and theoretical framework was to explain the
technological and infrastructural sector, and how it has shaped relations between China and
Nigeria.
Chapter four examined data on how foreign aid has increased over the years from China
and its impact on China-Nigeria relation. The analysis of data collected was to explain on
how foreign aid and interstate relations are tied together. Data analyzed shows that the
formation of FOCAC has contributed to this hypothesis to a considerable extent. The core
interest of this chapter was to examine Chinese aid and bilateral relations activities as the sole
core factor of increasing foreign policy objectives to favor China from an African perspective
and to favor Africa from a Chinese viewpoint. Besides this, China has developed an African
foreign policy based on aid, development and increased strategic relations since the Bandung
Conference.
The aspect of the Chinas relations to Africa that covers both the history of China relations
and aid to Africa; Nigeria. Had some key aspect that was identified. First, the end of Colonial
rule in Africa and within the period of the 1950s to 1960s was the period China-Africa
54
relations began to develop. Secondly, Chinese aid to Africa did not start in the 1980s or
1990s as many as accredited that period to be the when Chinese aid started claiming it to be
as a solidarity or appreciation after they replace Taiwan in UNSC with the help of African
states.
Hence, before this claim aid and economic relations to Africa from China has existed
during Colonial struggle and 1960s the year of independence. Although it was limited to a
selected few of which Nigeria was not among at this first stage. Nevertheless, aid was used as
the core means to developed relationship with Africa and open a wider door for other Africa
countries with China. Zheng (2007:5) gave an emphasis on China relations with African
Countries. Arguing that China relations with Africa be still the most important and reliable
Most Significantly, several events and official, unofficial and presidential visits indicated a
shift and growth in Chinas foreign policy and an increase in foreign aid as a tool of foreign
policy objectives. Regarding events, as at the evolution of FOCAC, from its inception in
2000, the FOCAC meeting with China led to a reaffirmed commitment to maintain the level
of ODA and investment flows to Africa in the wake of financial crisis and call for
development in Africa. FOCAC has a key influence in creating a means for aid to Africa
In line with the trends and debates derived from China’s foreign policy on aid and patterns
of aid from 1999-2015. Aid from China has evolved and has been primarily directed to
African countries. In the 1960s Chinese aid went to countries such as Algeria, Egypt, Ghana,
Mali, Somalia, Tanzania, Kenya, Burundi, Uganda, and Zambia. Moreover, over the years it
grows to other countries such as Angola, Nigeria, South Africa, Kenya and South Africa.
These countries are not just rich in Mineral resources that are claimed to be vital to China
interest and growing aid to Africa but also, they are strategically located countries.
55
Thou Chinese aid is not transparent, and they insist on not publishing figures on aid
country by country, content by content various figures has been put in place by reputable
media house and research institutions. Some groups or institutions tend to relate any donation
of a fund that connects States government to be called or classified as aid. What some of
these figures reflects are figures put together by a media report, and they do not distinguish
between different kind of Chinese aid activities. Apart from investments, trade, the
commercial fund from China to Africa. If one sticks with Eurocentric idea and concept of aid
Secondly, Chinese aid is sometimes considered vast because of their Export Agency
(Exim-bank). What the Chinese Exim-bank does is to finance projects and look for marketers
for goods. Exim bank finance projects of Chines Business and contractors.
5.1 Conclusion
The aim of this study was to analyze the nature of China-Nigeria relationship using
foreign aid. The thesis argued that contemporary aid relationship between China and Nigeria
Although the study acknowledges its limitation, especially about the size and complexity
surrounding Chinese aid and interest in Nigeria, the flexibility of the method used in the
analytical procedure and justifying the data, enabled this research to achieve its goals.
There is no doubt that the rise of China as an aid donor has impacted on its relationship
with Nigeria both negatively and positively. This thesis rightly observes that China
engagement with African countries over the last few years has significantly altered Africa
countries dependency on Western aid donors and created a competitive market in Africa.
Furthermore, the Chinese aid relation is increasingly impacting Africa’s human resource by
providing medical personnel and scholarships. Only during the academic years of 2010 and
2011, China provided 5,710 government scholarships (FOCAC: 2011). As professor Calstous
56
Juma (2010) points out, in addition to the increasing of the number of African students in
scientific infrastructure by launching a postdoctoral programme for Africans who each will
return home with scientific equipment worth $22,000 (The Economist: 15 Feb. 2010). Such
support in the development of human capital will further accelerate the overall growth of
African countries.
not always regarding situations of evenly balanced mutual dependence, the asymmetries
independence will most likely provide sources of influence for actors in their dealings with
one another (Keohane & Nye: 2001: 9). Moreover, in the case of foreign aid, being a donor
already creates an influence, and this is understood by both the recipients and the donor.
In this case, while some aid recipients are cautious of the cost-benefit of the relationship
and strive to seal a beneficial deal, others make less effort for varied reasons; it can be
inability, corruption, or may be forced to remain loyal to the donor’s interest, or for some
other reasons. Considering the disadvantages in relations in the findings, the theoretical
theory matters as mutual relations does not necessarily bring a balance in interstates relations.
It, therefore, means that China-Nigeria relation is not necessarily balanced and can be easily
manipulated by either state most especially the more potent. Hence interdependence
The fact that China uses foreign aid as an instrumental to support its companies operating
in Nigeria. Chinese aid and trade activities intersect, and this has become a challenge to some
African countries such as Nigeria. China's foreign aid has economic dimensions, and China
57
provides a trade-packed aid. Hypothetically, with the findings of this study. China-Nigeria
relations goes beyond Chinese aid; it is a relationship that has grown not just because of
5.2 Recommendations
The rise of China as an emerging aid donor regarding loans, trade and commercial
investments in Nigeria has continued to shape the political economy and relations between
the two countries. With Nigeria interest to attained economic growth, China is one of the
countries Nigeria can partner with as a result of Chinese economic growth. This research
paper has examined the impact of Chinese aid on Sino-Nigeria relations. Hence, from the
literature review the conclusion this paper draws that aid is likely to influence Nigeria
First, Nigeria should develop a Chinese foreign policy document to have a clear foreign
policy objectives towards China and control Chinese trade imbalances between China and
Nigeria export and import trade market, it can be emphasize that China exploits the lacuna in
policy framework in Nigeria to its advantage. However, it is valid to argue that it is the
responsibility of the Nigerian government to evolve policies that will ensure its engagement
with China is in line with its national goals and aspiration. Therefore, it becomes evident that
China is not the problem but the Nigerian government which is yet to evolve a requisite
regulatory framework that will ensure mutuality and a win-win in its engagement with China.
Secondly, from observation of data considering the flow of cash from China into Nigeria
bureaucracy is one of the reasons Nigeria depends heavily on aid especially from China.
Also, the dire need for development and control dependency from western companies turned
Nigeria government towards China. However, Nigeria government should ensure how it can
58
Nigeria’s priority lies in developing the capacity to manage its policies toward China's
engagement better. Nigeria needs to realize that China’s engagement gives it a unique
that addresses its long-term needs. The Nigerian government should avoid short-term fixes
and front-loaded deals with the Chinese and move beyond arrangements that focus solely on
the petroleum sector. High commodity prices are only a temporary vehicle that can be
utilized to drive Nigeria’s economy into a more economically diversified state, the exact
mechanism for sustained growth. Furthermore, The Nigerian government should encourage
Chinese MNCs to make more investments in major sectors. This can correct the trade
imbalance and create more opportunities in the job market for Nigerians.
Nigeria should focus on how China’s engagement in Africa fits into the broader picture of
development by balancing Western assistance with that of China but needs to understand
better how each type of aid can be beneficial, and to what sectors, to implement a successful
strategy. For instance, China’s experience as a more disciplined society has the potential to
curb corruption in Nigeria, while the United States’ commitment to human rights and
partner for Nigeria, given the fact that they provide aid and have a strategic economic
59
Appendix I: Estimates of Chinese Aid
JICA (Kitano 2010-2012 $14.2 billion Africa, Southeast Foreign aid and
and Harada Asia, and Latin government-sponsored
2015 ) America investment activities
(FAGIA)
Rand (Wolf et 2001-2011 $671.1 billion (from Africa, Latin Foreign aid and
al. 2009 ) $1.7 billion in 2001 America, the government-sponsored
to $189.3 billion in The Middle East, investment activities
2011 South Asia, (FAGIA)
Central Asia, and
East Asia
SOURCE: Brautigam, Deborah, and Jyhjong Hwang (2016). Eastern Promises New Data
on Chinese Loans in Africa, 2000 to 2014. No. 4. CARI Working Paper.
60
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