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This report has not been published by the U.S. Department of Justice.
To provide better customer service, NCJRS has made this federally
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Principal Investigator:
Co-Investigators:
Consultant:
http://www.bgsu.edu/policeintegritylost
January 2016
This project was supported by Award No. 2011-IJ-CX-0024, awarded by the National Institute of
Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, and
conclusions or recommendations expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not
necessarily reflect those of the Department of Justice.
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
1
ABSTRACT
There are no comprehensive statistics available on problems with police integrity, and no
government entity collects data on all criminal arrests of law enforcement officers in the United
States. Police crimes are those crimes committed by sworn law enforcement officers with the
general powers of arrest. These crimes can occur while the officer is either on- or off-duty and
include offenses committed by officers employed by state and local law enforcement agencies.
This study provides a wealth of data on a phenomena that relates directly to police integrity—
The first goal of the study is to determine the nature and extent of police crime in the
United States. The objective for this goal is to determine the incidence and prevalence of
officers arrested. A second goal is to determine what factors influence how an agency responds
to arrests of its officers. Objectives for this goal are to determine whether certain factors
influence agency response and employment outcomes: (a) severity of crimes for which officers
are arrested; (b) level of urbanization for each employing agency; (c) geographic location for
each employing agency; (d) length of service and age of arrested officers; and, (e) criminal case
outcomes. A final goal is to foster police integrity by exploring whether officer arrests correlate
with other forms of police misconduct. Objectives for this goal are to determine whether
arrested officers were also named as a civil defendant in any 42 U.S.C. §1983 federal court
actions during their careers, and to inform practitioners and policymakers of strategies that will
better identify problem officers and those at risk for engaging in police crime and its correlates.
The advent of nationwide, objective, and verifiable data on the law-breaking behavior of
sworn officers and provides potential benefits to law enforcement agencies that connect the
technical expertise of researchers to criminal justice policymakers and practitioners. These data
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
2
provide direct guidance in three areas. First, the study provides agencies information on the
types of crime that are most frequently perpetrated by police officers. Second, the research
provides information on the relationship between police crimes and other types of misbehavior
that collectively comprise the problem officer. Third, nationwide data on police crimes and the
manner in which arrested officers are organizationally sanctioned provides points of comparison
for law enforcement agencies that confront these problems, as well as information on the degree
to which law enforcement agencies tend to sanction or ignore certain crimes committed by
officers.
thousand arrests of police officers during the years 2005-2011. The primary information source
is the Google News search engine and its Google Alerts email update service. Chi-Square was
used to measure the statistical significance of the association between two variables measured at
the nominal level. Cramer’s V was utilized to measure the strength of the Chi-Square
association. Stepwise binary logistic regression was used to determine which of the predictor
variables are statistically significant in multivariate models. Classification tree analysis was
utilized to uncover the causal pathways between independent predictors and outcome variables.
The Google News searches resulted in the identification of 6,724 cases in which sworn
law enforcement officers were arrested during the years 2005 through 2011. The cases involved
the arrests of 5,545 individual sworn officers employed by 2,529 nonfederal state and local law
enforcement agencies located in 1,205 counties and independent cities in all 50 states and the
District of Columbia. The findings indicate that nonfederal law enforcement officers were
arrested nationwide during 2005-2011 at a rate of 0.72 officers arrested per 1,000 officers, and at
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Research Design.......................................................................................................17
Findings....................................................................................................................21
Conclusion ...............................................................................................................25
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................29
METHODS ........................................................................................................................65
RESULTS ..........................................................................................................................76
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
4
CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................188
Discussion of Findings...........................................................................................189
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................210
Publications ............................................................................................................232
Presentations ..........................................................................................................235
TABLES ..........................................................................................................................229
Table 6 – Police Crime Arrest Cases: Bivariate Associations of Job Loss ...........245
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
5
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
6
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
7
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
8
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
9
FIGURES .........................................................................................................................403
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
10
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
11
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
12
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
13
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
14
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This study is a quantitative content analysis of archived news articles and court records
reporting on the arrest(s) of law enforcement officers in the United States from 2005-2011.
Police crimes are those crimes committed by sworn law enforcement officers given the general
powers of arrest at the time the offense was committed. These crimes can occur while the officer
is on or off duty and include offenses committed by state, county, municipal, tribal, or special
law enforcement agencies. Police crimes damage the occupational integrity of police, the
organizational legitimacy of the employing agency, and the overall authority and legitimacy of
the law enforcement enterprise. Three distinct but related research questions are addressed in
this study. First, what is the incidence and prevalence of police officers arrested across the
United States? Second, how do law enforcement agencies discipline officers who are arrested?
And, third, to what degree do police crime arrests correlate with other forms of police
misconduct?
Surprisingly little is known about the crimes committed by law enforcement officers, in
part because there are virtually no official nationwide data collected, maintained, disseminated,
and/or available for research analyses. Researchers have utilized other methodologies to study
police misconduct and crime in the absence of any substantive official data, including surveys,
field studies, quasi-experiments, internal agency records, and the investigative reports of various
These methodologies have thus far failed to produce systematic, nationwide data on police
crime.
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
15
The lack of data on police crime is clearly a problem, since the development of strategies
to mitigate police crime in the least requires that they be documented and described in some sort
comprehensive data could provide comparisons among agencies on rates of police crime, and
subsequently contribute to the development and implementation of policies to deter police crime
perspective, the collection, analysis, and dissemination of more comprehensive police crime data
could instigate studies designed to identify significant correlates, explore relationships between
police crimes and more general forms of police deviance, and provide information on how police
culture and socialization potentially contribute to the problem. Scholars have yet to fully pursue
these and other important issues associated with the problem of police crime because we lack
any sort of comprehensive data on the types of crime that police commit and how frequently they
commit them.
The current study demands a conceptual framework that reflects both the broad range of
offenses committed by law enforcement officers and the generalized nature of our research
questions. Thus, the finding of the current study are organized within a conceptual framework
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
16
The study is organized around these five types of police crime. We provide data pertinent to the
three broad research questions within each area, as well as additional data that further describes
the nature and character of police crime both in general and within each of the five types. The
conceptual framework serves to organize data that describes a phenomenon that encompasses a
wide range of criminal behavior. The framework also allows for the presentation and discussion
of data specifically focused on answering the stated research questions; but also, the wealth of
data collected on police crime as part of this project that does not readily fit under one or more of
The purpose of the current research project is to promote police integrity by gaining a
better understanding of police crime and agency responses to officer arrests. The study provides
a wealth of data on a phenomena that relates directly to police integrity—data that law
enforcement executives did not previously have access to because they did not exist in any
useable format. The first goal of this research is to determine the nature and extent of police
crime in the United States. A second goal of this research is to determine what factors influence
how a nonfederal law enforcement organization responds to arrests of officers. A third and final
goal of the research is to foster police integrity by exploring whether police crime and officer
The purpose for the current study evolved from long-standing obstacles associated with
the collection of data on police crime. The underlying reasons for the current study reflect the
ongoing lack of empirical data on the crimes committed by law enforcement officers—a
situation that relates directly to the limitations of previous methodologies used to collect data on
the phenomenon. Researchers have resorted to a variety of methodologies to learn more about
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
17
the nature and extent of police misconduct, corruption, or crime. Empirical scholarship has
usually incorporated one or more of the following: (a) officer surveys, (b) agency records, and
(c) sociological field studies. Studies that utilize one or more of these methodologies have
clearly contributed to the knowledge base on police crime, but the methodology used in the
present study offers clear advantages in terms of both the scope and quality of potential data on
police crime.
Research Design
Data for the current study were collected as part of a project designed to locate cases in
which sworn law enforcement officers had been arrested for any type of criminal offense(s).
Data were derived from published news articles using the Google News search engine and its
Google Alerts email update service. Google Alerts searches were conducted using the same 48
search terms developed by Stinson (2009). The Google Alerts email update service sent a
message each time one of the automated daily searches identified a news article in the Google
News search engine that matched any of the designated search terms. The automated alerts
contained a link to the URL for the news articles. The articles were located, examined for
relevancy, printed, logged, and then scanned, indexed, and archived in a digital imaging database
for subsequent coding and content analyses. The present study focuses on the identification and
description of the cases in which police officers were arrested during the years 2005-2011.
Content analyses were conducted in order to code the cases in terms of (a) arrested
officer, (b) employing nonfederal law enforcement agency, (c) each of the charged criminal
offenses, (d) victim characteristics, (e) organizational adverse employment outcomes, and (f)
criminal case dispositions. Each of the charged criminal offenses was coded using the data
collection guidelines of the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) as the coding
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
18
protocol for each criminal offense category (see U.S. Department of Justice, 2000). Fifty-seven
criminal offenses are included in the NIBRS, consisting of 46 incident-based criminal offenses in
categories. In each case every offense charged was recorded on the coding instrument as well as
the most serious offense charged in each police crime arrest case. The most serious offense
charged was determined using the Uniform Crime Report’s (UCR) crime seriousness hierarchy
(see U.S. Department of Justice, 2004). An additional eight offenses were added following an
earlier pilot study (see Stinson, 2009) because police officers who were arrested often were
charged with criminal offenses not included in the NIBRS (e.g., online solicitation of a child,
indecent exposure, official misconduct / official oppression / violation of oath, vehicular hit-and-
run, perjury / false reports / false statements, criminal deprivation of civil rights).
The primary unit of analysis in this study is criminal arrest case. One of the primary
issues in coding was differentiating between arrest cases with multiple victims and officers who
were arrested on multiple occasions within the study years 2005-2011. Arrest incidents that
involved multiple victims with corresponding criminal charges were assigned an individual case
for each respective victim. Additionally, law enforcement officers who were arrested on
multiple occasions had an arrest case generated in the project database for each respective arrest.
Cases were also coded on Stinson’s (2009) typology of police crime, which posits that
related, and/or profit-motivated. The types of police crime are not mutually-exclusive
categories. Rather, each type of police crime is coded as a dichotomous variable because crimes
committed by officers often involve more than one type of police crime. Additionally, cases
were coded for the presence of police sexual violence and/or driving while female encounters.
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
19
by a police officer through the use of force or police authority” (Kraska & Kappeler, 1995, p.
93). Driving while female is operationalized as instances where a police officer stops a female
driver under the pretext of an alleged traffic violation and then abuses the power and authority of
his position to take advantage of a vulnerable motorist (Walker & Irlbeck, 2002, 2003). In some
cases, driving while female encounters escalate into sexual harassment, sexual assault, and in
Secondary data were employed from the Census of State and Local Law Enforcement
Agencies (CSLLEA) (U.S. Department of Justice, 2008) to ascertain demographic data including
the number of full-time sworn personnel and part-time sworn personnel employed by each
agency where arrested officers served. County and independent city were used to verify location
of arrested officers’ employing law enforcement agencies, as well as for use as a key variable to
merge other data sources into the project’s master database and data set. The U.S. Department of
Agriculture’s (2003) county-level urban to rural nine-point continuum scale was used to measure
rurality. Population data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s decennial census in years 2000 and
2010 were utilized for county, independent city, and state populations.
coder was employed to independently code a random sample of five percent of the total number
of cases in the study. Intercoder reliability was assessed by calculating the Krippendorf’s alpha
coefficient across 195 variables of interest in this study on a random sample (n = 290, 4.3%) of
the cases in the study (N = 6,724) (see Hayes & Krippendorff, 2007). The Krippendorf’s alpha
coefficient (Krippendorf’s α = .9153) is strong across the variables in this study. The overall
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
20
level of simple percentage of agreement between coders across all of the variables in this study
(97.7%) also established a degree of reliability well above what is generally considered
Chi Square was used to measure the statistical significance of the association between
two variables measured at the nominal level. Cramer’s V measures the strength of that
relationship with values that range from zero to 1.0 and allows for an assessment of the
importance of the relationship. Stepwise binary logistic regression was used to determine which
of the predictor variables are statistically significant in multivariate models. Stepwise logistic
regression models are appropriate where the study is purely exploratory and predictive.
Classification tree analysis was utilized as a statistical technique to uncover the causal pathways
between independent predictors and various outcome variables of interest, including job loss, and
conviction. This is an exploratory study because little is known empirically about police crime
arrests and the specific factors responsible for conviction and job loss subsequent to the arrest of
The news search methodology utilizing the Google News search engine and the Google
Alerts email update service provided an unparalleled amount of information on police crime
arrests at law enforcement agencies across the United States. The Google News search engine
algorithm offers some clear advantages over other aggregated news databases and the
methodologies employed by previous studies that used news-based content analyses to document
cases of sex-related police misconduct. The Google Alerts email update service provides the
ability to run persistent automated queries of the Google News search engine and deliver real-
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
21
There are four primary limitations of the data. First, this research study includes every
case known to the research team of a nonfederal sworn law enforcement officer who was
arrested during the years 2005-2011. Thus, this study is a census of the universe of police crime
arrest cases identified through our search methodology. We do not purport to include every
single instance of a law enforcement officer being arrested. Second, our research is limited by
the content and quality of information provided for each case. The amount of information
available on each case varied, and data for several variables of interest were missing for some of
the cases. Third, the data are limited to cases that involved an official arrest based on probable
cause for one or more crimes. We do not have any data on police officers who engaged in
criminal activity if their conduct did not result in an arrest. Fourth, we note that these data are
the result of a filtering process that includes the exercise of discretion by media sources in terms
of both the types of stories covered and the nature of the content devoted to particular stories.
Despite the noted limitations, the use of news articles as the primary data source is a long
established method of analyzing deviant/illegal police behavior (see, e.g., Lawrence, 2000;
Lersch & Feagin, 1996; Rabe-Hemp & Braithwaite, 2013; Ross, 2000).
Findings
Findings from the study provide three general observations about the nature of police
crime overall. First, police crimes are not uncommon. The study identified 6,724 arrest cases
from 2005-2011 involving 5,545 sworn law enforcement officers. The arrested sworn law
enforcement officers were employed by 2,529 state and local law enforcement agencies located
in 1,205 counties and independent cities in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Sworn law
enforcement officers were arrested at a rate of 0.72 per 1,000 officers and 1.7 per 100,000 of the
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
22
work is conducive to all sorts of criminal behavior, largely because of plentiful opportunities
provided by the nature of the work and police-citizen interactions. Third, police crime is
violence-related, or profit-motivated. These five types of police crime are not mutually
exclusive, and there are numerous significant predictors of (a) each type of police crime, (b)
adverse employment outcomes, and (c) criminal case dispositions. Distinctions between on- and
off-duty police crime are often difficult to make. Aside from these general observations, the
findings can be summarized in terms of both the full data set and the five types of police crime.
The most common most serious offense charged in the cases overall were simple assault
(13%), driving under the influence (12.5%), aggravated assault (8.5%), forcible fondling (5.2%),
and forcible rape (4.8%). Slightly more than one-half of the cases (54%) ultimately resulted in
job loss for arrested officers. The factors that influence whether an arrested officer will be
criminally convicted or lose his or her job are numerous and complex, and include both legal
factors (e.g., most serious offense charged) and extralegal factors (e.g., age, years of service as a
sworn law enforcement officer, relationship of victim to the arrested officer). In terms of case
outcomes, the events of job loss and criminal conviction are not isolated. Job loss provides a
context for the incidence of criminal conviction and vice versa. The number of cases and
officers arrested in terms of the five types of police crime were as follows:
Sex-related police crime included 1,475 arrest cases of 1,070 sworn officers
Alcohol-related police crime included 1,405 arrest cases of 1,283 sworn officers
Drug-related police crime included 739 arrest cases of 665 sworn officers
Violence-related police crime included 3,328 arrest cases of 2,586 sworn officers
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
23
The two most important points in regard to the sex-related crimes include the serious
nature of these events and the prevalence of relatively young victims. Serious cases of police
sexual violence are not isolated events. The study identified a total of 422 forcible or statutory
rapes, 352 cases of forcible fondling, and 94 sodomy arrest cases. Children seem to be
particularly vulnerable to law enforcement officers who perpetrate sex crimes. Almost one-half
of the known victims were children, and the second-most commonly occurring category in terms
of the victim's relationship to the arrested officer was an unrelated child. Arrested officers were
criminally convicted on at least one charge in four-fifths (80%) of the sex-related cases in which
conviction data were available. The simple odds of job loss are 2.8 times greater if the arrested
Job loss in the aftermath of being arrested for an alcohol-related police crime is tied to
agency. Arrested officers employed by law enforcement agencies with 1-99 full-time sworn
personnel lost their jobs in less than half (44.6%) of the alcohol-related cases, and officers
employed by agencies with 100 or more full-time sworn personnel lost their jobs in less than
Sworn law enforcement officers engaging in drunk driving is a major problem and
concern. There were 960 cases of police DUI (driving under the influence) arrests. These police
DUI arrest cases largely provide examples of officers who have lost their exemption from law
enforcement. That is to say, state and local sworn law enforcement officers do not typically
arrest other sworn law enforcement officers, especially for drunk driving. In many of the police
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
24
DUI arrest cases in this study, however, the drunk driving officer did something in terms of the
incident events that led to being arrested. For example, many of the police DUI arrest cases
involved traffic accidents (51%) often resulting in victim injury (24.1%) or fatalities (4%).
Arrested officers are known to have lost their jobs as sworn law enforcement officers in less than
Drug-related crime by sworn law enforcement officers tends to spawn all sorts of other
kinds of police misconduct and police crime. Personal use of drug does not seem to be the
primary problem in drug-related police crime. Drug-related police crime often involves drug
trafficking, facilitation of the drug trade, and shakedowns of citizens most often associated with
the trade of cocaine and crack. Taken together, cocaine and marijuana account for over one-half
of the drug-related police crime arrest cases. Well over one-half of the drug-related police crime
Policing is often violent. A major problem identified in this study, however, is officer-
involved domestic violence. There were 961 cases of officer-involved domestic violence.
Approximately one-third of the cases involving a sworn law enforcement arrested for officer-
involved domestic violence are known to have resulted in the arrested officer losing his or her
job as a result of the arrest. When the victim is currently involved (i.e., current spouse, current
boyfriend/girlfriend), the arrested officer is less likely to be convicted than when the victim is
somebody else in officer-involved domestic violence arrest cases. The simple odds of an officer
losing his or her job after being arrested for a crime relating to officer-involved domestic
violence are greater when the relationship with the victim is more distant. Serious concerns
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
25
regarding compliance with the gun and ammunition prohibitions of the Lautenberg Amendment
(1996) to the Federal Gun Control Act of 1968 for persons convicted of qualifying crimes of
domestic violence are raised by officer-involved domestic violence arrest cases in this study.
There is no exception to the gun prohibition in the federal statute for sworn law enforcement
officers who have been convicted of qualifying misdemeanor crimes of domestic violence.
Most of the profit-motivated crimes occurred at the street-level and involved patrol
personnel. These crimes are more like street crimes than white collar crimes. The most common
most serious offense charged in the profit-motivated police crime arrest cases were unclassified
thefts (16%), false pretenses (theft by deception) (12.5%), drug offenses (11.9%), robbery (6.4%)
thefts from buildings (5.8%), and extortion or blackmail (5.3%). More than two-thirds of the
sworn law enforcement officers arrested for profit-motivated crime lost their jobs (67%) and
more than half of the profit-motivated arrest cases resulted in conviction (57.4%). The single
largest predictor of job loss in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases is when the profit-
Conclusion
Cases in which sworn law enforcement officers act as criminals—whether dealing drugs,
or driving drunk, or sexually molesting a vulnerable citizen—strike a direct blow to the law
enforcement enterprise and the essence of what it means to be a law enforcement officer: protect
and serve. These cases threaten to undermine public trust in both the authority and legitimacy of
state and local law enforcement organizations, and the work of law-abiding sworn officers who
go about their job selflessly, efficiently, and professionally every day. Police crime as a topic
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
26
worthy of empirical study however is not clearly understood, and would probably best be
The contrast between the topic's substantive weight and comparatively light coverage
within the scholarship is mostly due to an absence of suitable data. The traditional sources of
data and methods of study, whether official statistics, self-report surveys, or direct observations,
either do not exist in any usable format or are ill-equipped to identify, count, or provide the basis
for empirical analyses of instances in which police perpetrate crimes themselves. These cases
have thus far escaped large-scale empirical scrutiny, but they are intrinsically newsworthy
events. Those in the news media need to identify stories that will be of interest to their audience,
and cases of police crime typically include storylines that are clearly newsworthy. This project
identify these events, and subject them to analyses that have thus far been impossible. Given the
previous unavailability of data and the relative absence of empirical studies dedicated to the
topic, our work should be considered exploratory. The primary aim was to uncover cases of
police crime arrests and to provide the basis for what we hope will become an important
contribution to the establishment of a more substantive and useful line of research on the topic.
The findings of the current study have several direct implications for policy and practice
in state and local law enforcement agencies. First, employing law enforcement agencies should
have written policies to compel mandatory disclosure whenever a sworn officer is arrested for a
crime, as well as whenever a court issues an order of protection against a sworn officer. Second,
annual criminal background checks of all current sworn personnel to ascertain if any sworn
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
27
officer has been arrested or convicted of any crime. The practice of conducting annual criminal
background checks on every sworn law enforcement officer employed will ensure compliance
with the gun and ammunition prohibition provisions of the Lautenberg Amendment (1996) to the
federal Gun Control Act of 1968. Third, law enforcement agencies should have written policies
in place regarding standard agency responses to when a sworn law enforcement officer is
arrested, and the policy should address procedures for both situations where a sworn officer
employed by that agency is arrested as well as when the agency effectuates the criminal arrest of
a sworn law enforcement officer employed by some other law enforcement agency. Finally,
many arrested officers experience an unraveling of their lives, and mental health problems can be
present in some instances. Early intervention and warning systems should be utilized to track
instances of officers being arrested and officers should be referred to employee assistance
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
28
Acknowledgements
Adam Watkins provided statistics expertise. Hannah Brewer, Michael Buerger, Melissa
Burek, Chris Dunn, Judith Leary, and Brooke Mathna provided technical expertise. Dan Lee,
Dennis Giever, Paul McCauley, and David Myers offered early encouragement.
The following graduate student research assistants at Bowling Green State University
worked on this project: Evin Carmack, Paige Crawford, Jacob Frankhouser, Maria Gardella,
Breanne Hitchens, Jessica Kirkpatrick, Krista Long, Matthew Roberts, Dennis Roehrig, Andrew
Rudnik, Adam Sierra, Scott Stevenson, Erin Thomson, Natalie Todak, Georgianna Whitely, and
Mallorie Wilson.
University also worked on this project: Christy Adams, Warifa Azeez, Joelle Bridges, Zachary
Calogeras, Vincent Crews, Natalie DiChiro, Charles Eberle, Rachel Fettinger, Madeline Fisher,
Joanna Hanson, Breanne Hitchens, Ryan Hunter, Tanya Korte, Theresa Lanese, Mariah Lax,
Raven Ory, Tiffany Pleska, Ashley Roberts, Taylor Szalkowski, and Mallorie Wilson.
This project was made possible through the guidance of Chief Information Officer John
Ellinger and assistance from numerous Information Technology Services staff at Bowling Green
State University, including Adam Arthur, Chad Brandeberry, Kyle Butler, Patrick Enright, Chad
Fletcher, Michael Good, Danee Gunka, Lauren Hall, Matthew Haschak, Katrina Horvath, Margo
Kammeyer, Clinton LaForest, Bridget Place, Nick Rodgers, Thomas Shuman, Andries Smith,
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
29
INTRODUCTION
Police crimes are those crimes committed by sworn law enforcement officers who are
given the general powers of arrest at the time the offense was committed. These crimes can
occur while the officer is either on- or off-duty and include offenses committed by officers
employed by state, county, municipal, tribal, or special law enforcement agencies. Anecdotes
and journalistic investigations indicate that police officers commit various criminal offenses
including larceny/theft, drug trafficking, driving while intoxicated, domestic assault, and
predatory sex offenses (see, e.g., Kappeler, Sluder, & Alpert, 1998). Further evidence of the
crimes committed by police is also contained in the reports of several independent commissions
The occurrence of police crime should be a concern to police executives, scholars, and
the general public. Police crimes damage both the occupational integrity of police and the
legitimacy of the employing police agency. But, surprisingly little is known about the crimes
committed by law enforcement officers. There are no comprehensive statistics available on the
phenomena, and no government entity collects data on criminal arrests of police officers in the
United States (Anechiarico & Jacobs, 1996; Barak, 1995; Kane, 2007). There have been very
few studies that provide specific data on the nature and prevalence of police crime. Reiss' (1971)
classic field research found that officers commonly engaged in on-duty crime, mostly bribe-
taking and petty thefts; but, no other large-scale observational studies attempt to determine the
prevalence of police crime. Scholars have instead been more likely to broach the topic within
the context of more general studies on police corruption or misconduct (Fyfe & Kane, 2006).
Some studies use officer surveys to identify police attitudes toward misconduct or to measure
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
30
their propensity for criminal behavior under particular scenarios, but these methods are unlikely
to produce valid data on actual police crime because police tend to maintain a code of silence or
provide socially desirable responses to sensitive questions in regard to their own criminal
behavior and/or the criminal behavior of fellow officers (Fishman, 1978; Maguire & Mastrofski,
The lack of statistics and empirical studies on police crime is problematic. First, more
comprehensive data could be used to develop policies to deter police crimes and/or mitigate
police crime could provide information on the relationship between police crime and more
general forms of police deviance including corruption, discrimination, and other forms of abuse.
Third, an expansion of this line of research would provide information on the role of police
culture and socialization processes, particularly if these data include both on-duty and off-duty
crimes committed over the course of the career. Scholars have yet to fully pursue these
questions because we lack any sort of comprehensive statistics on the types of crime committed
by police and when and how often they commit them. These exploratory data are necessary to
articles and court records reporting the arrests of police officers during the years 2005-2011. The
overall purpose of the study is to identify and describe crimes committed by police officers.
Three distinct but related research questions guide this research study. First, what is the
incidence and prevalence of police officers arrested across the United States? Second, how do
law enforcement agencies discipline officers who are arrested? And, third, to what degree do
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
31
The research questions relate to different aspects relevant to the study of police crime and
police integrity more generally. The crimes committed by police officers that are identified and
described in this study encompass the broad nature of crime in general and range from the
mundane to the most serious, a situation that reflects what Ross (2001) observed as the
multidimensional character of police crime. The wide array of criminal offenses committed by
police officers also obviously varies in terms of the research questions identified above,
including the frequency with which they occur, the frequency and types of discipline imposed,
and the degree to which they are associated with other forms of misconduct.
The study of off-duty police misconduct and crime has been complicated by a debate on
whether these concepts include acts committed while an officer is technically off-duty. Several
policing scholars emphasize the occupational origins of police crime and focus on those acts that
occur on-duty under the guise of police authority (Barker & Carter, 1994; Foster, 1966;
Stoddard, 1968) and during the course of an officer’s normal work activities (Barker, 1978;
Ross, 2001). Kappeler et al. (1998) argue that many off-duty crimes should not be considered
police crimes because they do not involve some aspect of an officer’s occupational position to
carry them out. This situation begs questions as to whether off-duty misconduct arises from
specialized law enforcement training, skills, and knowledge, or even prevailing occupational
Fyfe and Kane (2006) make a compelling case for the inclusion of off-duty acts in their
study of career-ending police misconduct, an argument that also applies to police crimes. First,
the job provides officers unique criminal opportunities that can be taken advantage of either on-
or off-duty. Second, police officers are more likely to engage in either on- or off-duty crimes in
part because they believe their status as sworn law enforcement officers affords them some
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
32
degree of exemption from prosecution (see Reiss, 1971; Stinson, Liederbach, Brewer, & Todak,
2014). Third, most jurisdictions grant full law enforcement powers to off-duty sworn law
enforcement officers and permit them to carry service weapons. These factors make it difficult
to distinguish between on- and off-duty police behavior because “the knowledge, gun, and badge
that comes with being a police officer” often facilitates the off-duty crimes of police officers
(Mollen Commission, 1994, p. 30). Other studies have raised concerns about the off-duty gun-
involved misconduct of sworn officers (e.g., Commission to Combat Police Corruption, 1998a,
2001a, 2001b, 2010; Fyfe, 1980, 1987, 1988; Kane & White, 2009; Stinson, Liederbach, &
Freiburger, 2012).
The current study demands a conceptual framework that reflects both the broad range of
offenses committed by law enforcement officers and the generalized nature of our research
questions. Thus, the contents of our report are organized within a conceptual framework that
The remainder of this report is organized around these five key types. We provide data
pertinent to the three broad research questions within each area, as well as additional data that
further describes the nature and character of police crime both in general and within each of the
five types. The conceptual framework serves to organize data that describes a phenomenon that
encompasses a wide range of criminal behavior. The framework also allows for the presentation
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
33
and discussion of data specifically focused on answering the stated research questions; but also,
the wealth of data collected on police crime as part of this project that does not readily fit under
one or more of the specific research questions. The latter part of this section introduces the
problems associated with these different types of police crime in sequence. Likewise, the
Literature Citations and Review section of the report presents overviews of the relevant research
literature organized in terms of the five key types of police crime. The Findings portion of this
report also incorporates the same conceptual framework and organizing themes. The final
section of the report discusses our findings and implications of the study both within and across
Scholars have struggled with the task of measuring police integrity because there are
virtually no official nationwide data collected, maintained, disseminated, and/or available for
research analyses (see, e.g., Anechiarico & Jacobs, 1996; Collins, 1998; Kane, 2007; Klockars,
Kutnjak Ivkovic, Harver, & Haberfield, 1997; Kutnjak Ivkovic, 2003; Sherman & Langworthy,
1979; Stinson, Liederbach, & Freiburger, 2010). Complicating the matter is the reality that
police officers are largely exempt from law enforcement because there is a reluctance to enforce
the law against fellow officers (Klockars, Kutnjak Ivkovic, & Haberfield, 2006; Reiss, 1971).
As a result, researchers have resorted to a variety of methodologies in their efforts to learn more
about the nature and extent of police crime, corruption, and misconduct. These include surveys
(e.g., Barker, 1978; Greene, Piquero, Hickman, & Lawton, 2004), quasi-experiments (e.g., Fyfe
& Kane, 2006; Kane & White, 2009, 2013), sociological field studies (e.g., Reiss, 1971;
Commission, 1991; Knapp Commission, 1972; Mollen Commission, 1994; e.g., Pennsylvania
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
34
Crime Commission, 1974), analyses of internal agency records (e.g., Fyfe & Kane, 2006; C. J.
Harris, 2009, 2011a, 2011b, 2012; Kane & White, 2009, 2013; Liederbach, Boyd, Taylor, &
Kawucha, 2007), and analysis of criminal justice system records (e.g., Collins, 1998; Kutnjak
Ivkovic, 2005).
These various methodologies have thus far failed to produce systematic, nationwide data
on police crime. These lines of literature do make clear, however, that the phenomenon covers a
wide range of criminal behavior that is difficult to generalize. Ross (2001) was among the first
to recognize the multidimensional nature of police crime. He developed a taxonomy that in part
Likewise, Stinson (2009) developed a typology of police crime as a means to both organize data
on the wide range of acts committed by police officers and to distinguish various types of police
crime. Stinson’s typology of police crime is incorporated in the current study. The section
below includes a statement of the problem associated with the five types of police crime
including: (a) sex-related police crime, (b) alcohol-related police crime, (c) drug-related police
crime, (d) violence-related police crime, and (e) profit-motivated police crime.
Sex-related police crimes encompass a continuum of acts ranging from less serious forms
of sexual misconduct to more egregious cases that involve violence, including acts that have
been referred to in the research literature as police sexual violence (Rabe-Hemp & Braithwaite,
2013). Police sexual violence has been defined to include acts that are officially recognized and
involve violence or the use of police force (Maher, 2003). Police sexual violence occurs when
the victim experiences “sexually degrading, humiliating, violating, damaging or threatening acts
committed by a police officer through the use of force, fear, intimidation, or police authority”
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
35
(Kraska & Kappeler, 1995, p. 93). Less serious forms of sexual misconduct include acts
whereby a police officer uses his or her position to “initiate or respond to some sexually-
motivated cue for the purpose of sexual gratification” (Maher, 2003, p. 357).
Opportunities for sex-related police crime abound because officers operate in a low
visibility environment with very little supervision. The potential victims of sex-related police
crime include criminal suspects but also unaccompanied victims of crime (Rabe-Hemp &
Braithwaite, 2013). Cases of sex-related police crime often do not involve direct forms of
violence, because police may be able to perpetrate these crimes on the basis of threats or other
forms of intimidation given their position of authority. Police sexual misconduct and cases of
police sexual violence are often referred to as hidden offenses, and studies on police sexual
misconduct are usually based on small samples or derived from officer surveys that are
threatened by a reluctance to reveal these cases. Rabe-Hemp and Braithwaite (2013) recently
A second type of police crime explored in this study is alcohol-related police crime. In
August 1998, the (New York City) Commission to Combat Police Corruption released a
comprehensive report on the misconduct of New York Police Department (NYPD) officers. The
Commission found that a significant number of cases arose out of misconduct that occurred
while the officers were off-duty. A large number of the misconduct cases analyzed by the
Commission to Combat Police Corruption involved off-duty officers who were intoxicated
(Commission to Combat Police Corruption, 2004). The most prevalent charges in these cases
were driving under the influence and cases where officers had consumed enough alcohol to be
considered unfit for duty. The Commission to Combat Police Corruption report indicates the
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
36
magnitude of alcohol-related problems among NYPD officers and suggests that these problems
primarily involve both the off-duty consumption of alcohol and cases involving police officers
who drive drunk, a phenomenon we refer to as police driving under the influence (DUI).
Following the outline of the Commission’s findings, this report describes the problem of alcohol-
related police crime in two parts: (a) police crimes that involved the consumption of alcohol, and
One problem for scholars interested in the study of alcohol-related police crime stems
from the fact that much of it—or at least many of the most visible cases of alcohol-related police
crime—seems to occur while police are technically off-duty (Commission to Combat Police
Corruption, 2004). Virtually all of the existing data on off-duty police misconduct and crime
describes the misbehavior of NYPD police officers. The data are based on either the findings of
independent commissions designed to investigate the city's unique cycle of police scandals or
published research derived from a data set on career-ending misconduct among NYPD officers
from 1975 to 1996 (Fyfe & Kane, 2006; Kane & White, 2009). The existing line of research
provides coverage on the off-duty misbehavior of NYPD officers, but the absence of data on the
current study provides much needed data on the alcohol-related police crimes perpetrated by off-
Police DUI—or cases in which police are arrested for crimes associated with driving
while intoxicated—comprises the second part of our description of alcohol-related police crime.
Combat Police Corruption, 2009; Shults, Beck, & Dellinger, 2011), and evidence from anecdotes
and journalistic investigations demonstrate that some police drive while impaired themselves
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
37
(e.g., Castaneda, 2008; Davis, 2008; Fazlollah, 2001, 2003). Aside from anecdotes and the
reports of local journalistic investigations however, there are no systematic data on the problem
of police DUI's. There are no official statistics on the number of officers arrested for DUI-
related offenses, and only one study provides data that describe cases involving police who drive
impaired on a national scale (see Stinson, Liederbach, Brewer, & Todak, 2014). Additional data
A third type of police crime explored in this study is drug-related police crime. Police
scandals during the last two decades of the twentieth century exposed dramatic cases of drug-
related corruption in several major American cities. A report of the United States General
Accounting Office (1998) outlined several different drug-related corruption scandals across the
United States during this period. The most widely-recognized scandals occurred in Miami
(Sechrest & Burns, 1992), Los Angeles (Los Angeles Police Department, 2000), and New York
City (Baer, Jr. & Armao, 1995). The scandals within the NYPD gained particular notoriety
because of both the visibility of the NYPD and the egregious crimes perpetrated by the involved
officers. Investigations into the NYPD scandal discovered widespread drug-related corruption
including police who burglarized drug dens, trafficked in stolen drugs, and robbed drug dealers
Twenty years ago the Mollen Commission (1994) highlighted the role of cocaine and
crack markets in the production of drug-related police corruption in New York City. Whereas
previous scandals usually arose within the context of payoffs tied to gambling or prostitution
rackets, the Commission described how the burgeoning narcotics trade had become the source
for more “aggressive, extortionate, and often violent” corruption that “parallel[ed] the violent
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
38
world of drug trafficking” (Baer, Jr. & Armao, 1995, p. 76). The Mollen Commission revealed
how drug corruption tends to instigate various forms of misconduct and in some cases violent
crimes perpetrated by police, at least as these cases unfolded within the largest police agency in
the nation during the 1980s and 1990s. The patterns identified by the Mollen Commission
suggest the need for more recent data to explore the incidence of drug-related police crime since
the 1990s, and the degree to which drug-related police crime occurs within agencies across the
nation.
A fourth type of police crime explored in this study is violence-related police crime.
Crimes committed by police officers are by their nature special and deserving of scholarly
attention because the law affords police unique rights and responsibilities, including the legal
authority to use coercive force and access to weapons not available to ordinary citizens. The
police are afforded unique opportunities for misconduct and crime that potentially involve
violence including the excessive and/or illegal use of violence against criminal suspects and
other citizens. This report describes the problem of violence-related police crime in two parts:
(a) police crimes involving violence, and (b) cases in which police are arrested for crimes
Police use of physical force is synonymous with police violence. Sherman (1980) defines
police violence as behavior by any officer—acting pursuant to their authority and/or power as a
sworn law enforcement officer—that includes any use of physical force (including, but not
limited to, the application of deadly force), whether justified or unjustified, against any person.
Many acts of police violence are never brought to the attention of law enforcement authorities
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
39
2012; Gershon, 2000; Johnson, 1991; Johnson, Todd, & Subramanian, 2005; Sgambelluri, 2000;
Stinson & Liederbach, 2013; Wetendorf, 2000). The movement to recognize officer-involved
domestic violence gained momentum through the last two decades; and, incorporates provisions
of the 1994 Violence Against Women Act that defined domestic violence as a national crime
problem and the 1996 enactment of the Lautenberg Amendment to the federal Gun Control Act
firearm if they have been convicted of a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence (Lonsway &
Harrington, 2003). In 1999, the International Association of Police Chiefs promulgated a model
policy on the handling of officer-involved domestic violence cases and described domestic
violence in police families as a problem that “exists at some serious level and deserves careful
attention” (International Association of Chiefs of Police, 2003, p. 2). These and other initiatives
have worked to establish officer-involved domestic violence as an important issue for police
scholars and executives as well as the general public; but, there is still a lack of empirical data on
the phenomenon.
Profit-motivated police crime involves officers who use their authority of position to
engage in crime for personal gain (see, e.g., Kane & White, 2009, 2013; Stinson et al., 2010;
Stinson, Liederbach, et al., 2012; Stinson, Todak, & Dodge, 2013). The Mollen Commission
(1994) noted that greed is the primary motive behind corruption-based police crime. This is
likely true in the traditional conceptualization of police corruption in the context of, for example,
an officer accepting a bribe as payoff to refrain from law enforcement. It is less clear, however,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
40
when an officer while either on- or off-duty sells drugs, shoplifts, commits burglaries or
robberies, or engages in acts of insurance fraud. Fyfe and Kane (2006) recognized this
misconduct—urged future policing scholars and police administrators to rethink the notion of
police corruption because “police corruption is not as easy to define as we formerly may have
believed” (Fyfe & Kane, 2006, p. xv). Carter (1990a, 1990b) also conceptualized drug-
motivations. Stinson (2009) adopted profit-motivated police crime as the fifth type of police
crime and noted that it is consistent with Ross’ (2001) taxonomy of police crime.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
41
Our review of the relevant research literature proceeds from the general to the specific.
First, we cover scholarship relevant to the conceptualization of police crime. These studies
provide definitions for the focus of our research and an identification of the features that
distinguish the phenomenon from the more general topics of police deviance, police misconduct,
or police corruption. This part of the review also outlines studies that describe and specifically
measure the more general forms of police deviance. These studies provide data on behaviors that
sometimes—but not always—involve specific violations of the criminal law by police officers.
The second portion of the review covers research literature more relevant to each of the five key
The study of police crime has thus far been hampered by a degree of conceptual
confusion, mostly due to the tendency of police scholars to consider crimes perpetrated by
officers within studies focused on the more generalized topics of police corruption, deviance, or
misconduct. A quick review identifies the myriad of terms used to define each of these distinct
topics. Wilson (1963) defines police criminality as “illegally using public office for private gain
without the inducement of a bribe, whereas acts of corruption do involve the acceptance of bribes
(p. 190). He further distinguishes police criminality and corruption from brutality, which
includes “mistreating civilians or otherwise infringing their civil liberties” (p. 190). Punch
misconduct, which involve violations of administrative rules that are typically investigated and
sanctioned internally by the police organization (pp. 302–303). Ross (2001) provides a
multidimensional taxonomy of police crimes based in part on whether the act was (a) violent, (b)
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
42
motivated by profit, and/or (c) perpetrated on behalf of the individual or the organization.
Sherman (1978) focuses on corruption as a form of organizational deviance, and does not
Scholars have tended to consider acts of law violation together with other forms of police
deviance that do not involve specific violations of the criminal law, as well as those whose legal
status as crimes tends to shift over time, such as bribery (see, e.g., Anechiarico & Jacobs, 1996,
pp. 6–7). Fyfe & Kane (2006) point out that the various forms of police deviance are not
mutually exclusive—some forms of corruption and misconduct are police crime and all forms of
police crime constitute misconduct. Crimes, however, that do not involve the misuse of
authority cannot be defined as acts of corruption (Fishman, 1978). The distinction among the
various forms of deviance is that all police crimes involve a violation of criminal statutes and are
subject to criminal prosecution, but not all acts of police corruption or misconduct violate
criminal laws (Wilson, 1963). The conceptual confusion stems largely from the failure to
distinguish specific violations of the criminal law whether or not they constitute an abuse of
authority. The current study focuses on crimes committed by police officers that involved an
arrest on at least one criminal charge to avoid this confusion and focus scholarly attention on
behaviors that have thus far remained invisible to researchers because they have often been
lumped together with more general acts of corruption, deviance, and/or misconduct (Box, 1983;
Most of what we know about police corruption and other forms of police deviance is
from the investigations of independent commissions in the wake of police scandals including the
Knapp Commission (1972) report, the Pennsylvania Crime Commission (1974) report, and the
Mollen Commission (1994) report. These investigations were not designed to investigate police
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
43
crimes per se, but their findings in regard to corruption and other forms of misconduct shed some
problem that went well beyond the usual claim that police deviance is limited to a few “rotten
pockets” of morally deficient officers, but their findings supplied only limited information on the
true nature and extent of crimes committed by officers (Sherman, 1974, p. 7; Skogan & Frydl,
2004).
The Knapp Commission (1972) acknowledged that bribe-taking and petty thefts were
pervasive. The investigation also identified small groups of officers referred to as “meat-eaters”
who “spend a good deal of their working hours aggressively seeking out situations they can
exploit for financial gain, including gambling, narcotics, and other serious offenses” (p. 65).
Twenty years later, the Mollen Commission recognized a shift in the nature of corruption
“primarily characterized by serious criminal activity” closely associated with the drug trade,
including wide-scale drug abuse and trafficking among officers (Mollen Commission, 1994, p.
17). The trend was closely tied to an explosion of crime opportunities provided by open-air
markets for crack cocaine that sprouted during the early 1990s.
Researchers have used police agency records to study officer misconduct that in some
cases includes specific violations of the criminal law. Fyfe and Kane (2006) studied the career-
ending misconduct of a sample of 1,543 New York City Police Department officers employed
during the period 1975 through 1996 (see also Kane & White, 2009, 2013). They identified
eight separate categories of career-ending misconduct, and found that officers commonly
larceny, insurance fraud, burglary, petit larceny, receiving stolen property and welfare fraud.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
44
Officers also engaged in a wide variety of crimes while they were off-duty, including domestic
appropriate responses to the phenomenon including various forms of organizational and court-
based dispositions. There is a limited body of empirical evidence in regard to factors that
based on the study of a sample of 1,543 NYPD officers employed from 1975 through 1996 (Fyfe
& Kane, 2006; Kane & White, 2009, 2013). The research demonstrated that the NYPD was
more likely to terminate employment in cases of serious misconduct where there was evidence
that an officer violated the criminal law and/or a major administrative policy. The NYPD
commonly used suspension(s) to respond to less serious forms of misconduct. The best
previous jobs, prior criminal involvement, and the mean number of complaints against an
individual officer per year. Overall, the imposition of some form of organizational discipline
was most likely in cases where officers: (a) exhibited serious behavioral problems, and (b)
violated rules that “conflicted with the proper functioning of the organization” (Kane & White,
2013, p. 163).
police agencies nationwide respond to cases of police misconduct. The logical source of data on
organizational dispositions are agency records and personnel files; but, these data are not
commonly made available to researchers, the media, or the public. Kane and White (2013)
summarize some more general limitations associated with the use of agency records in the study
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
45
of organizational responses to police misconduct. These data are in some ways inherently biased
since they largely represent the organizational perspective on the process of discipline. Agency
records also commonly present an incomplete picture of the disciplinary process. For example,
involved in serious forms of misconduct, a situation that threatens the validity of data based
exclusively on the final documented organizational disposition of these sorts of cases. Problems
associated with generalizability and an overall dearth of data are exacerbated in regard to the
issue of legal rather than organizational dispositions. We are aware of no existing studies
focused on the legal disposition of police crime cases in terms of the imposition of adverse
employment outcomes aside from those derived from data collected as part of the current project
(e.g., Stinson, Liederbach, et al., 2013, 2012; Stinson, Brewer, Mathna, Liederbach, &
Englebrecht, 2014; Stinson & Liederbach, 2013; Stinson, Liederbach, Brewer, & Mathna, 2014;
Stinson, Liederbach, Brewer, & Todak, 2014; Stinson et al., 2010; Stinson, Todak, & Dodge,
2015; Stinson, Reyns, & Liederbach, 2012; Stinson & Watkins, 2014). One primary goal of this
project is to describe and analyze the organizational and legal disposition of cases of police
crime, including officers arrested for crimes that related to sex, alcohol, drugs, violence, and/or
were profit-motivated.
In Garrity v. New Jersey (1967) the United States Supreme Court discussed the
against officers for police misconduct and initiation of criminal proceedings against a police
officer for the same underlying event. The Court held that a police officer is required to answer
questions truthfully in internal disciplinary investigations where the officer would be subject to
termination for failing to answer the questions, but that statements made in that context by a
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
46
police officer cannot then be used in any criminal proceeding against the officer because the
statements were coerced. As a result, many investigations into police misconduct that potentially
involve police crime are stymied because a decision must be made by police administrators
(b) forego any questions of an officer administratively and proceed with a criminal investigation
against the officer. If the second option is elected, then the officer would be entitled to the right
pursuant to the Court’s holding in Miranda v. Arizona (1966). In some instances, law
proceedings against a sworn officer as an effort by the agency to quietly resolve a matter without
The first type of police crime explored in this study is sex-related police crime.
Scholarship on the topic has been comparatively sparse. Early studies focused broadly on
behaviors that constituted police sexual misconduct and acts such as on-duty consensual sex
between officers and female adult citizens. Barker (1978) surveyed police officers who indicated
that consensual sex on-duty was quite prevalent, especially in patrol cruisers. Sapp (1994)
provided data derived from in-depth interviews of police. The study included qualitative—
cases wherein police spent entire shifts seeking opportunities to view unsuspecting females
partially clad or nude, the sexual harassment of crime victims and criminal suspects, and sexual
contacts between officers and underage females. Some of the behaviors described within the
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
47
Sapp study clearly involved sexual coercion rather than consensual sex between police and
willing citizens.
Kraska and Kappeler's (1995) exploratory study on police sexual violence incorporates a
wide continuum of behaviors that range from comparatively unobtrusive forms of sex-related
misconduct (e.g. voyeurism and other invasions of privacy) to obtrusive forms of sexual violence
(e.g. sexual assault and rape). Kraska and Kappeler study the phenomenon within the context of
existing police scholarship and scholarship derived from the feminist literature that more clearly
defines police sexual violence as a form of gender bias and the systematic differential treatment
of females in the criminal justice system. They identified 124 cases of police sexual violence
through both published news reports and federal lawsuits arising under 42 U.S.C. §1983
involving police accused of sexual misconduct. Close to one-third of the cases (30%) identified
involved rape and/or sexual assault. More than one-half of the cases involved strip searches.
Published news reports tended to identify more serious forms of police sexual violence, while
cases that involved strip searches and less serious acts were more likely to be identified through
the federal lawsuit data. Cases of police sexual violence were widely dispersed geographically,
and Kraska and Kappeler (1995) suggest that the cases identified in their study were likely the
“tip of the iceberg” (p. 97). They indicated that the organizational and occupational culture of
policing provides officers ample opportunity to engage in sex-related misconduct and crime, and
note the obstacles to reporting these forms of misconduct confronted by victims including the
fear of retaliation and forms of secondary victimization similar to that experienced more
More recently, Maher provided data on police sexual misconduct derived from surveys of
both officers (Maher, 2003) and police chiefs (Maher, 2008). Surveys of officers demonstrate
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
48
that they believe less serious forms of sexual misconduct occur frequently, and are facilitated by
the opportunity structure provided by the job. The majority of officers indicated that they had
not been pressured to engage in acts of sexual misconduct, but, they were unlikely to report less
serious forms of the phenomenon. Surveyed police chiefs believed that less serious forms of
sexual misconduct were common and serious forms of sexual misconduct and crime were rare.
The data suggest that most police agencies do not have any written policies that expressly
prohibit sexual misconduct (Maher, 2008). Walker and Irlbeck (2002) describe cases that they
refer to as "driving while female," wherein police initiate bogus traffic stops to harass,
Rabe-Hemp and Braithwaite (2013) recently published a study focused on police sexual
violence and the problem of officer shuffle, wherein police involved in various forms of sexual
misconduct and crime escape punishment and maintain their law enforcement career through
employment with another police agency. Data were derived through a content analysis of
published newspaper accounts of police sexual violence from 1996-2000. They identified 106
cases of police sexual violence. Close to one-half (41.5%) of the cases involved repeat police
perpetrators. Repeat offenders were more likely than first time offenders to victimize juveniles.
The second type of police crime covered in this study is alcohol-related police crime.
This report describes the problem of alcohol-related police crime in terms of both the off-duty
virtually all of the existing empirical data on off-duty police misconduct describes the
misbehavior of NYPD officers primarily through the reports of the Commission to Combat
Police Corruption (1998b, 2004). The Commission recommended specific policies designed to
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
49
mitigate problems associated with off-duty alcohol abuse, including provisions to expand the
definition of unfit for duty to include intoxicated off-duty officers and prohibitions against
1998b). Fyfe and Kane's (2006) classification of police misconduct includes driving while
intoxicated within the category of off-duty public order crimes, but they do not provide specific
data that distinguishes misconduct that includes the abuse of alcohol. Kane and White (2009)
provide several descriptions of cases that involved intoxicated off-duty officers engaged in bar
Despite the findings of Kane and White (2009), the lack of existing scholarship on
alcohol-related police misconduct and crime is even more acute in the specific case of police
DUI. Reviews of the empirical literature failed to uncover any scholarly research specifically
focused on the phenomenon of police DUI other than the research by Stinson, Liederbach,
Brewer, and Todak (2014) using data from the current study on police crime. Some recent
evidence indicates that officers and agencies often minimize or ignore the problem of impaired
driving among police. A Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) survey reported that over one-third of
responding state and local police agencies would consider police applicants with a prior DUI
integrity said they would not report a fellow officer who had a minor traffic accident while
driving under the influence of alcohol (Klockars, Kutnjak Ivkovic, Harver, & Haberfield, 2000).
Recent journalistic investigations in Milwaukee (Barton, 2011), Denver (McGhee, 2011), and
New York City (Paddock & Lesser, 2010) reported disturbing cases in which police found to
have driven drunk were either not arrested and/or otherwise minimally punished.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
50
Scholars have long recognized the existence of alcohol-related problems in policing and
have identified factors that seem to promote excessive drinking among police (Dietrich & Smith,
1986; Dishlacoff, 1976; Hurrell, Jr. et al., 1984; Violanti, Marshall, & Howe, 1985). Violanti et
al. (2011) group these factors in terms of (a) officer demographics, (b) stress, and (c) police
culture. Excessive alcohol consumption is certainly due at least in part to demographics and the
over-representation of young males among police officers, in particular patrol officers. Men are
more likely to have problems with alcohol than women, and alcohol use disorders are most
prevalent among 18-24 year-olds (National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, 2008).
Age and gender have also been specifically correlated with drinking and driving. Alcohol
dependence at the age of 21 has been found to significantly predict persistent driving while
drinking episodes (Begg, Langley, & Stephenson, 2003) and young adult males have been found
to be significantly more likely to engage in driving while drinking than other cohorts (Chou et
al., 2006).
There is an extensive line of research on how stress may influence excessive drinking
among police. Abdollahi (2002) provides a comprehensive overview of this literature in terms of
factors that include (a) intra-interpersonal stressors, (b) job-related stressors, and (c)
organizational stressors. Violanti et al.'s (2011) survey of police found that stress derived from
especially among male officers. A number of studies attribute excess alcohol consumption to the
failure to properly cope with stress that is related more specifically to the job, including those
derived from a perceived lack of organizational support and problematic encounters with citizens
(Anshel, 2000; Ayres, Flanagan, & Ayres, 1992; Kohan & O’Connor, 2002). Leino et al. (2011)
recently explored how job-related exposure to violence and the absence of adequate debriefing
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
51
procedures may increase levels of drinking among police. Swatt, Gibson, and Piquero (2007)
utilize Agnew's general strain theory to explain how anxiety/depression mediate the relationship
Studies focused on the drinking behavior of police also underscore the impact of police
culture. Police culture has been referred to as essentially a drinking culture that often includes
frequent social interactions that involve the consumption of alcohol (Violanti et al., 1985).
Various occupational factors have been found to increase the risk of alcohol and drug problems
(Fennell, Rodin, & Kantor, 1981; Hingson, Mangione, & Barrett, 1981). Indeed, Macdonald,
Wells, and Wild (1999) specifically found that the existence of a drinking subculture at work was
associated with the development of alcohol problems. Lindsey and Shelley (2009) found that
police officers most at risk for drinking problems admitted that fitting in was the primary reason
they engaged in alcohol consumption. Officers may also be discouraged from reporting problem
drinking or drunk driving among fellow officers in order to uphold other widely-recognized
values shared among police including secrecy and solidarity (Banton, 1964; Skolnick, 1994).
The third type of police crime covered in this study is drug-related police crime. This
line of research covers three relevant issues including (a) the etiology of drug-related
misconduct, (b) the classification of drug-related misconduct, and (c) the prevalence of drug use
by police. Police scholars typically attribute drug-related corruption to factors associated with
the organization of police work and the occupational culture of police. Stoddard (1968)
emphasizes the role of police culture and the nature of police work in the causation of what he
referred to as blue coat crime. Kraska and Kappeler (1988) underscore the prevalence of on-the-
job opportunities for patrol officers to become involved in the drug trade in some fashion,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
52
including lack of direct supervision, drug availability, and exposure to drug users and dealers.
The report of the General Accounting Office (1998) highlights the influence of deviant police
subcultures that both promote drug corruption and protect police who adhere to deviant
subcultural norms such as secrecy, loyalty, and cynicism about police work and the criminal
justice system. Carter and Stephens (1994) view substance abuse as primarily a “job-related
condition” among police, particularly those working undercover vice in drug-infested beats (p.
107).
Carter (1990b) provides the most often cited classification scheme for drug-related
corruption. His typology identifies two forms of drug corruption. Type 1 or traditionally-
personal profit. This form of drug corruption includes the extortion and robbery of drug dealers
and the acceptance of bribes to protect them. Type 2 drug corruption is comprised of officers
conviction of dealers and users. This form of drug corruption includes perjury, violations of
criminal procedure, and the planting of criminal evidence. Aside from its utility as an
organization scheme, Carter's typology demonstrates how the drug trade tends to give rise to
many different forms of police crime. The drug trade provides opportunities for personal gain
through payoffs, shakedowns, robberies, and opportunistic thefts, as well as types of misconduct
tied to drug enforcement goals and violations of the rights of criminal defendants including
perjury and the planting of evidence. Officers who are recreational drug users expose
themselves to street-level dealers and associated manipulation and coercion (Kappeler et al.,
1998). Carter's (1990b) conclusions about the impact of these markets on the nature of police
corruption closely mirror those of the Mollen Commission (1994) by noting that “the nature of
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
53
corruption has changed, particularly with respect to police drug users, the emergence of crack
houses as easy targets, and the frustration with drug-law enforcement associated with the
Very little is known about the prevalence of drug use among police officers
(Mieczkowski, 2002). Kraska and Kappeler (1988) provide what is widely-cited as the only
empirical description of on-duty drug use by police through their study of one medium-sized
police agency. They found that 20% of the officers used marijuana on duty at least two times per
month, and that 10% had used other non-prescribed controlled substances while on duty,
including hallucinogens, stimulants, and/or barbiturates. The study provides initial evidence to
suggest that the problem of on-duty drug use by police is not limited to large urban departments,
although data derived from a much larger sample of agencies is needed to assess the prevalence
Official drug tests provide another source of data on the degree to which police use drugs,
but most of this evidence describes testing results from a single agency, and no entity collects
comprehensive data on the number of police who test positive overall. One journalistic
investigation reported a 1.1% failure rate (75 officers) among Boston Police Department police
tested from 1999-2006, as well as the failure of 14 Los Angeles Police Department officers drug
tested from 2000-2006. Over 81% of the positive tests in Boston involved the use of cocaine,
and police executives indicated that they believed cocaine had surpassed marijuana as the drug of
choice among police (Smalley, 2006). More recent data derived from self-report surveys of
officers in a single agency in Australia suggest that police use a wider variety of drugs including
(Gorta, 2009).
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
54
Lersch and Mieczkowski (2005a) report results of drug tests conducted in a large police
agency in the Eastern United States in which very few officers tested positive (~ .005%).
Scholars often point out, however, that official drug tests are likely influenced by (a)
“announcement effects” and the fact that officers employed by these agencies are aware of
testing protocols (Lersch & Mieczkowski, 2005a, p. 292), and (b) the method of drug testing.
Cocaine is the most frequently detected drug based on hair analysis, and marijuana is the most
frequently detected drug based on urinalysis (Lersch & Mieczkowski, 2005a; Mieczkowski,
The fourth type of police crime explored in this study is violence-related police crime.
According to Sherman (1980), police use of physical force is synonymous with police violence,
defining police violence as behavior by any police officer—acting pursuant to their authority
and/or power as a sworn law enforcement officer—that includes any use of physical force
(including, but not limited to, the application of deadly force), whether justified or unjustified,
against any person. Based on Sherman’s definition, explanations for police violence in the
existing literature have been quite varied (e.g., Alpert & MacDonald, 2001; Garner, Maxwell, &
Heraux, 2002; Griffin & Bernard, 2003; Lersch & Mieczkowski, 2005b; Manzoni & Eisner,
2006; Terrill & Mastrofski, 2002; Terrill, Paoline, & Manning, 2003; Terrill & Reisig, 2003).
Stinson, Reyns, and Liederbach (2012) use data from the current study to identify and describe
cases that involve the criminal misuse of conductive energy devices—purportedly a less-than-
lethal alternative to firearms—so studies that describe the factors that influence police use of
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
55
Police scholars have examined the factors that influence the use of force more generally
since the 1960s, and quantitative studies have focused on the relationship between police force
and a wide range of predictors including situational, individual, organizational, and community-
level variables. Overall, virtually all studies that compare situational factors to others such as
officer, organizational, and community-level factors have found that situational factors exert the
most powerful influence on the decision to use coercive force (Skogan & Frydl, 2004). Police
are more likely to resort to violence in encounters that include physically aggressive suspects and
citizens who resist officer attempts to control the situation. Researchers have most often
investigated the influence of situational factors in cases that involve the use of deadly force by
police (e.g., Alpert & Smith, 1999; Binder & Scharf, 1982; Blumberg, 1983; Fyfe, 1981). This
line of research has primarily emphasized the direct relationship between the level of situational
risk faced by an officer and the specific decision to employ deadly force. Situational risk refers
to the immediate scenario within which police must decide to shoot or not shoot. Did the suspect
assault the police? Was the suspect armed? Did the suspect shoot at police? These situational
factors appear to explain the use of deadly force more directly than other variables. Terrell's
(2003) research based on observational data suggests that situational factors are also the primary
determinants of the use of non-deadly force by police. He examined the relationship between
five levels of suspect resistance (none, passive, verbal, defensive, and active), and four levels of
non-lethal force (none, verbal, restraint, and impact) and found that force levels were
The review to this point has outlined prior research that examines the general use of
police force and its predictors, whether situational, individual, organizational, and/or community-
level factors. Distinctions as to whether the use of police force in a particular case will be
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
56
defined as “justified” or “excessive” or perhaps even “criminal” are subjective and are made
case-by-case based largely on the discretionary decisions of actors within the criminal justice
system, including police and prosecutors. Most states provide guidelines for the police use of
force in existing criminal codes, and local prosecutors may choose to prosecute police who
engage in behavior that violates the criminal law. The level of force used to complete an arrest
or otherwise protect public safety must be commensurate with the crime committed and
proportionally related to its necessity (Cheh, 1996; Klockars, 1996). Police officers who use
“excessive” levels of force may be criminally prosecuted for a range of offenses including
police are generally neither maintained nor available to scholars or the public, so an empirically-
based identification of the specific factors that distinguishes cases on the basis of whether force
was “justified” or “criminal” is not currently possible. One primary goal of the this project is to
utilize media-based data in order to identify and describe cases of violence-related police crime
that are distinguished by the fact that they involved the criminal arrest of a police officer(s) and
were thus defined by the system as “criminal,” at least prior to the adjudication phase of the case.
This type of police crime also incorporate cases that involve police arrested for crimes
associated with domestic and/or family violence, a phenomenon increasingly referred to in the
research literature as officer-involved domestic violence. There have been very few empirical
based on self-administered surveys of police and/or their spouses. Johnson (1991) reported that
40% of responding officers admitted that they had behaved violently toward their spouse at least
once during the previous six months, and 20% of the spouses in a concurrent survey reported that
their spouse had abused either them or their children in the previous six months. Neidig, Russell,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
57
and Seng (1992) and Neidig, Seng, and Russell (1992) reported that 41% of responding male
officers admitted that at least one incident of physical aggression occurred in their marital
relationship during the previous year, and 8% of those reported the occurrence of “severe”
physical aggression including choking, strangling, and/or the use or threatened use of a knife or
gun (Neidig, Russell, et al., 1992, p. 32). Reported rates of officer-involved domestic violence
are highest among officers who are currently divorced or separated from their spouses.
associated with police culture and the job that have been discussed within the context of officer-
involved domestic violence include: (a) violence exposure, (b) authoritarianism, and (c) problem
drinking. Researchers suspect higher rates of domestic violence among police most exposed to
work-related violence based on studies that document a relationship between violence exposure
and the personal well-being of police officers; and, the research literature on the relationship
between work and family and the possibility of spillover effects (Johnson et al., 2005; Mullins &
McMains, 2000). Officer surveys identify violence exposure as one of the most significant
work-related stressors for police (Gershon, 2000), and studies based on clinical trials describe
links between police stress and poor family functioning (Neidig, Russell, et al., 1992). Police
training in authoritarian styles and the regular exercise of coercive force may influence marital
interactions and promote domestic and/or family violence (Greene-Forsythe, 2000; Johnson,
Police are trained to exert power and use coercive force to accomplish their goals and
gain compliance from citizens (Bittner, 1978; Skolnick, 1994). The regular exercise of coercion
and authoritarianism may spillover to the home in cases where police treat family members as
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
58
criminal suspects. Johnson (1991) identified a link between authoritarian spillover and high
levels of strain in police families; and, Johnson et al.'s (2005) survey of police indicates that
authoritarian spillover mediates the relationship between exposure to violence on the job and
domestic violence among police. Problem drinking is another aspect of the work-family
spillover that may contribute to the incidence of violence in police families. The research that
associates officer-involved domestic violence with problem drinking cite many of the same
including (a) intra-interpersonal stressors, (b) job-related stressors, and (c) organizational
stressors.
on the unique vulnerabilities of domestic violence victims in police families and factors that
conspire to discourage exposure of these crimes and contribute to the hidden nature of the
problem. While scholars have long demonstrated that victims of domestic and/or family
violence are often reluctant to officially report these crimes, the fact that perpetrators of officer-
involved domestic violence are police themselves creates particular problems and barriers to
reporting. First, they must consider the fact that perpetrators possess and are trained to use lethal
weapons. Second, police perpetrators are likely to know the location of domestic violence
shelters and have professional experience that can be used to manipulate the system and shift
blame to the victim (Gershon, 2000; National Center for Women & Policing, 2005). Third,
decisions to report incidents of officer-involved domestic violence are also likely influenced by
the cultural values of secrecy and loyalty, wherein police (and their families) are expected to
“never blow the whistle” and expose police perpetrators (Johnson et al., 2005; Shernock, 1995,
p. 623). Fourth, domestic violence victims in police families also may be concerned about
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
59
consequences associated with provisions of the Lautenberg Amendment (1996) that prohibit
police from owning or using a gun if they are convicted of a misdemeanor crime of domestic
violence.
The Mollen Commission (1994) found that greed is the primary motive behind police
crime that constitutes corruption. This is true if police corruption is conceptualized in the
traditional context of acts such as accepting bribes to refrain from law enforcement. It is,
however, “less clear whether officers who perform robberies or burglaries, shoplift, sell drugs, or
engage in welfare or insurance fraud during their off-duty time are engaging in a variety of
police corruption” (Fyfe & Kane, 2006, p. xv). Fyfe and Kane (2006) reconceptualized these
actions as “profit-motivated misconduct” and noted that “police corruption is not as easy to
define as we formerly may have believed (p. xv). Similarly, Carter (1990b, pp. 89–90)
classification of some police crime as profit-motivated is also found in Ross’ (2001) taxonomy of
police crime, where the second of four dichotomous distinctions is between “economically-
Using the same data set as Fyfe and Kane (2006), Kane and White (2013) explored the
nature of the career-ending police misconduct in the NYPD and found that the profit-motivated
cases (N = 387) included bribe-taking (18.6%), grand larceny (17.1%), insurance fraud (8.6%),
burglary (7.3%), petit larceny (7.3%), receiving stolen property (3.9%), government fraud
(3.1%), gratuities (2.6%), gambling (1.8%), illegal operation (1.8%), and other profit-motivated
misconduct (27.4%) such as extortion, robbery, abusing official resources (p. 73, Table 4.2).
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
60
Stinson and colleagues found that profit-motivated police crime is a quantifiable variable
that helps explains the nature of police crime across the life course of officers’ law enforcement
careers in a variety of contexts at nonfederal law enforcement agencies across the United States.
Whereas less experienced police officers are more likely to commit violent crimes, those officers
who commit profit-motivated crimes are more likely to be experienced officers late in their
policing career and more likely to be supervisors and/or administrators (Stinson et al., 2010).
Likewise, crime by policewomen is most often profit-motivated (Stinson, Todak, et al., 2013).
Crime by school resource officers typically is not profit-motivated police crime (Stinson &
Watkins, 2014). Profit-motivated police crimes are more likely to be committed while on-duty
and less likely to be committed while an officer is off-duty (Stinson, Liederbach, et al., 2012).
The purpose of the current research project is to promote police integrity by gaining a
better understanding of police crime and agency responses to officer arrests. The study is
providing a wealth of data on a phenomena that relates directly to police integrity—data that
police executives did not previously have access to because they did not exist in any useable
format.
The first goal of this research is to determine the nature and extent of police crime in the
United States. Objectives for this goal are to: (a) identify and describe the incidence of officers
arrested during each year in the study period; and (b) identify and describe the prevalence of
A second goal of this research is to determine what factors influence how a police
organization responds to arrests of officers. Objectives for this goal are to: (a) identify, describe,
and analyze the severity of crimes for which police officers are arrested and determine whether
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
61
severity of crime influences employment outcomes; (b) identify and analyze the level of
urbanization for each employing police organization by using a 9-level urban-to-rural continuum
response and employment outcomes; (c) identify and analyze the geographic location (region,
division, and state) for each employing police organization to determine whether geographic
disparity influences agency response and employment outcomes; (d) identify and analyze length
of service and age of arrested officers to further investigate whether age in years and/or years of
service influence agency response and employment outcomes; and (e) identify and analyze
criminal case outcomes for each officer arrested to determine whether this factor influences
A third and final goal of the research is to foster police integrity by exploring whether
police crime and officer arrests correlate with other forms of police misconduct. Objectives for
this goal are to: (a) identify and analyze whether the arrested officers in our database were also
named individually as a defendant in any federal court civil actions pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §1983
during the life course of their law enforcement careers; and (b) inform police practitioners and
policymakers of strategies derived from the project’s findings that could improve early
intervention systems and other internal controls to better identify problem officers and those at
risk for engaging in police misconduct – including engaging in police crime creating potential
The rationale for the current study evolved from long-standing obstacles associated with
the collection of data on police crime. The underlying reasons for the current study reflect the
ongoing lack of empirical data on the crimes committed by police—a situation that relates
directly to the limitations of previous methodologies used to collect data on the phenomenon.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
62
Researchers have resorted to a variety of methodologies to learn more about the nature and
extent of police misconduct, corruption, and/or crime; but, empirical scholarship has usually
incorporated one or more of the following: (a) officer surveys, (b) agency records, and (c)
sociological field studies. Studies that utilize one or more of these methodologies have clearly
contributed to the knowledge base on police crime, but the methodology used in the present
study offers clear advantages in terms of both the scope and quality of potential data on police
crime. The first part of this section provides a brief overview of those limitations by method.
This overview is followed by a concise description of the advantages of our methodology. These
advantages provide the basis of and rationale for our research on police crime.
Surveys have been perhaps the most commonly utilized method to collect data on the
closely related problems of police corruption and police misconduct. Since the phenomena of
police crime, police corruption, and police misconduct are analogous and sometimes
overlapping, some survey research does provide limited insight into the measurement of police
crime. There are two primary limitations associated with the utilization of surveys in regard to
the study of police crime, corruption, and misconduct. The first problem relates to gaining
access to police organizations to collect data on these issues. Researchers have long reported
problems in gaining access and maintaining access to law enforcement agencies for research
purposes (see, e.g., Kutnjak Ivkovic, 2005; Lundman & Fox, 1978, 1979), so researchers have
been afforded comparatively few opportunities to openly ask police officers about their
actual criminal behavior (Barker, 1978; Kutnjak Ivkovic, 2003). In fact, none of the survey
research reported in the literature directly measures police crime. Rather, the studies measure
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
63
correlates of police crime and tend to indicate the level of tolerance for such misconduct within
some police agencies (see, e.g., Fishman, 1978). The second limitation of surveys in regard to
the study of police crime involves validity and problems associated with the propensity to
provide socially desirable responses to inquiries about misconduct, wrongdoing, and/or criminal
behavior. There are some indications that police administrators and other police personnel may
be less than truthful in responding to surveys by exaggerating (Maguire & Uchida, 2000). There
are obvious problems associated with asking police officers to complete questionnaires with
items on the nature and extent of police offending, because it is widely assumed that officers will
maintain a code of silence and fail to disclose the nature and extent of police crime through a
Researchers have also utilized agency and other official records to study issues associated
with police misconduct, corruption, and crime. This line of research includes numerous cross-
sectional studies based on small single agency samples of police officers. More recently, Fyfe
and Kane (2006) provide longitudinal data on the misconduct and crime of police based on
official agency records derived from the NYPD. The NYPD data compared the personal and
career histories of all 1,543 NYPD officers who were involuntarily separated from the NYPD for
cause from 1975 to 1996 with a random sample of their police academy classmates. The study
methodology offers unique opportunities to describe and measure police misconduct and crime
from single agencies over comparatively long time periods. Studies based on agency records
have two primary limitations. First, similar to officer surveys, these data require difficult to
obtain access to a police organization. Most police agencies are obviously reluctant to disclose
official records of officer misconduct and crime to researchers. As a result, studies based on
agency records almost invariably describe the misbehavior and crime of officers from a single
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
64
police agency, a situation that leads to issues in regard to the generalizability of studies based on
data from a single police agency. A second limitation of using agency records is that they result
from a filtering process within the organization that created the records. That is to say, agency
records are the version of events from the perspective of the organization.
Reiss' (1971) classic research on the behavior of police officers in Chicago, Boston, and
Washington DC stands as the only published study that utilized field observations to specifically
describe various forms of police misconduct and crime. Reiss found that roughly 20% of
observed police engaged in on-duty crime, not including assaults and syndicated crime. Most of
the observed police crime was limited to thefts. Large scale observational studies of police are
costly and difficult to conduct, so only a small number have been completed (Bayley &
Garofalo, 1989; see, .e.g., Black & Reiss, 1967; Frank, Novak, & Smith, 2001; Liederbach,
2005; Liederbach & Frank, 2003; Mastrofski et al., 1998). Small scale observation studies are
nonsystematic and often involve ride-along observations in one single agency. Field
observations are also limited by the danger of reactivity, wherein officers may alter their
behavior because of the presence of a civilian observer. Reactivity poses clear problems in the
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
65
METHODS
Data for the current study were collected as part of a project commenced in the year 2004
designed to locate cases in which sworn law enforcement officers had been arrested for any type
of criminal offense(s). Data were derived from published news articles using the Google News
search engine and its Google Alerts email update service. Google Alerts searches were
conducted using the same 48 search terms developed by Stinson (2009). The Google Alerts
email update service sent a message each time one of the automated daily searches identified a
news article in the Google News search engine that matched any of the designated search terms.
The automated alerts contained a link to the URL for the news articles. The articles were
located, examined for relevancy, printed, logged, and then scanned, indexed, and archived in a
digital imaging database for subsequent coding and content analyses. The present study focuses
on the identification and description of the cases in which police officers were arrested during
Content analyses were conducted in order to code the cases in terms of (a) arrested
officer, (b) employing nonfederal law enforcement agency, (c) each of the charged criminal
offenses, (d) victim characteristics, (e) organizational adverse employment outcomes, and (f)
criminal case dispositions. Each of the charged criminal offenses was coded using the data
collection guidelines of the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) as the coding
protocol for each criminal offense category (see U.S. Department of Justice, 2000). Fifty-seven
criminal offenses are included in the NIBRS, consisting of 46 incident-based criminal offenses in
categories. In each case every offense charged was recorded on the coding instrument as well as
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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66
the most serious offense charged in each police crime arrest case. The most serious offense
charged was determined using the Uniform Crime Report’s (UCR) crime seriousness hierarchy
(see U.S. Department of Justice, 2004). An additional eight offenses were added following an
earlier pilot study (see Stinson, 2009) because police officers who were arrested often were
charged with criminal offenses not included in the NIBRS (e.g., online solicitation of a child,
indecent exposure, official misconduct / official oppression / violation of oath, vehicular hit-and-
run, perjury / false reports / false statements, criminal deprivation of civil rights).
The primary unit of analysis in this study is criminal arrest case. One of the primary
issues in coding was differentiating between arrest cases with multiple victims and officers who
were arrested on multiple occasions within the study years 2005-2011. The remainder of this
paragraph presents hypothetical situations to demonstrate the unit of analysis in this study.
Assume, for example, that an officer was arrested for assaulting his wife. That is coded as one
arrest case (arrest case #1). If the same officer was again arrested a week later for violating an
order of protection (arrest case #2) that was issued by a court judge following the officer’s first
arrest, the second arrest was treated as a separate case in this study. If that same officer was
arrested a few months later for drunk driving, that too was recorded as a new arrest case (arrest
case #3). The officer was suspended from his employment immediately following his arrest for
DUI. For the purposes of this hypothetical, assume that the same officer was acquitted at trial in
all three of those arrest cases (that is, arrest case #1, arrest case #2, and arrest case #3) and
returned to duty as a police officer. Two years later, let’s assume that the same officer was
arrested for sex crimes involving a 14 year-old victim (arrest case #4) and 15 year-old victim
(arrest case #5). Further assume that the officer was convicted in the case involving the 14 year-
old victim (arrest case #4), and the charges were dismissed by the prosecutor in the criminal case
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
67
involving the 15 year-old victim (arrest case #5). Following the officer’s conviction (in arrest
case #4), the officer was fired from the police department. By coding each arrest case separately,
the criminal case dispositions in each case as well as the adverse employment actions attached to
Cases were also coded on Stinson’s (2009) typology of police crime, which posits that
related, and/or profit-motivated.1 The types of police crime are not mutually-exclusive
categories. Rather, each type of police crime is coded as a dichotomous variable because crimes
committed by officers often involve more than one type of police crime. In a case where an
officer was arrested and charged with the forcible rape of a female motorist during a traffic stop,
for example, the case would be coded in this study as both sex-related and violence-related.
Additionally, cases were coded for the presence of police sexual violence and/or driving while
act committed by a police officer through the use of force or police authority” (Kraska &
Kappeler, 1995, p. 93). Driving while female is operationalized as instances where a police
officer stops a female driver under the pretext of an alleged traffic violation and then abuses the
power and authority of his position to take advantage of a vulnerable motorist (Walker & Irlbeck,
2002, 2003). Walker and Irlbeck (2002) conceptualized the problem of driving while female as a
driving-while-black (cf. D. A. Harris, 1997, 1999). In the context of driving while female
encounters, an officer typically asks for sexual favors in exchange for dropped charges or in lieu
1
A sixth type of police crime not yet explored is revenge-motivated police crime.
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68
of being taken to jail in a forced quid pro quo. In some cases, driving while female encounters
escalate into sexual harassment, sexual assault, and in rare instances, forcible rape.
Cases were coded on numerous variables relating to police DUI arrest cases (see Stinson
et al., 2010), off-duty police crimes (see Stinson, Liederbach, et al., 2012), drug-related police
crimes and drugs of abuse (see Stinson, Liederbach, et al., 2013), and officer-involved domestic
violence (see Stinson & Liederbach, 2013). Cases were also coded to assess each arrested
officer’s history of being named as a party-defendant in federal civil rights litigation pursuant to
42 U.S.C. §1981 (asserting a denial of equal rights under the law), 42 U.S.C. §1983 (asserting a
civil rights deprivation under the color of law), and 42 U.S.C. §1985 (asserting a conspiracy to
interfere with civil rights). The master name index in the federal court’s Public Access to Courts
Electronic Records (PACER) system to search and cross-reference the names of each arrested
officer in our database to measure official capacity civil rights litigation as a correlate of police
misconduct. Data from PACER were also recorded on civil actions removed from state trial
courts to a United States District Court pursuant to the provisions of 28 U.S.C. §1441 (removal
of civil actions).
Secondary data were employed from the Census of State and Local Law Enforcement
Agencies (CSLLEA) to ascertain demographic data including the number of full-time sworn
personnel and part-time sworn personnel employed by each agency where arrested officers
served. There are 52 agencies included in this study that were not listed in the 2008 wave of the
CSLLEA. County (and independent city) five-digit FIPS identifier numbers were used to verify
location of arrested officers’ employing law enforcement agencies, as well as for use as a key
variable to merge other data sources into the project’s master database and data set. The U.S.
Department of Agriculture’s (2003) county-level urban to rural nine-point continuum scale was
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
69
used to measure rurality. Population data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s decennial census in
years 2000 and 2010 were utilized for county, independent city, and state populations.
Reliability
coder was employed to independently code a random sample of five percent of the total number
of cases in the study. Intercoder reliability was assessed by calculating the Krippendorf’s alpha
coefficient across 195 variables of interest in this study on a random sample (n = 290, 4.3%) of
the cases in the study (N = 6,724) (see Hayes & Krippendorff, 2007). Krippendorf’s alpha is
often recognized as the standard reliability statistic for content analysis research (Riffe, Lacy, &
Fico, 2005). The Krippendorf’s alpha coefficient (Krippendorf’s α = .9153) is strong across the
variables in this study (see Krippendorff, 2013). The overall level of simple percentage of
agreement between coders across all of the variables in this study (97.7%) also established a
degree of reliability well above what is generally considered acceptable in content analysis
Statistical Analysis
Chi Square is used to measure the statistical significance of the association between two
variables measured at the nominal level. Cramer’s V measures the strength of that relationship
with values that range from zero to 1.0 and allows for an “assessment of the actual importance of
the relationship” (Riffe et al., 2005, p. 191). Stepwise binary logistic regression is used to
determine which of the predictor variables are statistically significant in multivariate models.
Stepwise logistic regression models are appropriate where the study is purely exploratory and
predictive (Menard, 2002). This is an exploratory study because little is known empirically
about police sexual misconduct arrests and the specific factors responsible for conviction and/or
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
70
job loss subsequent to the arrest of a police officer for sex-related crimes. Summary statistics are
also reported for evaluation of regression diagnostics and each logistic regression model.
technique to uncover the causal pathways between independent predictors and one of Stinson’s
(2009) types of police crime versus other types of police crime, job loss, and conviction. This
approach moves beyond the simple one-way additive relationship of linear statistical models by
identifying the hierarchical interactions between the independent predictors and their
compounding impact. Classification trees examine the entire data set and produce a graphical
output that ranks the variables by statistical importance. The most influential variable is
represented at the top of the tree (known as the root node). This variable is used to split the data
in a recursive manner through the creation of subsets into the lower branches of the tree.
Variable selection and splitting criteria are driven by the algorithm of the tree program. Decision
tree techniques have received attention due to their ability to handle interaction effects in data
without being bound to statistical assumptions (Sonquist, 1970). Classification tree analysis has
been used to examine police practices including career-ending police misconduct (Kane &
White, 2013), police drug corruption arrests (Stinson, Liederbach, et al., 2013), fatal and nonfatal
incidents involving conductive energy devices (White & Ready, 2009), and police drunk driving
(Stinson, Liederbach, Brewer, & Todak, 2014). This study utilizes two decision tree predictive
analytic algorithms: Classification and Regression Trees (CART) and Chi-Square Additive
CART is a classification procedure that produces a binary decision tree and restricts
partitioning at each node to two nodes, thus producing binary splits for each child node
(Dension, Mallick, & Smith, 1998). Breiman, Friedman, Olshen, and Stone’s (1984) CART
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71
algorithm uses an extensive and exhaustive search of all possible univariate splits to determine
the splitting of the data for the classification tree. Partitioning will continue until the algorithm is
unable to produce mutually exclusive and homogenous groups (De’ath & Fabricius, 2000;
Dension et al., 1998). After creating an exhaustive tree, CART will prune nodes that do not
The CHAID algorithm differs from other classification tree algorithms through the
inclusion of multiple measurement levels for the independent variables. The algorithm can
compute nominal, ordinal, and interval levels for both independent and dependent variables.
Therefore, the independent variables can have different levels of measurement. If a ratio level
variable is included in the analysis, the program will convert the variable into a categorical
variable. Kass (1980) was concerned with the computation time when running decision trees and
therefore, created his algorithm with time in mind (Wilkinson, 1992). He created an algorithm
that partitioned the data in a timely manner without losing its ability to uncover interactions and
lose predictive power. Because of this, computation time is saved and CHAID can search
through large data sets to produce T without adding significant computation time.
The CART algorithm was primarily used in this study because it fit our problems and
produced optimal decision trees for most of the models by minimizing the generalization error
(see, e.g., Rokach & Maimon, 2005, p. 167). CHAID was selected for a few decision tree
models due to CART’s inability to partition the data. Since CART only produces binary splits
certain subsets of data are unable to be partitioned into an interpretable tree. The CHAID
algorithm conducts exhaustive searches of the data, which allows smaller data sets to be
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72
The predictive power of logistic regression and classification tree models is assessed
through the area under the curve (AUC) component of the receiver operating characteristic
(ROC). The AUC assesses the predictive accuracy of a statistical model and serves as the
preferred method for assessing and comparing models (Bewick, Cheek, & Ball, 2004; Dolan &
Doyle, 2000). The ROC curve considers the sensitivity versus 1- specificity, a representation of
the true positive rate versus the false positive rate (TPR vs. FPR). The curve is displayed
graphically by plotting the true positive rate (TFP) on the y-axis and the false positive rate (FPR)
on the x-axis. ROC curves are interpreted through the AUC, a score that ranges from zero to
one. A straight line through a ROC curve is the equivalent of 0.5 and suggests that the model is
no better at prediction than flipping a coin. A score of one indicates that the model is able to
accurately predict all cases. The AUC is interpreted as a proportional reduction of error (PRE)
The news search methodology utilizing the Google News search engine and the Google
Alerts email update service provided an unparalleled amount of information on police crime
arrests at law enforcement agencies across the United States. The Google News search engine
algorithm offers some clear advantages over other aggregated news databases and the
methodologies employed by previous studies that used news-based content analyses to document
cases of sex-related police misconduct. The Google Alerts email update service provides the
ability to run persistent automated queries of the Google News search engine and deliver real-
time search results. The Google News search engine draws content from more than 50,000 news
sources (Bharat, 2012) and allows for access to a larger number of police misconduct cases than
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
73
There are four primary limitations of the data. First, this research study includes every
case known to the research team of a nonfederal sworn law enforcement officer who was
arrested during the years 2005-2011. Thus, this study is a census of the universe of police crime
arrest cases identified through our search methodology. We do not purport to include every
single instance of a law enforcement officer being arrested. Second, our research is limited by
the content and quality of information provided for each case. The amount of information
available on each case varied, and data for several variables of interest were missing for some of
the cases. This is especially true for victim-related variables in this study as news organizations
generally do not report the names and other personally identifiable information (e.g., victim age,
relationship to the accused) of rape victims (Denno, 1993). Third, the data are limited to cases
that involved an official arrest based on probable cause for one or more crimes. We do not have
any data on police officers who engaged in criminal activity if their conduct did not result in an
arrest. Finally, we note that these data are the result of a filtering process that includes the
exercise of discretion by media sources in terms of both the types of stories covered and the
nature of the content devoted to particular stories (Carlson, 2007). Ready, White, and Fisher
(2008), however, found that news coverage of officer misconduct is consistent with official
police records of these events. Research also suggests that police agencies are not especially
Gruenewald, 2006). Despite the noted limitations, the use of news articles as the primary data
source is a long established method of analyzing deviant/illegal police behavior (see, e.g.,
Lawrence, 2000; Lersch & Feagin, 1996; Rabe-Hemp & Braithwaite, 2013; Ross, 2000).
Efforts were made to minimize the limitations inherent in utilizing open source
information for data collection and quantitative analyses. Online news sources were limited to
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
74
the news articles published by reputable news sources. We did not rely on blog entries and other
self-published information. Whenever possible data sources were triangulated for each instance
where an arrest case of a sworn law enforcement officer was reported. Triangulation included
reliance on multiple published news articles, videos from television news programs, and online
criminal court records. Efforts were made to verify case information by at least two separate
As LaFree and Dugan (2007) noted, even with data triangulation there are two serious
drawbacks in use of open source data culled from online news sources. First, news reporting on
police crime is inherently biased toward publication of only the most newsworthy forms of crime
by sworn law enforcement officers. In some instances arrests of officers were not reported in the
news, because the arrestee’s employment as a law enforcement officer was unknown to news
reporters. Indeed, sometimes the only aspect making an arrest newsworthy is the fact that a law
enforcement officer was arrested. Second, our database lacks information on many aspects of
the crimes reported in online open source news publications. There is a lack of uniformity from
article to article and across the census of articles collected about each case and arrest. There was
journalistic consistency whereby news articles typically included some or all of the following
data: name of the officer arrested, officer’s employer, officer’s age and years of service as a
sworn law enforcement officer and types of criminal offense(s) charged. Often times the
information regarding crime victims in these cases were vague, typically to protect the identity of
victims of domestic violence or sexual assault, and when the victim was a child. News articles
as a primary source of arrest data is merely a substitute for better data sources that either do not
exist or are not readily available to researchers. There are no official data collected, tabulated,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
75
archived, or published that would provide the same level of information as analyzed in this
study.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
76
RESULTS
The results of the study are organized in seven parts. Part I presents the full police crime
data set models. Part II presents the sex-related police crime data set models. Part III presents
the alcohol-related police crime data set models. Part IV presents the drug-related police crime
data set models. Part V presents the violence-related police crime data set models. Part VI
presents the profit-motivated police crime data set models. Part VII presents the employing law
enforcement agencies in terms of rates of police crime per agency, per 1,000 officers, and per
100,000 population.
The Google News searches resulted in the identification of 6,724 cases in which sworn
law enforcement officers were arrested during the time period January 1, 2005, through
December 31, 2011. The cases involved the arrests of 5,545 individual sworn officers employed
by 2,529 nonfederal state, local, and special (e.g., school district police, college/university police,
park police, and constables) law enforcement agencies located in 1,205 counties and independent
cities in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.2 Of these, 674 (12.1%) of the officers have
more than one case (although X = 1.21, Mdn = 1.00, Mode = 1, SD = .870) because they have
had more than one victim (one criminal case per victim) and/or were arrested on more than one
occasion.
More than half of the criminal cases resulted in the arrested officer losing his or her job
(n = 3,628, 54.0%) as a result of being arrested. The known final adverse employment outcomes
include cases where no adverse action was taken against the arrested officer (n = 868, 12.9%),
cases where the officer was suspended from their job (n = 2,228, 33.1%) as a sworn officer for a
2
Cities in the Commonwealth of Virginia are not in counties. The cities of Baltimore, Maryland, St. Louis,
Missouri, and Carson City, Nevada, are also independent cities that are separate from counties.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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77
period of time, cases where the officer resigned (n = 1,709, 25.4%), and cases where the officer
was terminated (n = 1,919, 28.5%). Less than half of the police crime arrest cases resulted in
known criminal conviction (n = 2,846, 42.3%) on at least one offense charged against the
arrested officer.
Arrested Officers, Employing Law Enforcement Agencies, and Criminal Offenses Charged
Table 1 presents information on the arrest cases in terms of the arrested officers and their
employing nonfederal law enforcement agencies. Most of the cases involve male officers (n =
6,357, 94.5%). The modal category for known officer age at time of arrest is 36-39 years of age
(n = 1,081, 16.1%). The youngest officer(s) were age 19 at time of arrest, and the oldest
officer(s) were 79 years old ( X age = 37.34, Mdn age = 37, Mode age = 39, SD = 8.576 years).
The modal category for known years of service at time of arrest is three to five years (n = 954,
14.2%). Most of the cases involve police employed in a patrol or other street-level rank such as
nonsupervisory officers, deputies, troopers, and detectives (n = 5,464, 81.3%). Other arrest cases
involve line and field supervisors (n = 881, 13.1%) (i.e., corporals, sergeants, and lieutenants), as
well as police managers and executives (n = 379, 5.6%) (i.e., captains, majors, colonels, deputy
chiefs and chief deputies, and chiefs and sheriffs). More than half of the arrest cases involve
crimes that were committed while an officer was on-duty (n = 3,931, 58.5%). Two-thirds of the
cases (n = 4,447, 66.1%) involve arrests made of officers by a law enforcement agency other
Most of the arrest cases involve sworn officers employed by municipal police
departments (n = 4,915, 73.1%) or sheriff’s offices (n = 1,109, 16.5%). Arrested officers were
also employed by primary state police agencies (n = 269, 4.0%), county police departments (n =
226, 3.4%), special police departments (n = 174, 2.6%) (e.g., park police departments, school
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78
district police departments, college/university police departments, etc.), or other nonfederal law
enforcement agencies (n = 31, 0.4%) (e.g., constable agencies, tribal police departments, and
regional police departments). The modal category for agency size by number of officers
employed is 1,000 or more full-time sworn officers (n = 1,857, 27.6%) and zero part-time sworn
officers (n = 5,008, 74.5%). Most of the arrested officers were employed by a law enforcement
agency located in a nonrural metropolitan county (n = 5,711, 84.9%). The employing agencies
are located throughout the United States, including in Southern states (n = 2,906, 43.2%),
Northeastern states (n = 1,430, 21.3%), Midwestern states (n = 1,380, 20.5%), and Western
Table 2 presents the cases in terms of the most serious offense charged. There are 61
separate offense categories represented as the most serious offense charged in the arrest cases in
years 2005-2011. Most common as the most serious offense charged in a case are simple
(misdemeanor) assault (n = 877, 13.0%), driving under the influence (n = 841, 12.5%),
aggravated (felonious) assault (n = 572, 8.5%), forcible fondling (n = 352, 5.2%), forcible rape
(n = 322, 4.8%), and drug offenses (n = 308, 4.6%). Other noteworthy crimes that were the most
serious offense charged in cases include murder and nonnegligent manslaughter (n = 125, 1.9%),
burglary (n = 112, 1.7%), robbery (n = 109, 1.6%), thefts from buildings (n = 103, 1.5%),
statutory rape (n = 100, 1.5%), extortion and blackmail (n = 95, 1.4%), forcible sodomy (n = 94,
1.4%), obstruction of justice (n = 93, 1.4%), pornography and obscene material (n = 86, 1.3%),
Table 3 presents information on the characteristics of the victims in police crime arrest
cases in years 2005-2011. Over half of the known victims of police crime are female (n = 2,246,
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79
33.4%, valid 61.2%). The modal category for victim age is 25-32 years old (although X age =
24.16, Mdn age = 20, Mode age = 15, SD = 14.134 years). Victim age is missing data in a large
number of cases (n = 4,876, 72.5%). In many cases (n = 2,142, 31.9%) we were able to
determine if the victim was an adult (n = 3,051, 45.3%, valid 76.5%) or a child (n = 939, 14.0%,
valid 23.5%) but were unable to determine the exact age of a victim. The youngest victims were
infants under the age of one year old (n = 10, 0.1%, valid 0.5%) and the oldest victims were age
The relationship of the victim and the arrested officer could not be determined in a large
number of arrest cases (n = 2,790, 41.5%). Many of the known victims are adult strangers or
nonstranger acquaintances (n = 2,237, 33.3%, valid 56.9%) or a child unrelated (n = 673, 10.0%,
valid 17.1%) to the arrested officer. Other victims are a current spouse (n = 346, 5.1%, valid
8.8%), former spouse (n = 68, 1.0%, valid 1.7%), a current girlfriend or boyfriend (n = 202,
3.0%, valid 5.1%), a former girlfriend or boyfriend (n = 136, 2.0%, valid 3.5%), or a child or
stepchild of the arrested officer (n = 177, 2.7%, valid 4.5%). The victims in some of the arrest
cases are also police officers (n = 229, 3.4%, valid 5.8%). In those cases where the victim was
also a police officer, most of the crimes occurred while the officer who was arrested was off-duty
Predicting Conviction
Bivariate analyses were conducted as part of the regression diagnostics and to assess the
associations between various independent variables and the dependent predictor variables of
interest. Chi-Square associations are statistically significant at the p < .05 level for 90
independent variables, individually, and the dependent variable, criminal conviction on any
offense charged. See Table 4. The strongest bivariate predictors of an officer being convicted
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
80
on any offense charged are (a) most serious offense charged, where χ2 (67, N = 3,934) = 394.757,
p < .001, V = .317; (b) age of the victim, where χ2(1, N = 3,934) = 110.509, p = .005, V = .305;
and (c) victim’s relationship to the arrested officer, where χ2(1, N = 3,934) = 114.234, p < .001, V
= .219.
Multivariate analyses were conducted to further investigate the relationship between the
outcome variable, criminal conviction on any offense charged, and various predictor variables.
Table 5 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting criminal
conviction on any offense charged. Bivariate correlations computed for each of the independent
variables revealed that none of the variables were highly correlated with each other.
Multicollinearity is not a problem in the model as indicated by no tolerance statistics below .575
and no variance inflation factors exceeding 1.386. A Durbin-Watson score of 1.754 indicates
that there is no autocorrelation in the model. Regression results indicate that the overall model
any offense charged and officers who were not convicted on any charge. The model correctly
classified 71.2% of the cases (AUC = 718, 95% CI [.697, .740], RROC
2
= .436). Wald statistics
indicate that all of the independent variables in the model significantly predict conviction versus
nonconviction.
Odds ratio interpretations provide context for prediction of criminal case outcomes.
Twelve independent variables in this model predict when an officer is more likely to be
convicted of a crime. For example, the simple odds of an officer being convicted on any offense
charged are 13 times greater if the arrest case involved a drug shakedown, controlling for all
other variables in the model. The simple odds of an officer being convicted are 6.9 times greater
if the arrest case was officer-involved domestic violence and the victim died of the injuries,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
81
controlling for all other variables in the model. Also, the simple odds of an officer being
convicted are about 1.9 times greater if the officer was arrested for driving under the influence
while driving a personally-owned vehicle, controlling for all other variables. Four independent
variables in the model predict when an officer is less likely to be convicted of any offense
charged in their arrest case. Among these, for every one step increase in an arrested officer’s
rank at time of their arrest, the simple odds of conviction go down by 9.2%, controlling for all
other variables in the model. The simple odds of conviction go down by 29% if an officer was
suspended from his or her law enforcement job following their being arrested. Also, the simple
odds that an arrested officer will be convicted go down by 38.8% if the officer was arrested for a
crime related to officer-involved domestic violence and the victim suffered nonfatal injuries.
Decision trees were used to derive the casual pathways between independent predictors
and the case dispositions using the CART algorithm. The CART analysis includes a total of
3,934 cases. Figure 1 presents the results of this analysis. The tree had an overall classification
serious offense charged as the splitting criterion. Officers who were charged with offenses
scores over 18 were convicted of a crime in 77.8% of the cases (node 2). In contrast, officers
who were charged with offenses scores equal to or less than 18 were convicted in 53.9% of the
cases (node 1). The second tier of the decision tree includes four additional splits in the data.
Node 2 is further separated by the variable most serious offense charged; these scores are all
greater than 18. Officers who received an offense score between 19 and 68 were convicted of a
crime in 80.4% of the cases. Officers who had a score above 68 were only convicted in 63.7% of
the cases.3
3
The numerical scoring for this variable (V183, most serious offense charged) is misleading to the extent that the
categorical variable was created by taking the 65 dichotomous offense variables (V15 through V80) and making a
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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82
Node 1 was further separated by the variable victim’s relationship to the offender. In the
cases where victims were a stranger or an unrelated child the officers were convicted in 60.3% of
the cases. In cases that involved victims who were a current spouse to the offender, relative,
child or stepchild, current and or former boyfriend/girlfriend, the officers were convicted in
43.4% of the cases. The tree also included the following variables in tiers three through five:
gender of the victim, geographic division, victim’s relationship to the offender, state, profit-
The next set of models predict job loss after an officer has been arrested for committing
one or more crimes. At the bivariate level, Chi-Square associations are statistically significant at
the p < .05 level for 120 independent variables, individually, and the dependent variable job loss.
See Table 6. The job loss variable is a binary variable that was created by recoding the variables
for involuntary termination (V100)—that is, an officer was fired—and resignation (V101)—that
is, an officer quit his or her job as a sworn officer—after being arrested. The recoded
dichotomous variable for job loss is coded as 0 = kept job, and 1 = lost job. Cases where we
were unable to determine the final adverse employment outcome were coded as 0 = kept job. As
such, for this dichotomous recoded variable the absence of information as to an officer having
lost their job was treated as if the officer kept their job after being arrested for some criminal
offense(s).4 The strongest bivariate predictors of an officer losing their job as a sworn law
new 65-category variable for the most serious offense charged in each case. Since the research assistant coders were
already familiar with the specific offenses (that is, V15-V80), we continued to use the labels of 15-80 for the 65
offense categories in V183.
4
The research interest with this variable is in sworn law enforcement officers who lost their jobs (either through
involuntary termination or voluntary resignation). A coding protocol decision was made to focus on what our data
would support, which is job loss. We operationalize kept job as those cases where the arrested officer is not known
by us to have lost their job. Data collection efforts on this variable often resulted in missing data from the open
source information because in many jurisdictions final adverse employment outcomes are treated as confidential
personnel records.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
83
enforcement officer following a criminal arrest are (a) most serious offense charged, where χ2 (1,
N = 6724) = 752.849, p < .001, V = .335; (b) age of victim, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 111.533, p
= .008, V = .247; and (c) victim’s relationship to the arrested officer, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) =
Table 7 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting job
loss. Bivariate correlations computed for each of the independent variables revealed that none of
the variables in the model were highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a
problem as indicated by no tolerance statistics below .592 and no variance inflation factors
higher than 1.689. There is no autocorrelation in the model as measured by the Durbin-Watson
score of 1.646. Logistic regression results indicate that the multivariate model of 11 predictors is
statistically reliable in distinguishing between officers who kept their jobs after being arrested
and officers who lost their jobs after being arrested, although the model only correctly classified
all of the independent variables in the model significantly predict whether an officer lost their or
Predictors of the final adverse employment outcomes are aided by interpretation of the
odds ratios. Seven of the independent variables in the model predict when an officer is more
likely to lose their job after being arrested. The simple odds that an officer will lose their job
(through either involuntary termination or voluntary resignation) are approximately 2.5 times
greater if the arrested officer has been sued in federal court pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §1983
(deprivation of rights under color of law) at some point during his or her law enforcement career.
The federal civil rights civil action(s) may or may not be related to the underlying incident(s)
leading to an officer’s criminal arrest, and the federal lawsuit(s) may have been filed before
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
84
and/or after an officer’s date of arrest. The type of crime(s) for which an officer was arrested
impacts on job loss. For example, the simple odds that an officer will lose their job are 1.3 times
greater if the offense was a sex-related crime. Similarly, the simple odds that an officer will lose
their job increase by 73% if the crime involved police sexual violence. Likewise, the simple
odds that an officer will lose their job increase by about 54% if the arrest case is alcohol-related.
Four of the independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when an officer
is more likely to keep their job in the aftermath of being arrested. Adverse employment
outcomes short of termination predict the final adverse employment outcome. If an officer was
suspended from their job after being arrested, then the simple odds of losing their job go down
by 61.5%. Likewise, the simple odds of an officer losing their job after being arrested decrease
by 65.4% if the officer was reassigned to another position within the employing law enforcement
agency after being arrested. Two variables related to the nature of the incident resulting in an
officer’s arrest also predict that an officer will not ultimately lose their job as a sworn law
enforcement officer as a result of being arrested. The simple odds that an officer will lose their
job decrease by 48.8% if the crime involves family violence. As to drug offenses, the simple
odds that an officer will lose their job decrease by 95.6% if the criminal case involves marijuana.
Figure 2 presents the results of predicting job loss and included a total of 6,724 arrest
cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 71.0% (AUC = .766, 95% CI [.754, .777],
2
RROC = .532) and selected the variable sex-related police crime versus other police crime as the
splitting criterion. Officers who were involved in sex-related cases (node 1) lost their job in
72.1% of the cases. In contrast, officers who were involved in a criminal case that was not sex-
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
85
The sex-related cases in node 1 were partitioned by the variable officer was suspended for
a period of time. Officers who had been previously suspended lost their job in 66.3% of the
cases and officers who were not previously suspended lost their job in 82.1% of the cases. The
cases that were not sex-related in node 2 were partitioned by the variable profit-motivated police
crime versus other crime. Officers who were involved in a profit-motivated case lost their job in
67.7% of the cases and officers who were not involved in a profit-motivated case lost their job in
40.9% of cases. The tree also included the following variables in tiers three through nine:
internal versus organization, geographic division, state, official capacity versus individual
capacity, age categorical, victim’s relationship to the offender, driving under the influence,
police crime versus other crime, officer was reassigned to another position in the agency, age of
In this section, models predict sex-related arrest cases versus other types of arrest cases.
Preliminarily, at the bivariate level, Chi-Square associations are statistically significant at the p <
.05 level for 117 independent variables and the dependent variable, sex-related arrest cases
versus other types of crimes. See Table 8. The strongest bivariate predictor of sex-related police
crime is the most serious offense charged, where χ2 (63, N = 6,724) = 5322.861, p < .001, V =
.890, indicating that there is a very high correlation between outcome variable (sex-related police
crime arrest cases, which is a true dichotomy) and the predictor variable (most serious offense
charged, which is a categorical variable with up to 65 levels of offenses). The most serious
offense charged variable was coded based on the hierarchy of offenses in the Uniform Crime
Reports. The very high bivariate correlation here is because the second most serious offense on
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
86
the UCR hierarchy is rape, and rape is the most serious offense charged (n = 322, 21.8%) within
the sex-related arrest cases (N = 1475). Other strong bivariate associations of sex-related police
crime arrest cases include (a) age of the victim, where χ2 (79, N = 1,848) = 592.004, p < .001, V
= .566; (b) relationship of the victim to the arrested officer, where χ2 (7, N = 3,934) = 909.238, p
< .001, V = .481; (c) years of difference in age between the arrested officer and their victim,
where χ2 (103, N = 6,724) = 1,406.902, p < .001, V = .457; (d) gender of the victim, where χ2 (1,
N = 3,668) = 651.711, p < .001, V = .422; and (e) child victims, where χ2 (1, N = 3,990) =
Moderate bivariate associations of sex-related arrest cases include (a) driving while
female encounters, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 587.698, p < .001, V = .296; (b) citizen complaint
as the method of crime detection, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 520.439, p < .001, V = .278; (c)
profit-motivated police crime, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 492.036, p < .001, V = .271; (d)
violence-related police crime, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 357.899, p < .001, V = .231; and (e)
alcohol-related police crime, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 260.078, p < .001, V = .197.
A backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting sex-related police crime
arrest cases versus other types of police crime arrest cases is presented in Table 9. Bivariate
correlations computed for each of the independent variables in the model revealed that none of
the variables were highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem as
indicated by no tolerance statistics below .312 and no variance inflation factors higher than
3.207. The Durbin-Watson score of 1.643 indicates that there is no autocorrelation in the model.
Regression results indicate that the overall model of 14 predictors is statistically reliable in
distinguishing between sex-related police crime arrest cases and police crime arrest cases
involving other types of crime. The model correctly classified 88.7% of the cases (AUC = .939,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
87
2
95% CI [.931, .947], RROC = .878). Wald statistics indicate that all of the independent variables
in the regression model significantly predict sex-related police crime arrest cases.
Interpretation of odds ratios provides context for prediction of sex-related police crime
arrest cases. Five of the independent variables in the model predict sex-related police crime
arrest cases versus other types of police crime arrest cases, four of which are interpreted in the
sentences that follow. Duty status predicts sex-related police crime. The simple odds that an
arrested officer’s case involves a sex-related offense increase by 57% if the officer was on-duty
at the time of commission of the crime(s) charged. The method of crime detection also predicts
sex-related arrest cases. The simple odds that an officer’s arrest is sex-related are approximately
6.2 times greater is the method of crime detection is a citizen complaint, controlling for all other
variables in the model. Since sex crimes are typically committed out of public view it makes
sense that the primary method of crime detection for sex crimes is by way of a citizen complaint
Two predictors involve characteristics of the victim of an officer’s sex-related arrest case.
The simple odds that the victim is a child are 5.6 times greater if the arrest case is sex-related
versus some other type of crime. The relationship of the victim to the arrested officer also
predicts sex-related police crime arrest cases versus other types of police crime arrest cases.
Victim relationship is an eight category variable, and the precise interpretation is difficult in a
logistic regression model. Literally, the simple odds that an officer’s arrest case is sex-related go
up by 40.7% for every one unit increase in victim relationship (but this is a nominal-level
measure and the practical interpretation is lacking). In other words, the likelihood of a police
crime arrest case being sex-related increases as you move from the victim being a spouse,
through other levels of relation, toward victims who are strangers or nonstranger acquaintances.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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88
Ten of the independent variables in the logistic regression model predict that a police
crime arrest case will be some type of crime other than a sex-related one. For example, the
simple odds that an arrest case is sex-related decrease by 96.9% if the victim is male. Family
violence cases are typically not also sex-related crimes. The simple odds that a crime is sex-
related decrease by 73.3% if the crime involves family violence. Also, the simple odds that a
crime is sex-related decrease by 77% if the arrest case is officer-involved domestic violence
where the officer is accused of using his hands/fists as a weapon. Alcohol-related or profit-
motivated police crime arrest cases are not typically also sex-related crimes. The simple odds
that an arrest case is sex-related decrease by 75.4% if the case is alcohol-related, whereas the
simple odds that an arrest case is sex-related decrease by 88.6% if the case is profit-motivated.
Finally, the simple odds of an arrest case being sex-related decrease by 51.5% if the arrested
officer has been sued in federal court pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §1983 at some point during his or
Figure 3 presents the results of predicting sex-related cases versus other crime types and
included a total of 6,724 arrest cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 89.6%
2
(AUC = .895, 95% CI [.884, .907], RROC = .790) and selected the variable victim age
(categorical) as the splitting criterion. Cases that involved the victims from the age of birth to 19
(node 1) were sex-related 68.4% of the time and cases that involved victims 20 years or older
The victim age categories in node 1 were partitioned by the variable gender of the victim.
Cases that involved a female victim were sex-related 84.2% of the time and cases that involved
male victims were sex-related in only 34.1% of the cases. The victim age categories in node 2
were partitioned by the variable driving while female encounter. Cases that stemmed from
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
89
driving while a female encounter were sex-related 95.7% of the time and cases that did not
involve a female encounter were only sex-related in 12.3% of the cases. The tree also included
the following variables in tiers three through five: victim’s relationship to the offender and
The next set of models predict alcohol-related police crime arrest cases versus other types
of police crime arrest cases. Table 10 presents statistically significant Chi-Square bivariate
associations at the p < .05 level for 116 independent variables and the dependent variable,
alcohol-related arrest cases versus other types of arrest cases. The strongest bivariate predictor
of alcohol-related police crime arrests is the most serious offense charged, where χ2 (63, N =
6,724) = 3906.421, p < .001, V = .762. This very strong bivariate association is likely due to
alcohol-related incidents typically falling within relatively few offense categories (e.g., driving
under the influence, public drunkenness, disorderly conduct, etc.) for a large number of the
crime arrest cases include (a) duty status, where χ2 (1, N = 6724) = 630.074, p < .001, V = .306;
(b) victim age, where χ2 (79, N = 1,848) = 172.884, p < .001, V = .306; and (c) individual versus
alcohol-related police crime arrest cases. Bivariate correlations computed for each of the
independent variables in the model revealed that none of the variables were highly correlated
with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem as indicated by no tolerance statistics below
.392 and no variance inflation factors higher than 2.552. The Durbin-Watson score of 1.612
indicates that there is no autocorrelation in the model. Logistic regression results indicate that
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
90
related police crime arrest cases and police crime arrest cases involving other types of police
crime. The model correctly classified 88.1% of the cases (AUC = .802, 95% CI [.781, .823],
2
RROC = .604).
Odds ratio interpretations provide context for prediction of alcohol-related police crime
arrest cases. Seven of the independent variables in the model predict when an arrest case is more
likely to be alcohol-related. Two of these predictors are independent variables relating to the
underlying nature of the criminal behavior. The first relates to drug usage. The simple odds that
an officer’s arrest case will be alcohol-related are 5 times greater if the arrest incident involves
marijuana. This can be explained to the extent that imbibing in alcoholic beverages and smoking
marijuana often co-occur in social settings. The second relates to sexual violence. The simple
odds that an officer’s arrest case will be alcohol-related are 1.6 times greater if the incident also
involves police sexual violence. This specific finding is counterintuitive for two reasons. First,
police sexual violence invokes some aspect of an officer’s official status as a sworn law
enforcement officer and most of the police sexual violence arrest cases involved on-duty (n =
516, 82.8%) criminal behavior, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 481.979, p < .001, V = .268. Second,
most of the alcohol-related arrests in this study occur off-duty (n = 1,235, 87.9%). Events
occurring in the aftermath of an officer’s commission of criminal offense(s) also predict alcohol-
related police crime. The simple odds that an officer’s arrest case will be alcohol-related are
approximately 1.2 times greater if there an ensuing scandal or cover up of the incident at the law
Ten of the independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when it is
unlikely that an officer’s arrest case will be alcohol-related. Alcohol-related crimes by police
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
91
officers tend to occur off-duty. The simple odds that an officer’s arrest case will be alcohol-
related decrease by 91.9% if the officer was on-duty when the crime occurred. Interestingly,
although acts of police sexual violence predict alcohol-related crime arrests, that is not the case
for other types of sex-related crime or violence-related crime. The simple odds that an officer’s
arrest case will be alcohol-related decrease by 74.3% if the crime is sex-related. Similarly, the
simple odds that an officer’s arrest case will be alcohol-related decrease by 29.7% if the crime is
violence-related. Finally, crimes by police officers involving child victims are typically not
alcohol-related offenses. The simple odds of an officer’s arrest case being alcohol-related go
Figure 4 presents the results of predicting alcohol-related cases versus other crime types
and included a total of 6,724 cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 89.3% (AUC
organizational crime as the splitting criterion. Cases that involved a crime by the organization
against the officer (node 1) were alcohol-related 98.6% of the time and cases that internal crimes
against the organization (node 2) were alcohol-related in only 18.3 % of the cases.
A crime by the organization against the officer (node1) was a terminal node and was
unable to be partitioned further. Crimes by the officer against the organization in node 2 were
partitioned by the variable duty status. Cases that involved off-duty officers at the time of the
offense were alcohol-related 26.7% of the time and cases that involved on-duty officers were
alcohol-related in only 6% of the cases. The tree also included the following variables in tiers
three through ten: age of victim, profit-motivated versus not profit-motivated, violence-related
versus other crime type, official misconduct / official oppression / violation of oath, sex-related
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
92
versus other crime type, internal versus organizational, drug-related versus other crime type,
false report / false statement, and method of crime detection: citizen complaint.
The models in this section predict drug-related police crime arrests versus other types of
police crime arrest cases. Table 12 presents statistically significant Chi-Square bivariate
associations at the p < .05 level for 88 independent variables and the dependent variable, drug-
related arrest cases versus other types of arrest cases. Here again, the strongest bivariate
predictor of drug-related police crime arrests is the variable most serious offense charged, where
χ2 (63, N = 6,724) = 3127.330, p < .001, V = .682. Many, but not all, of the drug-related cases
include specific drug offenses (coded as V23 in this data set), which explains this very strong
bivariate correlation. Other moderate bivariate associations of drug-related police crime arrest
cases include (a) profit-motivated police crime, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 580.101, p < .001, V =
294; (b) violence-related police crime, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 331.322, p < .001, V = .222; (c)
age of the victim, where χ2 (79, N = 1,848) = 140.050, p < .001, V = .275; and (d) officer-
involved domestic violence resulting in fatal injuries to a victim, where χ2 (1, N = 3,840) =
Table 13 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting drug-
related police crime arrest cases. Bivariate correlations computed for each of the independent
variables in the model revealed that none of the variables were highly correlated with each other.
Multicollinearity is not a problem in this model as indicated by no tolerance statistics below .662
and no variance inflation factors higher than 1.512. The Durbin-Watson score of 1.654 indicates
that there is no autocorrelation in the model. Logistic regression results indicate that the overall
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
93
crime arrest cases and police crime arrest cases involving other types of police crime. The model
correctly classified 97.9% of the cases (AUC = .645, 95% CI [.622, .668], RROC
2
= .290).
Odd ratio interpretations provide context for prediction of drug-related police crime arrest
cases. Nine of the independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when an arrest
case is more likely to be drug-related. Three other types of police crime also predict drug-related
police crime arrests. The simple odds that an arrest case will be drug-related are 36.7 times
greater if the crime is also profit-motivated. This finding suggests that much of the drug-related
police crime involves the drug trade. Some drug-related police crime, however, is not related to
the drug trade. For example, the simple odds that an arrest case will be drug-related are 3.6
times greater if the crime is also alcohol-related. Likewise, the simple odds that an officer’s
arrest case will be drug-related is about 3 times greater if the crime is also sex-related. Several
of the predictors of drug-related police crime are specific criminal offenses. The simple odds
that an arrest case will be drug-related are 15.7 times greater if the officer is charged with
perjury, false reports, or false statements. Similarly, the simple odds that an officer’s arrest case
will be drug-related are 12.3 times greater if the officer is charged with obstruction of justice.
Two specific sex-related criminal offenses also predict drug-related police crime. The simple
odds of an officer’s arrest case being drug-related are 9.4 times greater if the officer is charged
with pornography or obscene materials. Also, the simple odds that an arrest case will be drug-
related is 2 times greater if the officer is charged with forcible rape. One other predictor is
noteworthy in that the simple odds of an officer’s arrest case being drug-related are 3.7 times
Figure 5 presents the results of predicting drug-related cases versus other crime types and
included a total of 6,724 cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 89.6% (AUC =
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
94
types of police crime as the splitting criterion. Cases that were profit-motivated (node 1) were
drug-related 27.5% of the time and cases that were not profit-motivated (node 2) were drug-
The not profit-motivated cases (node 1) were partitioned by the variable violence-related
police crime versus other crime. Cases that were not violence-related were drug-related 12.8%
of the time and cases that were violence-related were drug-related in only 1.5% of the cases. The
profit-motivated cases (node 2) were partitioned by the variable weapons law violation. Cases
that involved officers who had a weapons law violation were drug-related 55.5% of the time and
cases that did not involve a weapons law violation were drug-related in only 24.9% of the cases.
The tree also included the following variables in tiers three through six: age of victim, sex-
related versus other crime type, method of crime detection: citizen complaint, state, and gender
of victim.
The models in this section predict violence-related police crime arrest cases versus other
types of police crime arrest cases. Bivariate Chi-Square associations are statistically significant
at the p < .05 level for 131 independent variables and the dependent variable, violence-related
arrest cases versus other types of arrest cases. See Table 14. As in previous prediction models,
the strongest bivariate predictor of violence-related police crime is the most serious offense
charged, where χ2 (63, N = 6,724) = 4883.929, p < .001, V = .852. This indicates a very high
correlation between the outcome variable, violence-related arrest cases, and the predictor
variable, most serious offense charged. A large number of the violence-related arrest cases
involve a relatively small number of offense categories for the most serious offense charged
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
95
variable (e.g., aggravated assault, simple assault, murder and nonnegligent manslaughter,
forcible rape, etc.). Strong bivariate associations of violence-related police crime arrest cases
include citizen complaint as the method of crime detection, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 1327.054,
p < .001, V = .444. Moderate associations of violence-related arrest cases include (a) years
difference in victim age, where χ2 (103, N = 6,724) = 879.176, p < .001, V = .362; (b) age of the
victim, where χ2 (79, N = 1,848) = 166.314, p < .001, V = .300; and (c) victim relationship to the
crime arrest cases versus other types of police crime arrest cases is presented in Table 15.
Bivariate correlations computed for each of the independent variables in the model revealed that
none of the variables were highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem
as indicated by no tolerance statistics below .471 and no variance inflation factors higher than
2.123. Autocorrelation is also not a problem in the model as indicated by the Durbin-Watson
score of 1.608. Logistic regression results indicate that the overall model of 11 predictors is
statistically reliable in distinguishing between violence-related police crime arrest cases and
other types of police crime arrest cases. The model correctly classified 83.4% if the cases (AUC
variables in the logistic regression model significantly predict violence-related police crime
arrest cases.
Odds ratio interpretations provide context for prediction of violence-related police crime
arrest cases. Five of the independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when a
police crime arrest case is more likely to be violence-related. Six of the independent variables
predict when a police crime arrest case is less likely to be violence-related. Some interesting
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
96
patterns emerge. For example, the simple odds that an officer’s arrest case will be violence-
related increase by 5.8% for every one year increase in the officer’s age at time of arrest. On the
other hand, the simple odds that an officer’s arrest case will be violence-related decrease by
3.9% for every one year increase in years of service as a sworn officer at time of arrest.
Although at first glance this seems counterintuitive, it is easily at least partially explained by
noting that not all police officers start their law enforcement careers at the same age. Many
violence-related instances of police crime come to the attention of law enforcement authorities
through citizens. The simple odds of an officer’s arrest case being violence-related are almost
1.3 times greater if the method of crime detection is a citizen complaint. Most violence-related
police crime is not also profit-motived, as the simple odds that an officer’s arrest case will be
Figure 6 presents the results of predicting violence-related cases versus other crime types
and included a total of 6,724 cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 84.6% (AUC
method of crime detection as the splitting criterion. Cases that involved a citizen complaint
(node 1) were violence-related 68.1% of the time and cases that did not involve a citizen
Cases that involved citizen complaints in node 1 were partitioned by the variable profit-
motivated police crime versus other types of crime. Cases that were profit-motivated were
violence-related 16.9% of the time and cases that were not profit-motivated were violence-
related in 76.8% of the cases. Cases that did not involve a citizen complaint in node 2 were
partitioned by the variable victim age (categorical). Cases that involved crimes from 12-15
years of age were violence-related in 15.8 of the cases and for age birth to 11 and 16 or older
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
97
were violence-related in 74% of the cases. The tree also included the following variables in tiers
three through five: driving under the influence, drug-related crime versus other crime type,
In this section, models predict profit-motived police crime versus other types of police
crime arrest cases. Table 16 presents statistically significant Chi-Square bivariate associations at
the p < .05 level for 127 independent variables and the dependent variable, profit-motivated
police crime arrest cases versus other types of arrest cases. As in the other models using the full
data set in this study, there is a very strong correlation between the variable most serious offense
charged and the dependent variable. At the bivariate level for the association between the most
serious offense charged and profit-motivated arrest cases, χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 4449.343, p < .001,
include (a) duty status, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 633.147, p < .001, V = .307; (b) age of the
victim, where χ2 (79, N = 1,848) = 211.386, p < .001, V = .338; (c) violence-related police crime,
where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 1280.268, p < .001, V = .436; (d) drug-related police crime, where χ2
(1, N = 6,724) = 580.101, p < .001, V = .294; (e) alcohol-related police crime, where χ2 (1, N =
6,724) = 498.804, p < .001, V = .272; (f) official capacity, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 540.962, p <
.001, V = .284; and (g) sex-related police crime, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 492.371, p < .001, V =
.271.
Table 17 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting profit-
motivated police crime arrest cases. Bivariate correlations computed for each of the independent
variables in the model revealed that none of the variables were highly correlated with each other.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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98
variance inflation factors higher than 2.790. The Durbin-Watson score of 1.776 indicates that
there is no autocorrelation in the model. Logistic regression results indicate that the overall
crime arrest cases and police crime arrest cases involving other types of crime. The model
correctly classified 97.6% of the cases (AUC = .870, 95% CI [.801, .939], RROC
2
= .740).
interpretation of odds ratios. Five of the independent variables in the model predict when an
officer’s arrest is more likely to be profit-motivated police crime versus other types of police
arrest cases. The simple odds of a case being profit-motivated are 4.9 times greater if the crime
came to the attention of law enforcement by a citizen complaint. These are not the types of
crimes found on patrol by the police. More often than not profit-motivated police crime is crime
that occurs while on-duty. The simple odds that an arrest case will be profit-motivated are 1.5
times greater if the crime occurred while on-duty. Profit-motivated police crime predicts when
an arrested officer is at risk of being sued in his or her official capacity for civil rights violations.
Specifically, the simple odds that an arrest case will be profit-motivated are 4.2 times greater if at
some point during an officer’s law enforcement career he or she was named as a party-defendant
in a federal court civil action pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §1985 for a conspiracy to interfere with civil
rights. Children are rarely the victim of profit-motivated police crime as the simple odds go up
by 7.9% for every one year increase in the age of the victim at time of an officer’s crime
commission. Two independent variables in the model predict when a police crime arrest case is
related. The simple odds of a profit-motivated police crime arrest case decrease by 90.4% if an
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
99
Figure 7 presents the results of predicting profit-motivated crime and included a total of
6,724 police crime arrest cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 88.6% (AUC =
versus other crime as the splitting criterion. Cases that were violence-related (node 1) were
profit-motivated 4.9% of the time and cases that were not violence-related (node 2) were profit-
motivated in 42% of the cases. The cases that were violence-related in node 1 were partitioned
by the variable drug-related police crime versus other types of crime. Cases that did not involve
a drug crime were only profit-motivated 2.5% of the time and cases that involved a drug crime
were profit-motivated in 63.6% of the cases. Cases that were not violence-related in node 2 were
further partitioned by the variable victim age. Cases that involved victims from birth to the age
of 20 were only profit-motivated 2.9% of the time and cases that involved victims older than 20
years old were profit-motivated in 47% of the cases. The tree also included the following
variables in tiers three through four: gender of victim, alcohol-related crime versus other crime
The final area of prediction using the full data set for model building examines arrested
officers who have also at some point in their law enforcement career been sued in federal court at
least once pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §1983. Table 18 presents statistically significant Chi-Square
bivariate associations at the p < .05 level for 96 independent variables and the dependent
variable, arrested officer named as a party defendant in a federal civil action pursuant to 42
U.S.C. §1983 at some point during career. The strongest bivariate predictors of Section 1983
litigation are several other caused of action, including (a) 42 U.S.C. §1997 (civil plaintiff is an
institutionalized person) civil defendant, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 1247.262, p < .001, V = .431;
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
100
(b) 42 U.S.C. §1985 (conspiracy to interfere with civil rights) civil defendant, where χ2 (1, N =
6,724) = 632.692, p < .001, V = .307; and (c) 42 U.S.C. §1981 (equal rights under the law) civil
defendant, where χ2 (1, N = 6,724) = 435.624, p < .001, V = .255. Civil rights litigation
originally filed by a plaintiff in a state trial court and later removed by defense counsel to a
federal district court pursuant to 28 U.S.C. §1441 is also a strong bivariate predictor, where χ2 (1,
Other moderate bivariate associations of Section 1983 federal court civil actions are (a)
age of victim, where χ2 (79, N = 1,848) = 159.139, p < .001, V = .293; (b) officer’s years of
service at time of arrest, where χ2 (43, N = 4,780) = 250.387, p < .001, V = .229; (c) the state
where the officer’s employing law enforcement agency is located, where χ2 (50, N = 6,724) =
346.944, p < .001, V = .227; and (d) the most serious offense charged, where χ2 (63, N = 6,724) =
A backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting arrested officers being
named as a party defendant in federal civil rights litigation pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §1983 at some
point during their policing career is presented in Table 19. Bivariate correlations computed for
each of the independent variables in the model revealed that none of the variables were highly
correlated with each other. None of the tolerance scores in the regression model are below .334
and no variance inflation factors are above 2.995, indicate that multicollinearity is not a problem.
The Durbin-Watson score of 1.580 indicates that there is no autocorrelation. Binary logistic
regression results indicate that the overall model of 16 predictors is statistically reliable in
distinguishing between arrested officers who were sued in federal court pursuant to Section 1983
and those arrested officers who never have been named as a party defendant in Section 1983
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
101
federal civil rights litigation. The model correctly classified 76.4% of the cases (AUC = .743,
Fourteen of 16 independent variables in the binary logistic regression model predict when
an arrested officer is likely to be named as a party defendant in a 42 U.S.C. §1983 federal court
civil action at some point during his or her career as a sworn nonfederal law enforcement officer.
Many of the federal court civil actions analyzed in this research study had nothing to do with the
incident for which an officer was arrested. Some of the civil litigation occurred years or even
decades prior to an officer being arrested for some crime(s). In other instances federal civil
rights litigation directly arose out of the same operative facts as in an officer’s criminal case.
Federal civil rights civil actions often include averment of more than one cause of action
in the complaint filed in a federal district court. In many instances, the officers in this study were
sued more than once for a variety of civil rights causes of action. Here, the simple odds that an
arrested officer will be named as a party defendant in Section 1983 civil litigation are 51.5 times
greater if the same officer has been named as a defendant in a civil action pursuant to 42 U.S.C.
The simple odds that an officer will be sued in their official capacity pursuant to Section
1983 are about 2 times greater if the officer was on-duty at time of committing the crime(s) for
which they were arrested. The longer an officer has been employed by a law enforcement
agency, the more likely they are at risk of being sued in their official capacity in a federal court
civil rights civil action. The simple odds of being named in a Section 1983 civil action increase
by 6.9% for every one year increase in years of service at time of arrest. There is often collateral
damage to others in an officer’s employing law enforcement agency as indicated by the odds
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
102
being 9.7 times greater that an officer will be sued under Section 1983 if the officer’s supervisor
was disciplined and/or reassigned as fallout from the arrest of the subordinate officer.
The nature of the criminal offenses in an officer’s arrest case provide context for
predicting when an officer is likely to be sued in a Section 1983 civil action. The simple odds of
being named as a party defendant in a Section 1983 civil action at some point during an officer’s
law enforcement career are 1.1 times greater if an officer is arrested for kidnapping or abduction,
one time greater if charged with a crime involving family violence, 6.4 times greater if arrested
for crime involving cocaine, 1.54 times greater if arrested for a crime stemming from a “driving
manslaughter.
Figure 8 presents the results of predicting a 42 U.S.C. §1983 civil defendant included a
total of 6,724 arrest cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 78.2% (AUC = .722,
capacity as the splitting criterion. Arrested officers who were acting in their individual capacity
during commission of the crime for which they were arrested (node 1) were named as party
defendants in federal court Section 1983 civil actions at some point during their law enforcement
careers 16.7% of the time. Arrested officers who were acting in their official capacity during
commission of the crime for which they were arrested (node 2) were named as party defendants
in federal court Section 1983 civil actions at some point during their law enforcement careers
The criminal cases where an officer was acting in an individual capacity (in node 1) were
partitioned by the variable years of service. Officers who has served as a sworn officer seven
and one-half years or less at time of arrest were named as Section 1983 civil defendants at some
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
103
point during their career in 11.3% of the criminal cases, whereas officers who had served more
than seven and one-half years at time of arrest were named as Section 1983 civil defendants at
some point during their law enforcement career in 20.6% of the criminal cases. Criminal cases
that involved officers operating in their official capacity (in node 2) were further partitioned by
the variable violence-related police crime versus other types of crime. As to the violence-related
criminal cases, 43.8% of the cases involved arrested officers who – at some point during their
law enforcement career – were sued in federal court pursuant to Section 1983, but only 22.9% of
the cases that were not violence-related involved an officer who was at some point named as a
federal court Section 1983 civil defendant. The tree also included the following variables in tiers
three through ten: geographic division, rank, most serious offense charged, state, discussion of an
agency scandal/ cover up, years of service, years of service, age of victim, type of agency, and
urban/rural continuum.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
104
There are 1,475 cases in the data set where sworn law enforcement officers were arrested
for sex-related crimes during the years 2005-2011. The sex-related police crime arrest cases
involve 1,070 individual officers employed by 795 nonfederal state, local, special, constable, and
tribal law enforcement agencies located in 550 counties and independent cities in 48 states (all
except Maine and Wyoming) and the District of Columbia. Of these, 191 of the arrested officers
have more than one case ( X = 1.38, Mdn = 1.00, Mode = 1, SD = 1.288) because they have
more than one victim (one criminal case per victim) and/or were arrested for a sex-related crime
The majority of sex-related police crime arrest cases involve an officer who is known to
have ultimately lost their job (n = 1,063, 72.1%) as a sworn officer after being charged with one
or more crimes. The known final employment outcomes in the sex-related arrest cases include
those in which there was no known adverse employment action taken against the officer (n = 96,
6.5%), cases resulting in the officer only being suspended for a period of time (n = 316, 21.4%),
cases in which the officer was separated through voluntary resignation (n = 505, 34.2%), and
those cases in which the officer was separated through involuntary termination (n = 558, 37.8%).
More than half the sex-related police crime arrest cases resulted in criminal conviction (n = 791,
53.6%, valid 80.2%) on one or more offenses charged, however the final criminal case
Officers Arrested for Sex-related Police Crime, Offenses Charged & Employing Agencies
Table 20 presents information on the sex-related arrest cases in terms of the arrested
officers and their employing nonfederal law enforcement agencies. Almost all of the sex-related
arrest cases involve male officers (n = 1,467, 99.5%) who were arrested. The modal category for
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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105
known officer age at time of arrest for sex-related cases is 36-39 years of age (n = 261, 17.6%).
The youngest officer arrested for a sex-related crime was age 19 at time of arrest, and the oldest
arrested officer was 74 years old ( X age = 37.88, Mdn age = 38.00, Mode age = 39, SD = 8.636
years). The modal category for known years of service at time of arrest for a sex-related crime is
3-5 years ( X years of service = 9.81 years, Mdn = 8.00 years, Mode = 2 years, SD = 7.650
years). Most of the sex-related arrest cases involve sworn officers employed in patrol or street-
level nonsupervisory positions, including officers, deputies, troopers, and detectives (n = 1,221,
82.8%). Almost half of the sex-related arrest cases involves sex crimes that occurred while on-
duty (n = 682, 46.2%). The majority of the cases (n = 919, 62.3%) involve arrests made by some
law enforcement agency other than the department where the arrested officer was employed.
Most of the sex-related arrest cases involve sworn officers employed by municipal police
departments (n = 1,040, 70.5%) or sheriff’s offices (n = 280, 19.0%). Officers arrested for sex-
related crimes were also employed by primary state police agencies (n = 61, 4.1%), county police
departments (n = 30, 2.0%), or other types of nonfederal law enforcement agencies (n = 64,
4.4%). The modal category for agency size by number of full-time sworn personnel is 1,000 or
more sworn officers (n = 349, 23.6%). Most of the employing law enforcement agencies were
employing agencies are located throughout the United States, including in Southern states (n =
658, 44.6%), Western states (n = 316, 21.4%), Northeastern states (n = 259, 17.6%), and
Table 21 presents the sex-related arrest cases in terms of the most serious offense
charged. There are 40 separate offense categories represented as the most serious offense
charged in sex-related police crime arrest cases during the years 2005-2011. Most common in
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
106
the sex-related cases as the most serious offense charged are forcible fondling (n = 352, 23.9%),
forcible rape (n = 322, 21.8%), statutory rape (n = 100, 6.8%), unclassified sex crimes (n = 98,
6.6%), forcible sodomy (n = 94, 6.4%), pornography and obscene material (n = 86, 5.8%),
intimidation and harassment (n = 52, 3.5%), online solicitation of a child (n = 44, 3.0%), and
Victim characteristics in sex-related police crime arrest cases in years 2005-2011 are
presented in Table 22. Victim information is particularly difficult to ascertain from news reports
and even official court records (when available) in criminal cases involving sex offenses. For
example, exact victim age is unknown (n = 661, 44.8%) due to missing data. We were, however,
able to determine whether the victim of a sex-related case was a child (birth to 17 years of age)
or an adult (ages 18 and older). Almost half of the known victims are children (n = 721, valid
52.4%). Most of the victims of sex-related police crime arrest cases are either an unrelated child
(n = 527, valid 39.3%) or an adult who is a stranger or nonstranger acquaintance (n = 658, valid
49.1%).
The regression models in this section predict criminal conviction on any offense charged
in sex-related police crime arrest cases. Conviction data are available on two-thirds (n = 986,
66.8%) of the sex-related arrest cases. Of those sex-related cases with known criminal case
outcomes, most of the officers arrested for sex-related crimes were convicted (n = 791, 80.2%)
on at least one criminal offense charged against the arrested officer. Bivariate associations are
presented in Table 23. Chi-Square associations are statistically significant at p < .05 for 23
independent variables and the dependent variable, conviction on any offense charged. There are
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
107
four bivariate associations of moderate strength as indicated by Cramer’s V scores for the
statistically significant Chi-Square associations. They are age of the victim, where χ2 (50, N =
541) = 86.980, p = .001, V = .401; the State where the arrested officer’s employing law
enforcement agency is located, where χ2 (48, N = 986) = 80.347, p = .002, V = .285; years of
service at time of arrest, where χ2 (34, N = 820) = 52.020, p = .025, V = .252; and victim’s
relationship to the arrested officer, where χ2 (7, N = 905) = 36,740, p < .001, V = .201.
conviction in sex-related police crime arrest cases. Bivariate correlations computed for each of
the independent variables in the model revealed that none of the variables were highly correlated
with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem as indicated by no tolerance scores below
.905 and no variance inflation factors above 1.105. The Durbin-Watson score is 1.587 and
indicates that autocorrelation is not a problem. Logistic regression results indicate that the
overall model of four predictors is statistically reliable in distinguishing between conviction and
nonconviction in sex-related police crime arrest cases. Wald statistics indicate that all of the
independent variables in the binary logistic regression model significantly predict conviction in
sex-related police crime arrest cases. The regression model correctly classified 83.7% of the
Context for prediction of conviction in sex-related police crime arrest cases is provided
by interpretation of odds ratios. The greatest predictor conviction is being charged with
pornography and obscene material offenses. The simple odds of conviction in sex-related police
crime arrest cases are 4.6 times greater if the arrested officer is charged with crimes involving
pornography and obscene material. Job loss also predicts conviction in sex-related cases as the
simple odds of conviction are 4.2 times greater if the final adverse employment action against the
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
108
officer is job loss through either involuntary termination or voluntary resignation. Officers
arrested for sex-related crimes involving a child are more likely to be convicted than officers
whose victims are adults. The simple odds of conviction are 1.1 times greater in sex-related
police crime arrest cases where the victim is a child. Years of service at time of arrest is also a
slight predictor of conviction. The simple odds of conviction in sex-related police crime arrest
cases goes up by 5.8% for every one year increase in years of service at time of arrest.
Figure 9 presents the results of predicting conviction and included a total of 986 arrest
cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 81.9% (AUC = .712, 95% CI [.699, .754],
2
RROC = .424) and selected the variable job lost as the splitting criterion. Officers who had lost
their job (node 1) were convicted in 83.8% of the cases. In contrast, officers who kept their job
(node 2) were convicted in 63.6% of the cases. The officers who lost their job in node 1 were
partitioned by the variable victim’s relationship to the offender. Cases that involved a victim
who was an unrelated child, a child or stepchild of the offender or former boy/girlfriend of the
offender had a conviction rate of 91.3%. In contrast, cases that involved a victim who was a
current spouse, other relative of the offender, stranger to the offender, current boy/girlfriend of
the offender, or ex-spouse of the offender had a conviction rate of 63.6%. The officers who kept
their job subsequent to being arrested in node 2 were partitioned by the variable age of victim.
Officers were convicted 56% of the time when the victim was 19 years of age or older and were
convicted 72% of the time when the victim was younger than 19 years of age. The tree also
included the following variables in tiers three: state, years of service, and rank.
This section presents the regression models predicting job loss as the final adverse
employment action taken against an officer following his or her arrest for a sex-related police
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
109
crime. Chi-Square associations are presented in Table 25. Bivariate associations are statistically
significant at the p < .05 level for each of 35 independent variables and the dependent variable,
job lost. There are, however, only four bivariate associations of moderate strength as indicated
by the Cramer’s V scores for the statistically significant Chi-Square statistics. They are the year
when the officer was arrested, where χ2 (6, N = 1,475) = 135.487, p < .001, V = .303; the State
where the arrested officer’s employing law enforcement agency is located, where χ2 (48, N =
1,475) = 111.725, p < .001, V = .275; years of service at time of arrest, where χ2 (36, N = 1,195)
= 62.775, p = .004, V = .229; and officer age at time of his or her arrest, where χ2 (46, N = 1,397)
Table 26 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting job
loss in sex-related police crime arrest cases. Bivariate correlations computed for each of the
independent variables in the regression model indicate that none of the variables are highly
correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem in the model as indicated by no
tolerance scores below .649 and no variance inflation factors above 1.541. The Durbin-Watson
score of 1.634 indicates that autocorrelation is not a problem. Logistic regression results suggest
that the overall model of nine predictors is statistically reliable for sex-related police crime arrest
cases in distinguishing between officers who kept their jobs after being arrested and officers who
lost their job. Wald statistics indicate that all of the independent variables in the model
significantly predict job loss in sex-related police crime arrest cases. The regression model
correctly classified 82.6% of the cases (AUC = .772, 95% CI [.733, .810], RROC
2
= .544).
Interpretation of odds ratios provides context for prediction of job loss in sex-related
police crime arrest cases. Six of the independent variables in the logistic regression model
predict when an officer is more likely to lose his or her job as a sworn law enforcement officer
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
110
after being arrested for a sex-related police crime. The single largest predictor of job loss in sex-
related criminal cases is conviction on at least one of the charged offenses. The simple odds of
job loss are 2.8 times greater when the officer is convicted of a sex-related crime. Characteristics
of the sex-related crimes also predict job loss. Sex-related crimes are committed by officers both
on- and off-duty. The simple odds of job loss are 1.4 times greater if the sex-related crime was
committed by an officer in his or her official capacity as a sworn law enforcement officer.
Similarly, the simple odds of job loss are 1.7 times greater if the sex-related crime(s) for which
an officer was arrested involved a driving while female encounter. Officers arrested for sex-
related police crimes are prone to commit other types of police misconduct; the simple odds of
job loss are 1.2 times greater if at some point during the officer’s career he or she was named as
a party defendant in federal civil rights litigation pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §1983. Some of the
predictors in the model show when an officer is less likely to lose his job as a sworn law
enforcement officer subsequent to an arrest for committing a sex-related crime. Older officers
are less likely to lose their jobs; the simple odds of job loss go down by 3.5% for every one year
increase in the officer’s age at time of arrest. Oddly, the simple odds of job loss decrease by
85.5% if the sex-related crime for which the officer was arrested also involves marijuana.
Figure 10 presents the results of predicting job loss and included a total of 1,475 arrest
cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 78.8% (AUC = .786, 95% CI [.758, .813],
2
RROC = .572) and selected the variable year of arrest as the splitting criterion. Officers who were
arrested before 2007 (node 1) lost their job in 55.5% of the cases. In contrast, officers who were
arrested after 2007 (node 2) lost their job in 82.7% of the cases. The officers arrested prior to
2007 in node 1 were partitioned by the variable officer was suspended. Officers who had been
previously suspended lost their job in 43.2% of the cases and officers who had not been
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
111
suspended lost their jobs in 73% of the cases. The officers arrested after the year 2007 in node 2
were partitioned by the variable criminal conviction. Officers who were convicted lost their jobs
in 84.9% of the cases and officers who were not convicted lost their job in 71.3% of cases. The
tree also included the following variables in tiers three through five: being named as a 42 U.S.C.
§1983 civil defendant (at some point during an officer’s law enforcement career), urban/rural
continuum, geographic division, state, method of crime detection, citizen complaint as method of
crime detection, the number of part-time sworn personnel employed by the arrested officer’s
employing law enforcement agency, and the number of full-time sworn personnel employed by
The next set of regression models predict child victims in sex-related police crime arrest
cases. Bivariate associations are presented in Table 27. Chi-Square calculations are statistically
significant at p < .05 for 54 independent variables and the dependent variable, child victim
(where adult victim = 0 and child victim = 1). Three of the bivariate associations are strong as
indicated by Cramer’s V scores where V > .40. They are crimes committed in the arrested
officer’s official capacity, where χ2 (1, N = 1,377) = 330.080, p < .001, V = .490; duty status at
time of commission of the crime, where χ2 (1, N = 1,377) = 323.355, p < .001, V = .485; and
crimes that are acts of police sexual violence, where χ2 (1, N = 1,377) = 290.300, p < .001, V =
.459. The bivariate associations of adult versus child victim are of moderate strength in 14
instances, including among others, statutory rape, where χ2 (1, N = 1,377) = 179.498, p < .001, V
= .361; the criminal offense of official misconduct, official oppression, or violation of oath,
where χ2 (1, N = 1,377) = 161.527, p < .001, V = .342, and driving while female encounters,
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112
police crime arrest cases is presented in Table 28. Bivariate correlations computed for each of
the independent variables in the logistic regression model revealed that none of the variables are
highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem as indicated by no tolerance
scores below .449 and no variance inflation factors above 2.229. The Durbin-Watson score of
1.664 indicates that autocorrelation is not a problem. Logistic regression results indicate that the
crime arrest cases with adult victims and sex-related police crime arrest cases with child victims.
The model correctly classified 85.9% of the cases (AUC = .920, 95% CI [.902, .938], RROC
2
=
.844). Wald statistics indicate that all of the independent variables in the logistic regression
model significantly predict child victims in sex-related police crime arrest cases.
Odds ratio interpretations provide context for prediction of child victims in sex-related
police crime arrest cases. Eight of the 20 predictors in the logistic regression model indicate
when the victim of a sex-related police crime arrest case is more likely to be a child than an
adult. Certain types of sex crimes tend to involve child victims. The simple odds of the victim
being a child are 2.9 times greater if the arrested officer is charged with crimes involving
pornography and obscene material. Similarly, the simple odds of the victim being a child are 2.2
times greater if the arrested officer was charged with an unclassified sex crime (that is, a sex-
related criminal offense not specifically included in the coding protocol for this study) such as
promoting the sexual performance of a child, child enticement, corruption of a minor, or sexual
coercion. Crimes involving fondling often involve a child victim; the simple odds of the victim
being a child are 2.4 times greater if the arrested officer is charged with offenses relating to
forcible fondling. The gender of the victim also predicts child victims. The simple odds that the
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
113
victim is a child are more than five times greater if the victim is male. Sex-related police crime
arrest cases are more likely to result in a criminal conviction if the victim is a child; the simple
odds of the victim being a child were 1.2 times greater if the arrested officer is convicted on at
least one offense charged. Finally, the simple of odds of the victim being a child increased
17.2% if the crime for which an officer was arrested involved family violence.
Some of the independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when the
victim is less likely to be a child. The victims of sex-related police crime arrest cases are less
likely to be a child in cases where the arrested officer is employed by a large police department
in a metropolitan (that is, urban or suburban) county or independent city. The simple odds of the
victim being a child decrease by 17.7% for every one unit increase in the size of the arrested
officer’s employing law enforcement agency (on a ten-point scale) based on the number of sworn
personnel. Likewise, the simple odds of a child victim decrease by 17.6% for every one unit
increase in rurality (on a nine-point scale) based on the population of the county where the
arrested officer’s employing agency is located. Duty status at time of commission of the crime
for which an officer was arrested also predicts whether the victim of a sex-related police crime
arrest case is an adult or child. The simple odds of the victim being a child decrease by 83.4% if
the arrested officer was on-duty when the crime for which he was arrested was allegedly
committed. The on-duty sex-related crimes of the arrested officers are more likely to involve an
adult victim if the offenses are also violence-related crimes. For example, the simple odds of the
victim being a child decrease by 62.7% if the crime is an act of police sexual violence. The odds
ratios are similar if the arrested officer is charged with aggravated assault, kidnapping,
cases.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
114
Figure 11 presents the results of predicting child victims for the sex-related cases and
included a total of 1,377 police crime arrest cases. The tree had an overall classification score of
versus individual capacity as the splitting criterion. Officers operating in their individual
capacity (node 1) had child victims in 72.8% of the cases. In contrast, officers operating in an
official capacity (node 2) had child victims in 23.9% of the cases. The officers who were
the cases. Cases that did not involve a kidnapping or abduction had child victims in 76% of the
cases. The officers who were operating in an official capacity (node 2) were partitioned by the
variable gender of victim. Cases that involved a female victim were also child victims in 19.4%
of the cases and cases with a male victim were also a child victim in 66.2% of the cases. The
tree also included the following variables in tier three through five: indecent exposure, violence-
related crime versus other crime type, driving while female encounter, state, and urban/rural
continuum.
This section presents regression models that predict criminal conviction on any offense
charged in sex-related police crime arrest cases involving police sexual violence. Conviction
data are available in more than two-thirds (n = 431, 69.3%) of the police sexual violence cases.
In the police sexual violence cases with known criminal case dispositions, the majority of the
arrest cases resulted in criminal conviction (n = 345, valid 80%) on at least one offense charged
against the arrested officer. Bivariate associations are presented in Table 29. Chi-Square
associations are statistically significant at p < .05 for 13 independent variables and the dependent
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
115
variable, conviction on any offense charged. Only three of the bivariate associations are of
moderate strength as indicated by Cramer’s V scores. They are job lost, where χ2 (1, N = 431) =
22.139, p < .001, V = .227; victim’s relationship, where χ2 (6, N = 427) = 20.988, p = .002, V =
.222; and year of arrest, where χ2 (6, N = 431) = 18.185, p = .006, V = .205.
conviction in sex-related police crime arrest cases involving acts of police sexual violence.
Bivariate correlations computed for each of the independent variables in the model revealed that
none of the variables were highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem
as indicated by no tolerance scores below .983 and no variance inflation factors above 1.018.
regression results indicate that the overall model of four predictors is statistically reliable in
distinguishing between conviction and nonconviction in police sexual violence arrest cases.
Wald statistics indicate that all of the independent variables in the model significantly predict
conviction in police sexual violence arrest cases. The binary logistic regression model correctly
classified 80.8% of the cases (AUC = .711, 95% CI [.647, .774], RROC
2
= .422).
Interpretation of the odds ratios provide context for prediction of criminal conviction in
police sexual violence arrest cases. Three of the four independent variables in the regression
model predict when conviction is more likely. Here again, sex-related arrest cases involving a
child victim are more likely to result in the arrested officer’s criminal conviction. The simple
odds of conviction are 2.7 times greater if the victim of a sex-related arrest case involving police
sexual violence is a child. The type of sex offense predicts whether an officer arrested for acts of
police sexual violence will be convicted of a crime. The simple odds of conviction are 2.1 times
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
116
greater if the officer was arrested for forcible sodomy. Conversely, the simple odds of
conviction decrease by 54.1% if the officer was arrested for forcible fondling.
Figure 12 presents the results of predicting conviction in police sexual violent arrest cases
and included a total of 431 police crime arrest cases. The CHAID tree had an overall
variable job lost as the splitting criterion. Officers who had kept their job (node 1) were
convicted in 56.4% of the cases. In contrast, officers who lost their job (node 2) were convicted
in 83.5% of the cases. The officers who kept their job in node 1 were not partitioned by another
variable. The officers who lost this job in node 2 were partitioned by the variable forcible
fondling. Cases that did not involve forcible fondling resulted in conviction in 88.3% of the
cases and cases that involved forcible fondling resulted in conviction in 77.2% of the cases. The
tree also included the variable adult victim versus child victim in tier 3.
Regression models predicting job loss as the final adverse employment outcome taken
against an officer following his or her arrest for sex-related crimes involving acts of police
sexual violence are presented in this section. Chi-Square associations are presented in Table 31.
Bivariate associations are statistically significant at p < .05 for each of 28 independent variables
and the dependent variable, job loss. Six of the bivariate associations are of moderate strength as
indicated by the Cramer’s V scores for the statistically significant Chi-Square statistics. They are
the State where the arrested officer’s employing law enforcement agency is located, where χ2
(45, N = 622) = 78.683, p = .001, V = .356; years of service at time of arrest, where χ2 (29, N =
495) = 61.583, p < .001, V = .353; year of arrest, where χ2 (6, N = 622) = 60.900, p < .001, V =
.313; internal crime against the organization, where χ2 (1, N = 622) = 60.900, p < .001, V = .290,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
117
conviction, where χ2 (1, N = 431) = 22.139, p < .001, V = .227; and years of service (categorical
A backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting job loss in cases
involving acts of police sexual violence is presented in Table 32. Bivariate correlations for each
of the independent variables in the regression model indicate that none of the variables are highly
correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem in the model as indicated by no
tolerance scores below .966 and no variance inflation factors above 1.035. The Durbin-Watson
score of 1.562 indicates that autocorrelation is not a problem in the model. Logistic regression
results indicate that the overall model of six predictors is statistically reliable for cases of police
sexual violence in distinguishing between officers who kept their job after being arrested and
officers who lost their job. Wald statistics indicate that all of the independent variables in the
binary logistic regression model significantly predict job loss in sex-related police crime arrest
cases involving acts of police sexual violence. The regression model correctly classified 89.5%
Context is provided for prediction of job loss in sex-related arrest cases involving police
sexual violence through interpretation of odds ratios. Four of the independent variable in the
logistic regression model predict when an officer is more likely to lose his or her job as a sworn
officer after being arrested for a sex-related crime involving an act of police sexual violence.
Conviction predicts job loss in police sexual violence arrest cases. The simple odds of job loss
are 4.7 times greater if the officer is convicted of at least one criminal offense charged in the case
involving police sexual violence. Predatory behavior in police sexual violence arrest cases also
predicts job loss. The simple odds of job loss are 2.2 times more likely if the police sexual
violence arrest case also involves a driving while female encounter. Police sexual violence cases
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
118
are crimes against persons and rarely, if ever, constitute an internal crime against the
organization or a crime by the organization against the officer. As such, the simple odds of job
loss increase by 29.7% if the crime involving police sexual violence is neither an internal or
organizational crime. The simple odds of job loss in police sexual violence arrest cases increase
by 89.4% for every one unit categorical increase in the number of part-time sworn officers
employed by the same law enforcement agency as the arrested officer. Two of the independent
variables in the model predict when an officer is more likely to keep his or her job after being
arrested for a crime involving police sexual violence. The longer an officer has been employed
the less likely they are to lose their job. The simple odds of job loss in police sexual violence
arrest cases go down by 23% for every one unit (three year) categorical increase in years of
service at time of arrest. The years of service categorical variable groups years of service in
three-year increments. Also, the simple odds of job loss in police sexual violence arrest cases
decrease by 91.8% if the arrested officer is also charged with a weapons law offense.
Figure 13 presents the results of predicting job loss and included a total of 622 cases.
The tree had an overall classification score of 84.1%, (AUC = .794, 95% CI [.748, .840], RROC
2
=
.496) and selected the variable year of arrest as the splitting criterion. Officers who were
arrested before the year 2007 (node 1) lost their job in 60.2% of the cases. In contrast, officers
who were arrested after the year 2007 (node 2) lost their job in 86.4% of the cases. The officers
arrested prior to the year 2007 in node 1 were partitioned by the variable suspended for a period
of time. Officers who had been previously suspended lost their job in 48.4% of the cases and
officers who had not been suspended lost their jobs in 76.8% of the cases. The officers arrested
after the year 2007 in node 2 were partitioned by the variable criminal conviction versus
nonconviction. Officers who were convicted lost their jobs in 89.4% of the cases and officers
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
119
who were not convicted lost their job in 72.1% of cases. The tree also included the following
Driving while female encounters are those incidents where a police officer initiates a
bogus traffic stop to harass, intimidate, and/or sexually assault female motorists. The regression
models in this section predict conviction in sex-related police crime arrest cases involving
driving while female encounters (N = 174). Criminal case final disposition data are available in
a majority of the driving while female cases (n = 126, 72.4%). Of those cases with known
criminal case outcomes, most of the officers were convicted (n = 103, valid 81.7%) on at least
one criminal offense charged against the arrested officer. Bivariate associations are presented in
Table 33. Chi-Square associations are statistically significant at p < .05 for 18 independent
variables and the dependent variable, conviction on any offense charged. The bivariate
association for conviction and the number of full-time sworn officers employed (categorical) is
strong, where χ2 (9, N = 126) = 22.232, p = .008, V = .420. There are eight bivariate associations
of moderate strength: age (categorical), where χ2 (8, N = 126) = 18.588, p = .017, V = .384; year
of officer’s arrest, where χ2 (6, N = 126) = 14.407, p = .025, V = .338; alcohol-related police
crime arrest cases, where χ2 (1, N = 126) = 9.895, p = .002, V = .280; burglary, where χ2 (1, N =
126) = 9.101, p = .003, V = .269; internal versus organizational crime, where χ2 (1, N = 126) =
7.204, p = .007, V = .239; sexual assault with an object, where χ2 (1, N = 126) = 6.081, p = .014,
V = .220; rank by function, where χ2 (1, N = 126) = 5.769, p = .016, V = .214; and, forcible
sex-related police crime arrest cases involving driving while female encounters. Bivariate
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
120
correlations computed for each of the independent variables in the model revealed that none of
the variables were highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem as
indicated by no tolerance scores below .962 and no variance inflation factors above 1.040. The
Durbin-Watson score is 1.700 indicating that autocorrelation is not a problem in the model.
Logistic regression results indicate that the overall model of five predictors is statistically
arrest cases involving a driving while female encounter. Wald statistics indicate that all of the
independent variables in the binary logistic regression model significantly predict conviction in
driving while female encounter cases. The regression model correctly classified 85.7% of the
Context for prediction of conviction in sex-related police crime arrest cases involving
driving while female encounters is provided by interpretation of odds ratios. Two of the
independent variables in the model predict when the odds of conviction increase. The simple
odds of conviction in driving while female encounter arrest cases is 3.2 times greater if the
arrested police officer has been sued in federal court pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §1983 (civil action
for deprivation of rights) at some point during his or her law enforcement career. Driving while
female encounter arrest cases involve crimes against a person and do not involve crimes against
the organization or crimes by the organization against the officer. This is demonstrated where
the simple odds of conviction increase by 23% if the driving while female encounter arrest case
involves a crime against a person and is neither an internal or organizational crime. The other
three independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when the odds of conviction
decrease in sex-related police crime arrest cases involving driving while female encounters. The
simple odds of conviction in driving while female cases decrease by 87.1% if the officer is
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
121
charged with the criminal offense of sexual assault with an object. Similarly, the simple odds of
conviction decrease by 73.4% in driving while female cases if the arrested officer is charged with
the criminal offense of forcible fondling. Additionally, the simple odds of conviction in driving
while female encounter arrest cases decrease by 93.3% if the crime is also alcohol-related.
Figure 14 presents the results of predicting conviction and included a total of 126 cases.
The tree had an overall classification score of 81.7% (AUC = .736, 95% CI [.637, .835], RROC
2
=
.472) and selected the variable year of arrest as the splitting criterion. Officers who were
arrested in the year 2005 (node 1) were convicted in 66.7% of the cases. Officers who were
arrested during years 2006-2011 were convicted in 90.1% of the cases. The officers who kept
their job, in node 1, were not partitioned by another variable. The officers who lost their jobs, in
node 2, were partitioned by the variable 42 U.S.C. §1983 civil defendant at some point during an
officer’s law enforcement career. Cases that did not involve an officer who had been named as a
party-defendant pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §1983 in a federal court civil rights lawsuit (at some point
during his or her law enforcement career) resulted in conviction in 81.6% of the cases. In
contrast, cases that involved an officer who had at some point been sued pursuant to 42 U.S.C.
Predicting Job Loss in Driving While Female Police Crime Arrest Cases
This section presents the regression models for predicting job loss as the final adverse
employment actions taken against an officer following his arrest for a sex-related police crime
arrest case involving a driving while female encounter. Chi-Square associations of job loss are
presented in Table 35. Four of the bivariate associations of job loss are strong as indicated by
the Cramer’s V score > .400. They are: the State where the officer’s employing law enforcement
agency is located, where χ2 (33, N = 174) = 53.896, p = .012, V = .557; victim age difference,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
122
where χ2 (28, N = 174) = 51.795, p = .004, V = .546; officer’s years of service, where χ2 (22, N =
144) = 42.173, p = .006, V = .541; and age, where χ2 (33, N = 168) = 47.043, p = .054, V = .529.
There are also five bivariate associations of job loss that are of moderate strength: victim age
(categorical), where χ2 (7, N = 174) = 22.217, p = .002, V = .357; year of arrest, where χ2 (6, N =
174) = 15.536, p = .016, V = .299; rank, where χ2 (4, N = 174) = 14.145, p = .007, V = .285;
internal versus organizational crime, where χ2 (1, N = 174) = 13.514, p < .001, V = .279; and,
Table 36 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting job
loss in sex-related police crime arrest cases involving driving while female encounters. There
are only two independent variables in the model predicting job loss. Neither of the independent
variables are highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem, but the
tolerance scores and variance inflation factors = 1 for both independent variables in the model.
regression results indicate that the overall model of two predictors is statistically reliable in
distinguishing between cases where officers who lost their jobs and officers who kept their jobs
after being arrested for sex-related police crimes involving a driving while female encounter.
Wald statistics indicated that the independent variables in the model significantly predict job
loss. The regression model correctly classified 93.3% of the cases (AUC = .766, 95% CI [.671,
.860], RROC
2
= .532).
Context for prediction of job loss in sex-related police crime arrest cases involving
driving while female encounters is provided by interpretation of odds ratios. The cases involving
driving while female encounters are crimes against persons. The simple odds of job loss go up
by 42.9% in driving while female encounter arrest cases when the underlying nature of the crime
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
123
is not an internal crime against the organization nor a crime by the organization against the
officer. The difference in age between the age of the arrested officer and the age of the victim
also predicts job loss in these cases. The simple odds of job loss in sex-related police crime
arrest cases involving driving while female encounters go down by 6.9% for every one year
increase in the difference in age between the age of the arrested officer and the age of the victim.
Figure 15 presents the results of predicting job loss and included a total of 174 arrest
cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 84.5% (AUC = .776, 95% CI [.681, .870],
2
RROC = .552) and selected the variable internal crime versus organizational crime as the splitting
criterion. Officers who committed an internal crime or crime against the organization (node 1)
lost their job in 73.4% of the cases. In contrast, officers committed a crime against a person
(node 2) lost their job in 93.7% of the cases. The officers who committed either an internal
crime or crime against the organization in node 1 were partitioned by the variable victim age
difference. Cases that involved a victim age difference that was unknown resulted in job loss in
84.6% of the cases. In contrast, cases that involved a known victim age difference (that is, the
difference in years between the age of the arrested officer and the age of the victim) resulted in
job loss in 51.9% of the cases. The officers who committed crimes against a person in node 2
were partitioned by the variable official misconduct. Officers who were not charged with the
crime of official misconduct lost their jobs in 97% of the cases and officers who were charged
with the crime of official misconduct lost their jobs in 86.2% of the cases.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
124
There are 1,405 cases in the data set where sworn officers were arrested for alcohol-
related crimes during the years 2005-2011. The alcohol-related police crime arrest cases involve
1,283 individual officers employed by 814 nonfederal state, local, special, constable, and tribal
law enforcement agencies located in 564 counties and independent cities in all 50 states and the
District of Columbia. Of these, 81 of the arrested officers had more than one case ( X = 1.10,
Mdn = 1.00, Mode = 1, SD = .452), because they had more than one victim (one criminal case
per victim) and/or were arrested for an alcohol-related crime on more than one occasion during
More than one-third of the alcohol-related arrest cases involve an officer who is known to
have lost his or her job (n = 533, 37.9%) subsequent to being arrested. The known final
employment outcomes in the alcohol-related arrest cases include those in which there was no
known adverse employment action taken against the arrested officer (n = 260, 18.5%), cases
resulting in the arrested officer being suspended for a period of time (n = 612, 43.6%), cases in
which the arrested officer was separated through voluntary resignation (n = 263, 18.7%), and
cases in which the arrested officer was separated through involuntary termination (n = 270,
19.2%). Relatively few of the alcohol-related DUI arrest cases are known to have resulted in
criminal conviction (n = 492, 35.0%, valid 75.2%) on at least one criminal offense charged
Included in the alcohol-related police crime arrest cases are 960 driving under the
influence (DUI) arrests during the years 2005-2011. The alcohol-related police DUI arrest cases
involve 924 individual officers employed by 621 nonfederal state, local, special, constable, and
tribal law enforcement agencies located in 464 counties and independent cities in all 50 states
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
125
and the District of Columbia. Of these, 27 of the arrested officers had more than one alcohol-
related DUI case ( X = 1.04, Mdn = 1.00, Mode = 1, SD = .256), because they had more than
one victim (one criminal case per victim) and/or were arrested for an alcohol-related DUI on
more than one occasion during the study years while employed as a sworn law enforcement
officer.
Less than one-third of the officers arrested for DUI are known to have lost their job (n =
303, 31.6%) after being arrested. The known final employment outcomes in the alcohol-related
DUI arrest cases include those cases in which there was no adverse employment action taken
against the arrested officer (n = 202, 21.0%), cases resulting in the arrested officer being
suspended for a period of time (n = 455, 47.4%), cases in which the arrested officer was
separated through voluntary resignation (n = 167, 17.4%), and those cases in which the arrested
officer was separated through involuntary termination (n = 136, 14.2%). Less than one-third of
the alcohol-related DUI arrest cases resulted in criminal conviction (n = 303, 31.6%, valid
80.2%). The final disposition in the criminal cases is unknown (n = 582, 60.6%), however, in
Officers Arrested for Alcohol-related Police Crime, Offenses Charged & Employers
Table 37 presents information on the alcohol-related arrest cases in terms of the arrested
officers and their employing nonfederal law enforcement agencies. The majority of the alcohol-
related cases involve male officers (n = 1,314, 93.5%) who were arrested. The youngest officer
arrested for an alcohol-related crime was age 20 at time of arrest, and the oldest arrested officer
was 66 years old ( X age = 36.70, Mdn age = 37.00, Mode age = 38, SD = 8.379 years). Most of
the alcohol-related arrest cases involve sworn officers employed in patrol or street-level
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
126
81.0%). Most of the alcohol-related cases involved crimes committed while the officer was off-
duty (n = 1,235, 87.9%). The majority of the alcohol-related cases involve arrests made by some
other law enforcement agency (n = 1,009, 71.8%) and were not arrests made by the agency
Most of the alcohol-related arrest cases involve officers employed by municipal police
departments (n = 1,028, 73.2%) or sheriff’s offices (n = 214, 15.2%). Officers arrested for
alcohol-related crimes were also employed by primary state police agencies (n = 74, 5.3%),
county police departments (n = 54, 3.8%), special police departments (n = 24, 1.7%), tribal
police departments (n = 7, 0.5%), or other types of nonfederal law enforcement agencies. The
modal category for agency size by number of full-time sworn personnel is 1,000 or more sworn
officers (n = 399, 28.4%). Most of the employing law enforcement agencies were located in a
nonrural metropolitan county or independent city (n = 1,212, 86.3%). The employing law
enforcement agencies are located throughout the United States, including in Southern states (n =
548, 39.0%), Midwestern states (n = 358, 25.5%), Northeastern states (n = 309, 22.0%), and
Table 38 presents the alcohol-related arrest cases in terms of the most serious offense
charged. There are 38 separate offense categories representing the most serious offense charged
in alcohol-related police crime arrest cases during the years 2005-2011. Most common are DUI
(n = 817, 58.1%), simple assault (n = 149, 10.6%), aggravated assault (n = 103, 7.3%), weapons
law violations (n = 47, 3.3%), forcible fondling (n = 27, 1.9%), disorderly conduct (n = 27,
1.9%), murder and nonnegligent manslaughter (n = 26, 1.9%), forcible rape (n = 26, 1.9%), and
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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127
during years 2005-2011. Many of the arrest cases—including most of the DUI cases not
involving traffic accidents and injuries—do not involve crimes with victims. Where victim
information is relevant and available in alcohol-related arrest cases, the victims are most often
female (n = 263, valid 52.1%) and adults age 18 or older (n = 495, valid 87.8%). Most of the
known victims are either strangers to the arrested officer or nonstranger acquaintances (n = 382,
valid 69.1%). Sometimes alcohol-related police crime arrest cases involve victims who are also
Table 40 presents the DUI arrest cases in terms of DUI event incidents and
characteristics. Some of the arrest cases involved officers who were DUI while actually on-duty
in a police vehicle (n = 42, 4.4%), in a police vehicle while out of the officer’s jurisdiction (n =
28, 2.9%), or off-duty in a take-home police vehicle (n = 78, 8.1%). Some of the arrest cases
involved officers who refused to perform field sobriety tests (n = 81, 8.4%) when stopped for
suspicion of DUI and/or refused to consent to a blood-alcohol content (BAC) test (n = 195,
20.3%). Many of the police DUI arrest cases involved traffic accidents (n = 492, 51.2%), often
resulting in victim injuries (n = 231, 24.1%) and fatalities (n = 39, 4.1%). Some of the DUI-
related traffic accidents happened when an intoxicated officer flipped his or her car (n = 33,
3.4%) or crashed into another vehicle causing the other vehicle to flip (n = 4, 0.4%). Some
inebriated officers fled the scene (n = 103, 10.7%) after being involved in a DUI-related traffic
accident, and many of those officers were subsequently criminally charged with vehicular hit-
and-run (n = 76, 7.9%). A few of the officers were involved in a DUI-related traffic accident
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
128
while attempting to flee and evade the police (n = 10, 1.0%). Other officers were arrested for
DUI after causing a traffic accident while driving in the wrong direction on a roadway (n = 17,
1.8%) or denied being the driver after being involved in a DUI-related traffic accident (n = 12,
1.3%). Several of the traffic accidents involved an officer who was drunk while driving a
motorcycle (n = 15, 1.6%). A few of the DUI-related traffic accidents occurred while the drunk
Although there is a separate part reporting drug-related arrest cases, police DUI arrest
cases that are drug-related (n = 49, 5.1% of the DUI cases) are reported in this section. The
specific drugs involved in the drug-related DUI arrest cases are presented in Table 41. The most
common drugs include “other” depressants (that is, depressants other than GHB and
= 3, 6.1%), and marijuana (n = 3, 6.1%). The drug-related DUI arrest cases include officers
arrested for DUI while on-duty (n = 16, 32.7%), although the majority of the drug-related DUI
cases involved an arresting agency that was not the officer’s employer (n = 34, 69.4%).
The regression models in this section predict criminal conviction on one or more offenses
charged against an arrested officer in alcohol-related police crime arrest cases versus
significant at p < .05 for 25 independent variables and the dependent variable, conviction on any
offense charged. See Table 42. There are two bivariate associations of moderate strength as
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
129
indicated by Cramer’s V scores. They are the state where the arrested officer’s employing law
enforcement agency is located, where χ2 (48, N = 654) = 95.625, p < .001, V = .382; and victim’s
relationship to the arrested officer, where χ2 (7, N = 331) = 23.297, p = .002, V = .265.
conviction in alcohol-related police crime arrest cases. Bivariate correlations computed for each
of the independent variables in the logistic regression model revealed that none of the variables
were highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem as indicated by no
tolerance scores below .849 and no variance inflation factors above 1.177. Autocorrelation is
also not a problem as indicated by a Durbin-Watson score of 2.027. Logistic regression results
indicate that the overall model of six predictors is statistically reliable in distinguishing between
police crime arrest cases. The model correctly classified 77.0% of the cases (AUC = .688, 95%
binary logistic regression model significantly predict conviction in alcohol-related police crime
arrest cases.
provided by interpretation of odds ratios. Four of the independent variables in the model predict
when conviction in alcohol-related cases is more likely than not. The simple odds of conviction
in an alcohol-related arrest cases are 2.6 times greater if the arrested officer was arrested for DUI
while driving a personally-owned vehicle (that is, not a police vehicle). The simple odds of
conviction in alcohol-related arrest cases increase by 78.1% if the officer was arrested by a law
enforcement agency that is not his or her employing agency. The simple odds of conviction in
alcohol-related police crime arrest cases are two times more likely if the crime(s) for which the
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
130
officer was arrested is also sex-related. Final adverse employment outcomes also predict
conviction in alcohol-related arrest cases. The simple odds of conviction in alcohol-related arrest
cases are 1.5 times greater if the arrested officer ultimately loses his or her job as a sworn law
enforcement officer after being arrested. Two of the independent variables in the model predict
when conviction in alcohol-related police crime arrest cases is less likely to occur. The simple
odds of conviction in an alcohol-related case go down by 93% if the crime(s) for which the
officer was arrested involved a driving while female encounter. The simple odds of conviction
in alcohol-related arrest cases goes down by 63.8% if the crime(s) for which the officer was
arrested constituted officer-involved domestic violence where the officer used his or her hands or
fist as a weapon.
Figure 16 presents the results of predicting conviction and included a total of 654 police
crime arrest cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 76.8% (AUC = .721, 95% CI
splitting criterion. Cases that involved victims who were a stranger, unrelated child, ex-spouse,
In contrast, cases that involved victims who were a current spouse, current boy/girlfriend, or
relative of the offender (node 2) received convictions in 54.7% of the cases. Cases in node 1
were further partitioned by the variable job lost. Officers who had not lost their job were
convicted in 71.3% of the cases and officers who had lost their job were convicted in 83% of the
cases. Cases in node 2 were not further partitioned. The tree also included the following
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
131
The next set of models predict job loss in alcohol-related police crime arrest cases. Chi-
Square bivariate associations presented in Table 44 are statistically significant at p < .05 for 53
independent variables and the dependent variable, job loss. The strength of the statistically
arrest cases. There is a moderate bivariate association in the alcohol-related cases between job
loss and each of the following three independent variables: the difference in years between the
age of the arrested officer and the victim, where χ2 (67, N = 1,405) = 125.538, p < .001, V = .299;
the state where the arrested officer’s employing law enforcement agency is located, where χ2 (50,
N = 1,405) = 106.935, p < .001, V = .276; and, victim age (categorical), where χ2 (9, N = 1,405)
Table 45 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting job
loss in the aftermath of an officer’s arrest for an alcohol-related crime. Bivariate correlations
computed for each of the independent variables in the logistic regression model revealed that
none of the variables in the model were highly correlated with each other. None of the tolerance
statistics were below .806 and none of the tolerance statistics were above 1.240. The Durbin-
Watson score of 1.782 indicates that there is no autocorrelation in the model. Logistic regression
results indicate that the multivariate model of seven predictors is statistically reliable in
distinguishing between officers who kept their job as a sworn law enforcement officer after being
arrested for an alcohol-related crime and those officers who lost their job as a sworn officer
final adverse employment outcome. The logistic regression model correctly classified 71.6% of
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
132
independent variables in the binary logistic regression model significantly predict whether an
officer will keep or lose his or her job as a sworn law enforcement officer after being arrested for
an alcohol-related crime.
Context for prediction of job loss in alcohol-related police crime arrest cases is provided
by interpretation of the odds ratios in the binary logistic regression model. Five of the seven
independent variables in the model predict when an officer is more likely to lose his or her job as
a sworn officer after being arrested for an alcohol-related crime. The simple odds of job loss in
alcohol-related arrest cases are 5.5 times greater if at some point during the officer’s law
enforcement career, the officer was named as a party-defendant in a civil rights lawsuit that was
originally filed in a state trial court and removed by the civil defendant to a United States District
Court pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1441. If the alcohol-related crime for which an officer was
arrested is also violence-related, then the simple odds of job loss are 1.4 times greater than if the
officer’s alcohol-related crime was not also violence-related. Similarly, the simple odds of job
loss are 2.5 times greater if an officer was arrested for an alcohol-related crime that was also sex-
related. Duty status also predicts job loss in alcohol-related police crime arrest cases, as the
simple odds of job loss are 1.9 times greater if the officer was arrested for an alcohol-related
crime that occurred while the officer was on-duty. As with many of the other prediction models,
conviction predicts job loss. The simple odds of job loss in alcohol-related arrest case are 1.6
times greater if an arrested officer is ultimately convicted of at least one of the criminal offenses
for which they were prosecuted in a criminal court. Two of the independent variables in the
logistic regression model predict a decrease in the likelihood of job loss following an arrest for
an alcohol-related police crime. If an officer was reassigned from one position to another
position in the officer’s employing law enforcement agency subsequent to being arrested for an
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
133
alcohol-related crime, then the simple odds of job loss decrease by 84.9%. Also, the method of
crime detection predicts job loss in alcohol-related arrest cases, as the simple odds of job loss
decrease by 65.1%.
Figure 17 presents the results of predicting job loss and included a total of 1,405 cases.
The tree had an overall classification score of 68.3% (AUC = .710, 95% CI [.683, .738], RROC
2
=
.420) and selected the variable sex-related crime versus other crime type as the splitting criterion.
Officers who were not involved in a sex-related case (node 1) lost their job in 35.5% of the cases.
In contrast, officers involved in a sex-related case (node 2) lost their job in 75.6% of the cases.
The officers who were convicted in node 1 were partitioned by the variable number of full-time
sworn personnel. Officers in police departments from 1-99 sworn officers lost their job in 44.7%
of the cases and officers in departments from 100-1000+ sworn officers lost their job in 29.8% of
the cases. The cases in node 2 were not partitioned further. The tree also included the following
variables in tiers three through five: organization versus against citizenry, victim age categorical,
years of service categorical, geographic division, case disposition, officer was convicted of a
This section includes regression models predicting criminal conviction in an arrest case
on at least one offense charged against an officer arrested for driving under the influence (DUI).
Bivariate Chi-Square associations presented in Table 46 are statistically significant at p < .05 for
22 independent variables and the dependent variable, conviction on any offense charged. The
statistically significant bivariate association is strong for the State where the arrested officer’s
employing law enforcement agency is located, where χ2 (46, N = 378) = 85.253, p < .001, V =
.475. The statistically significant bivariate association is moderate for Geographic Division,
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134
where χ2 (8, N = 378) = 25.595, p = .001, V = .260, as well as Geographic Region, where χ2 (3, N
= 378) = 18.376, p < .001, V = .220. The statistically significant bivariate associations are weak
for each of the other 19 independent variables and the dependent variable.
conviction in police DUI arrest cases. Bivariate correlation computations for each of the
independent variables in the model revealed that none of the variables were highly correlated
with each other. None of the tolerance scores were below .936 and none of the variance inflation
factors were above 1.068, indicating that multicollinearity is not a problem in the model.
logistic regression results indicate that the overall model of six predictors is statistically reliable
in distinguishing between conviction and nonconviction in police DUI arrest cases. The model
correctly classified 81.7% of the cases (AUC = .705, 95% CI [.639, .771], RROC
2
= .410). Wald
statistics indicate that all of the independent variables in the logistic regression model
Interpretation of the odds ratios provide context for prediction of conviction in police
DUI arrest cases. Two of the independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when
conviction is more likely than not in police DUI cases. The simple odds of conviction are 1.3
times greater if the arrested officer was involved in a DUI-related traffic accident resulting in his
or her arrest. Once again, job loss predicts conviction, as the simple odds of conviction are 1.4
times greater if the arrested officer ultimately loses his or her job as a final adverse employment
action in the aftermath of being arrested for DUI. The four other independent variables in the
model predict when criminal conviction in a police DUI arrest case is less likely to occur. If an
officer arrested for DUI was also charged with a liquor law violation, then the simple odds of
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
135
conviction on at least one criminal offense charged decreased by 94.5%. The simple odds of
conviction decreased by 61.3% if the officer was acting in his or her official capacity as a sworn
law enforcement officer when arrested for DUI. In cases where an officer denied driving after
being involved in a DUI-related traffic accident, the simple odds of conviction decreased by
94.3%. In some instances, officers who were arrested for DUI refused to submit to a blood-
alcohol content (BAC) test. The simple odds of conviction decreased by 53.9% when an officer
Figure 18 presents the results of predicting conviction and included a total of 390 cases.
The tree had an overall classification score of 80.3% (AUC = .747, 95% CI [.684 .809], RROC
2
=
.494) and selected the variable geographic division as the splitting criterion. Cases from East
North Central, West North Central, and East South Central geographic divisions (node 1) had
convictions in 92.6% of the cases. In contrast, cases from New England, South Atlantic, Pacific,
Middle Atlantic, Mountain, and West South Central divisions (node 2) had convictions in 72.6%
of the cases. The cases in node 1 were not partitioned further. The cases in node 2 were
partitioned by the variable state. Cases in Massachusetts, Florida, South Carolina, North
Carolina, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Washington, Texas, New Hampshire, Oregon, New
Mexico, Connecticut, and Montana had convictions in 55.7% of the cases. Cases in California,
New York, New Jersey, Virginia, West Virginia, Colorado, Arkansas, Nevada, Maryland,
Georgia, Maine, Arizona, Idaho, Utah, Oklahoma, Hawaii, Delaware, Vermont, and the District
of Columbia had convictions in 88.1% of the cases. The tree did not have any additional
variables.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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136
The next set of models predict job loss in police DUI arrest cases. Chi-Square bivariate
associations presented in Table 48 are statistically significant at the p < .05 level for 29
independent variables and the dependent variable, job loss. There is a moderate bivariate
association between job loss and each of the following three independent variables: the State in
which the arrested officer’s employing law enforcement agency is located, where χ2 (50, N =
960) = 107.344, p < .001, V = .334; the difference in years between the age of the arrested officer
and the age of the victim, where χ2 (54, N = 960) = 80.423, p = .011, V = .289; and, Geographic
A backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting job loss in police DUI
arrest cases is presented in Table 49. Bivariate correlations computed for each of the
independent variables in the logistic regression model revealed that none of the variables in the
model were highly correlated with each other. None of the tolerance scores were below .841 and
none of the tolerance scores were above 1.190, indicating that multicollinearity is not a problem.
The Durbin-Watson score of 1.975 indicates that there is no autocorrelation in the model. Binary
logistic regression results indicate that the multivariate model of eight predictors is statistically
reliable in distinguishing between officers who kept their jobs and officers who lost their jobs
after being arrested for DUI. The logistic regression model only correctly classified 66.9% of
independent variables in the logistic regression model significantly predict whether an officer
will keep or lose his or her job after being arrested for DUI.
Interpretation of odds ratios provides context for prediction of job loss as a final adverse
employment action against an officer after being arrested for DUI. Six of the independent
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
137
variables in the logistic regression model predict when an officer is more likely than not to lose
his or her job after being arrested for DUI. The simple odds of job loss are 7.5 times greater if an
officer was involved in a DUI-related traffic accident after driving in the wrong direction on a
roadway. If an officer was charged with murder or nonnegligent manslaughter in a DUI arrest
case, the simple odds of job loss are 2.5 times greater. The simple odds of job loss are 1.9 times
greater if the officer was acting in his or her official capacity when arrested for DUI. If the DUI
arrest case incident was also violence-related, then the simple odds of job loss are 1.4 times
greater. Here again, conviction predicts job loss, as the simple odds of job loss are 1.3 times
greater if an officer arrested for DUI was ultimately convicted of one or more criminal offenses
arising out of the incident. Experienced police officers are more likely to lose their jobs after
being arrested for DUI than are inexperienced officers, as the simple odds of job loss increased
by 4.3% for every one unit categorical (3 year) increase in years of service at time of arrest. Two
of the independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when job loss is less likely
to occur subsequent to an officer’s arrest for DUI. The simple odds of job loss decreased by
13.8% for every one unit categorical increase in the number of full-time sworn personal
employed by the arrested officer’s employing law enforcement agency. Some law enforcement
agencies require their officers to be available at all times, 24/7. The simple odds of job loss
subsequent to an officer’s off-duty DUI arrest decreased by 89.5% if the officer’s employing
Figure 19 presents the results of predicting job loss and included a total of 991 arrest
cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 70.7% (AUC = .679, 95% CI [.642, .715],
2
RROC = .358) and selected the variable geographic division as the splitting criterion. Officers
from New England, West North Central, South Atlantic, and Mountain division states (node 1)
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
138
lost their job in 41.8% of the cases. In contrast, officers from East North Central, Pacific, Middle
Atlantic, West South Central, and East South Central divisions (node 2) lost their job in 25.7% of
the cases. Cases in node 1 were partitioned by the variable state. Officers from Minnesota,
Connecticut, Rhode Island, West Virginia, Montana, Nevada, North Dakota, Maryland,
Wyoming, Maine, Iowa, Kansas, Delaware, Idaho, and Nebraska lost their job in 19.8% of the
cases. Officers from Massachusetts, Florida, South Carolina, Colorado, Georgia, New Mexico,
North Carolina, Virginia, Arizona, South Dakota, New Hampshire, Missouri, District of
Columbia, Utah, and Vermont lost their job in 48.5% of the cases. Cases in node 2 were
partitioned by the variable state. Officers from; Illinois, Texas, Michigan, Tennessee,
Pennsylvania, Oklahoma, and Alabama lost their job in 37.4% of the cases. Officers from Ohio,
Indiana, California, New York, Louisiana, Wisconsin, New Jersey, Kentucky, Washington,
Arkansas, Oregon, Mississippi, Alaska, and Hawaii lost their job in 18.4% of the cases. The tree
also included the following variables in tiers three though five: age (categorical) and state.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
139
The data set includes 739 cases in which sworn law enforcement officers were arrested
for drug-related crimes during the time period January 1, 2005, through December 31, 2011.
The drug-related arrest cases involve 665 individual sworn officers employed by 432 nonfederal
state, local, special, constable, and tribal law enforcement agencies located in 323 counties and
independent cities in 45 states and the District of Columbia (all except Alaska, Maine, Montana,
North Dakota, and Vermont). Of these, 44 (6.6%) of the arrested officers have more than one
case ( X = 1.11, Mdn = 1.00, Mode = 1, SD = .724) because they have more than one victim
(one criminal case per crime victim) and/or were arrested for a drug-related crime on more than
one occasion.
The majority of drug-related arrest cases involved an officer who is known to have
ultimately lost their job (n = 520, 70.4%) as a sworn law enforcement officer as a result of being
arrested. The known final employment outcomes in the drug-related cases include those in
which there was no known adverse employment action (n = 64, 8.7%), where the officer was
suspended (n = 155, 21.0%) for a period of time, where the officer was separated through
voluntary resignation (n = 220, 29.8%), and those cases where the officer was separated through
crime arrest cases resulted in a criminal conviction against the arrested officer (n = 485, 65.6%)
Officers Arrested for Drug-related Police Crime, Offenses Charged & Employing Agencies
Table 50 presents information on the drug-related arrest cases in terms of the arrested
officers and their employing nonfederal law enforcement agencies. Most of the drug-related
cases involve male officers (n = 701, 94.9%). The modal category for known officer age at time
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
140
of arrest is 36-39 years of age (n = 136, 18.4%). The youngest officer was age 20 at time of
arrest, and the oldest officer was 76 years old ( X age = 37.18, Mdn age = 36, Mode age = 28,
SD = 8.182 years). The modal category for known years of service at time of arrest is three to
five years (n = 116, 15.7%). Most of the drug-related arrest cases involve sworn officers
employed in patrol or street-level rank including nonsupervisory officers, deputies, troopers, and
detectives (n = 629, 85.1%). Other drug-related cases involve arrested line and field supervisors
(n = 74, 10.0%) (i.e., corporals, sergeants, and lieutenants), as well as police executives and
managers (n = 36, 4.9%) (i.e., captains, majors, deputy chiefs and chief deputies, and chiefs and
sheriffs). Well over half of the drug-related arrest cases involve crimes that were committed
while on-duty (n = 444, 60.1%) working in official capacity as a sworn officer. Many of the
drug-related cases (n = 527, 71.3%) involve an officer who was arrested by a law enforcement
agency other than the arrested officer’s employing nonfederal law enforcement agency.
Most of the drug-related arrest cases involve sworn officers employed by municipal
police departments (n = 527, 71.3%) or sheriff’s offices (n = 139, 18.8%). Officers arrested for
drug-related crimes were also employed by primary state police agencies (n = 23, 3.1%), county
police departments (n = 25, 3.4%), special law enforcement agencies (n = 20, 2.7%), constable
agencies (n = 4, 0.5%), and a tribal police department (n = 1, 0.1%). The modal category for
agency size by number of sworn officers employed is 1,000 or more full-time sworn officers (n =
236, 31.9%) and zero part-time sworn officers (n = 551, 74.6%). Most of the officers arrested in
drug-related criminal cases were employed by a law enforcement agency located in a nonrural
metropolitan county or independent city (n = 611, 82.7%). The employing law enforcement
agencies are located throughout the United States, including in the Southern states (n = 346,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
141
46.8%), Northeastern states (n = 154, 20.8%), Midwestern states (n = 145, 19.6%), and Western
Table 51 presents the drug-related cases in terms of the most serious offense charged.
There are 37 separate offense categories represented as the most serious offense charged in drug-
related police crime arrest cases during the years 2005-2011. Most common in the drug-related
cases as the most serious offense charged are drug offenses (n = 308, 41.7%), robbery (n = 60,
8.1%), driving under the influence (n = 38, 5.1%), unclassified theft/larceny offenses (n = 33,
4.5%), theft from a building (n = 28, 3.8%), and burglary (n = 26, 3.5%).
Specific Drugs and Classes of Drugs in the Drug-related Police Crime Arrest Cases
Table 52 presents information on the specific drugs as well as classes of drugs in the
drug-related police crime arrest cases from years 2005-2011. In some cases it was not possible
to determine specific drugs, or even classes of drugs, involved in the criminal behavior resulting
in an officer’s arrest for a drug-related crime. All classes of commonly abused drugs are found,
except inhalants, in the drug-related police crime arrest cases, including stimulants (n = 308,
41.7%), narcotics, (n = 197, 26.7%), cannabis (n = 177, 24.0%), depressants (n = 45, 6.1%),
anabolic steroids (n = 44, 5.9%), and hallucinogens (n = 23, 3.1%). Some of the drug-related
arrest cases involve two classes of drugs (n = 105, 14.2%), three classes of drugs (n = 22, 3.0%),
Twenty specific drugs were mentioned in the case article narratives and/or court records
of drug-related arrest cases analyzed in the current study. The most common drugs in these
cases are cocaine (n = 233, 31.5%), marijuana (n = 177, 24.0%), oxycodone (n = 89, 12.0%),
hydrocodone (n = 69, 9.3%), crack (n = 58, 7.8%), amphetamine and methamphetamine (n = 53,
7.2%), heroin (n = 50, 6.8%), unclassified narcotics (n = 29, 3.9%), anabolic steroids not
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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142
(n = 19, 2.6%), and testosterone (n = 17, 2.3%). Some of the drug-related arrest cases involve
four or more specific drugs (n = 22, 3.0%), three specific drugs (n = 35, 4.7%), two specific
drugs (n = 136, 18.4%), or one specific drug (n = 415, 56.2%). In some drug-related cases it was
Victim characteristics in drug-related police crime arrest cases in years 2005-2011 are
presented in Table 53. Victim information was not ascertainable in many of the drug-related
police crime arrest cases. As such, missing data limits the findings as to victims of the drug-
related cases. Over half of the known victims of drug-related police crime are male (n = 57,
52.3%). The modal category for known victim age is 20-24 (n = 8). Most of the known victims
were adults (n = 129, 90.2%) and almost none of the victims of drug-related police crime were
also known to be police officers (n = 4, 2.9%). The relationship of the victim and the arrested
officer could not be determined in most of the drug-related arrest cases (n = 601, 81.3%). Of
known victims, most are strangers or nonstranger acquaintances (n = 112, 81.2%) to the arrested
officer.
Table 54 presents patterns of drug-related corruption in police crime arrest cases during
the years 2005-2011. The arrested officers were charged with drug-related crimes that involved
a variety of recognized patterns of drug corruption, including drug trafficking (n = 299, 40.5%),
personal use of drugs (n = 235, 31.8%), crimes that facilitate the drug trade (n = 172, 23.3%),
drug-related shakedowns and thefts (n = 171, 23.1%), drug thefts from police evidence rooms (n
= 60, 8.1%), drug-related falsification (n = 58, 7.8%), forged prescriptions (n = 33, 4.5%),
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143
planting evidence (n = 33, 4.5%), and crimes that involve sexually-motivated drug corruption (n
= 25, 3.4%). Drug-related shakedowns included thefts from street-level drug dealers (n = 75),
thefts during warrantless searches (n = 69), thefts during traffic stops of cars and from drug
couriers (n = 58), off-duty robberies (n = 35), illegitimate raids and searches (n = 33), and
shakedowns and thefts during dispatched calls for service (n = 16). Some of the drug-related
police crime arrest cases did not involve any patterns of drug corruption (n = 59, 8.0%). The
largest number of the drug-related cases included one pattern (n = 316, 42.8%) or two patterns (n
= 192, 26.0%) of drug corruption. A smaller percentage of the cases involved three patterns (n =
72, 9.7%), four patterns (n = 56, 7.6%), or five or more patterns (n = 44, 5.9%) of drug
Some of the drug-related police crime arrest cases also involved other types of police
crime, including those that are also profit-motivated (n = 438, 59.3%), violence-related (n = 132,
17.9%), alcohol-related (n = 38, 5.1%), and/or sex-related (n = 37, 5.0%). Many of the drug-
related police crime arrest cases also involve at least one other type of police crime (n = 513,
69.4%).
CART procedures were utilized to identify the causal pathways between the statistically
significant variables to create classification estimates for six of the most prevalent forms of
misconduct including drug trafficking, the three most prevalent types of theft/shakedown, drug
use, and facilitation of the drug trade. Cocaine was the strongest predictor for three of the six
decision trees where specific drugs were the independent variables. The CART analysis also
identified numerous other drugs that all significantly contributed to classification estimates
beyond the splitting criterion. The following drugs were represented in nodes below the splitting
criterion: hydrocodone, heroin, marijuana, crack, anabolic steroids (other than testosterone),
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144
phencyclidine and analogs, oxycodone, and cocaine. The CART models presented in Table 55
had varying levels of predictive power AUC of .685 to .792. The models that examined drug
trafficking and facilitation of the drug trade had poor predictive power. In contrast, the models
that examined various forms of theft/shakedown had the highest levels of predictive power. The
tree predicting theft/shakedowns of street level dealers had the highest predictive power (AUC =
therefore, was selected as the splitting criterion for the data. The remaining branches of the tree
were based on the responses to the splitting criterion. Marijuana and heroin were statistically
A second set of decision tree analyses predicted the various patterns of corruption using
drug classes instead of specific drugs is also presented in Table 55. Stimulants were selected as
the splitting criterion, and were the strongest predictor for facilitation of the drug trade, drug
trafficking, and shakedowns and thefts from car stops and drug couriers. Narcotics were the
strongest predictor for drug use. Cannabis were the strong predictor for shakedowns and thefts
from warrantless searches/seizures and street level dealers. CART trees that utilized drug classes
as predictors had a large range of predicted power. The tree predicting facilitation of the drug
trade had a low AUC score of .654, suggesting that the tree is barely able to predict 50% of the
cases correctly. The trees predicting the specific types of shakedowns each have AUC scores
that exceed 0.75. The strongest tree predicted thefts/shakedowns from street-level dealers based
on cannabis as the strongest predictor and splitting variable (AUC = .755, 95% CI [.697, .814],
2
RROC = .510).
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145
The regression models in this section predict criminal conviction on one or more offenses
charged in drug-related police crime arrest cases versus nonconviction on any offense.
Conviction data are available on approximately three-fourths of the drug-related cases (n = 562,
76.0%). Of those, most of the officers arrested in a drug-related case were convicted (n = 485,
valid 86.3%) on at least one criminal offense charged in the case. Bivariate Chi-Square
associations are statistically significant at the p < .05 level for 28 independent variables and the
dependent variable, conviction on any offense charged. See Table 56. There are four bivariate
moderate associations as indicated by the Cramer’s V scores for the statistically significant Chi-
Square statistics. They are victim relationship to the arrested officer, where χ2 (6, N = 129) =
15.398, p = .017, V = .345; the state where the arrested officer’s employing agency is located,
where χ2 (43, N = 562) = 65.220, p = .016, V = .341; the number of years difference in age
between the arrested officer’s age at time of arrest and the age of their victim, where χ2 (25, N =
562) = 63.847, p < .001, V = .337; and, the age of the victim (in a categorical age recoded
conviction in drug-related police crime arrest cases. Bivariate correlations computed for each of
the independent variables in the logistic regression model revealed that none of the variables
were highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem as indicated by no
tolerance scores below .928 and no variance inflation factors above 1.077. Autocorrelation is
also not a problem as indicated by a Durbin-Watson score of 1.799. Logistic regression results
indicate that the overall model of five predictors is statistically reliable in distinguishing between
conviction in drug-related police crime arrest cases and nonconviction in drug-related police
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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146
crime arrest cases. The model correctly classified 85.3% of the cases (AUC = .849, 95% CI
binary logistic regression model significantly predict conviction in drug-related police crime
arrest cases.
Odds ratio interpretations provide context for prediction of conviction on one or more
criminal offenses charged in drug-related police crime arrest cases. The simple odds of
conviction are 3.5 times greater if the officer ultimately loses their job as a sworn law
enforcement officer subsequent to an arrest for a drug-related crime. Conversely, the simple
odds of conviction decrease by 87.3% if the officer was suspended from their job as a sworn law
enforcement officer after being arrested in a drug-related criminal case. If an officer is charged
with obstruction of justice in a drug-related criminal case, the simple odds of conviction decrease
The relationship of the victim in a drug-related police crime arrest case also impacts on
whether an arrested officer will be convicted of at least one criminal offense charged in the case.
The simple odds of conviction increase by 60.1% for every one step increase in our categorical
variable of victim relationship. In that eight-category variable, 1 = victim is current spouse of the
arrested officer, and 8 = stranger or nonstranger acquaintance to the arrested officer. Thus, an
officer is more likely to be convicted in a drug-related police crime arrest case the more distant
the relationship is between the arrested officer and their victim in a drug-related crime. The
simple odds of conviction decrease by 9.1% for every one step increase in the categorical age of
the victim in a drug-related police crime arrest case. That is to say, generally, as victim age goes
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147
up, the likelihood of conviction of one or more criminal offenses charged in a drug-related police
Figure 20 presents the results of predicting conviction and included a total of 562 arrest
cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 86.3% (AUC = .760, 95% CI [.703, .816],
2
RROC = .520) and selected the variable officer was suspended as the splitting criterion. Officers
who had been previously suspended (node 1) were convicted in 80.9% of the cases. In contrast,
officers who were not previously suspended (node 2) were convicted in 48.9% of the cases. The
officers who had been previously suspended in node 1 were partitioned by the variable job loss.
Officers who lost their job were convicted in 85.7% of the cases and officers who did not lose
their job were suspended in only in 67.9% of the cases. The officers who had not been
previously suspended in node 2 were partitioned by the variable profit-motivated police crime
versus other crime. Officers who were involved in a profit-motivated case were convicted in
96.4% of the cases and officers who were not involved in a profit-motivated case were convicted
in 86.1% of cases. The tree also included the following variables in tiers two through four:
stimulants, arresting agency, drug/narcotic violation, and drugs: selling, dealing, or trafficking.
In this section, the models predict job loss in the drug-related police crime arrest cases.
More than two-thirds of drug-related arrest cases are known to have resulted in the arrested
officer losing his or her job (n = 520, 70.4%) as a sworn law enforcement officer subsequent to
being arrested. Chi-Square bivariate associations are statistically significant at the p < .05 level
for 41 independent variables and the dependent variable, job loss. See Table 58. The strength of
the statistically significant bivariate association is, however, weak in 38 of the 41 predictors.
There is a moderate association that is statistically significant between job loss and officer’s age
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148
at time of arrest, where χ2 (45, N = 739) = 62.818, p = .041, V = .303; year of officer’s arrest
(during the study period of officers who were arrested during the years 2005 through 2011),
where χ2 (6, N = 739) = 56.885, p < .001, V = .277; and, difference in years between the age of
the arrested officer at time of arrest and the age of the victim in a drug-related police crime arrest
Table 59 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting job
loss subsequent to an officer’s arrest for a drug-related crime. Bivariate correlations computed
for each of the independent variables in the logistic regression model revealed that none of the
variables in the model were highly correlated with each other. None of the tolerance statistics
are below .892, and none of the variance inflation factors are higher than 1.121, indicating that
multicollinearity is not a problem. The Durbin-Watson score of 1.791 indicates that there is no
autocorrelation in the model. Logistic regression results indicate that the multivariate model of
nine predictors is statistically reliable in distinguishing between officers who kept their job after
being arrested for a drug-related crime and officers who lost their jobs after being arrested
through either involuntary termination or voluntary resignation. The model correctly classified
all of the independent variables in the model significantly predict whether an officer lost or kept
their job as a sworn law enforcement officer after being arrested for a drug-related police crime.
Predictors of the final adverse employment outcomes in the drug-related police crime
arrest cases are aided by interpretation of the odds ratios. Five of the independent variables
predict when an officer is more likely to lose his or her job as a sworn law enforcement officer
after being arrested for a drug-related crime. The simple odds of job loss are 5.6 times greater if
the arrested officer has been sued (at some point during their law enforcement career) in a state
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
149
court for civil rights violations and the civil action was removed from state court to a federal
district court pursuant to 28 U.S.C. §1441 because the lawsuit raised a federal question. These
are cases where a cause of action arose under 42 U.S.C. §1983 (civil action for deprivation of
civil rights under the color of law) that were originally filed in a state trial court and later
removed by defense counsel to a United States District Court because the claim involves a
federal statute or constitutional tort. Almost one-third of the drug-related police crime arrest
cases (n = 232, 31.4%) involve an officer who has been sued in federal court pursuant to 42
U.S.C. §1983 at some point during their police career. The class of drug involved in the arrest
case also impacts on the final adverse employment outcome (job loss). The simple odds of job
loss are almost 3.3 times greater if the drug-related police crime arrest case involved a narcotic.
Also, the level of rurality in the location of the arrested officer’s employer predicts job loss. The
simple odds of job loss after being arrested for a drug-related police crime are approximately 1.6
times greater if the employing law enforcement agency is located in a nonmetropolitan (that is,
Four of the independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when an officer
is more likely to keep his or her job subsequent to being arrested for a drug-related police crime.
The simple odds of job loss decrease by 73.8% if the drug-related crime is also alcohol-related.
Certain crimes predict a decrease in likelihood of job loss following an officer’s arrest for a drug-
related crime. The simple odds of job loss decrease by 82.1% if the officer is charged with
counterfeiting and/or forgery offenses. Similarly, the simple odds of job loss decrease by 69.4%
if the drug-related police crime case includes an allegation of falsification by the arrested officer.
If the arrested officer’s chief is under scrutiny as a result of the drug-related police crime case,
then the simple odds of job loss for the arrested officer go down by 62.8%.
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150
Figure 21 presents the results of predicting job loss and included a total of 739 arrest
cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 71.3% (AUC = .733, 95% CI [.695, .770],
2
RROC = .466) and selected the variable year of arrest as the splitting criterion. Officers who were
arrested before the year 2007 (node 1) lost their job in 54.0% of the cases. In contrast, officers
who were arrested after 2007 (node 2) lost their job in 78.7% of the cases. The officers arrested
prior to the year 2007 in node 1 were not partitioned by any variable. The officers arrested after
the year 2007 in node 2 were partitioned by the variable criminal conviction. Officers who were
convicted lost their jobs in 81.1% of the cases and officers who were not convicted lost their job
in 57.4% of cases. The tree also included the following variables in tiers three through six:
profit-motivated crime versus other crime type, officer was suspended for a period of time, year
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151
There are 3,328 cases in the data set where nonfederal sworn law enforcement officers
were arrested for violence-related crimes during the years 2005-2011. The violence-related
arrest cases involve 2,586 individual officers employed by 1,445 nonfederal state, local, special,
constable, tribal, and regional law enforcement agencies located in 805 counties and independent
cities in 49 states (all except Wyoming) and the District of Columbia. Of those, 407 of the
arrested officers had more than one case ( X = 1.29, Mdn = 1.00, Mode = 1, SD = 1.044),
because they had more than one victim (one criminal case per victim) and/or were arrested for a
violence-related crime on more than one occasion during the study period years of 2005-2011.
More than half of the violence-related arrest cases involve an officer who is known to
have lost his or her job (n = 1,748, 52.5%) subsequent to being arrested. The known final
employment outcomes in the violence-related arrest cases include those in which there was no
known adverse employment action taken against the arrested officer (n = 419, 12.6%), cases
resulting in the arrested officer being suspended from his or her job for a period of time (n =
1,161, 34.9%), cases in which the arrested officer was separated through voluntary resignation (n
= 767, 23.0%), and cases in which the arrested officer was separated through involuntary
termination of employment (n = 981, 29.5%). Less than half of the violence-related arrest cases
are known to have resulted in criminal conviction of the arrested officer (n = 1,316, 39.5%) on at
least one criminal offense, although the conviction rate is higher (66.3%) in the cases where the
Included in the violence-related police crime cases are a subset of 961 officer-involved
domestic violence arrest cases. The officer-involved domestic violence cases involve 849
individual officers employed by 604 nonfederal state, local, special, tribal, and regional law
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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152
enforcement agencies located in 436 counties and independent cities in 49 states (all except
Wyoming) and the District of Columbia. Of these, 89 of the arrested officer had more than one
officer-involved domestic violence arrest case ( X = 1.13, Mdn = 1.00, Mode = 1, SD = .449),
because they had more than one victim and/or were arrested for a crime involving officer-
involved domestic violence (while still employed as a sworn law enforcement officer) on more
Just over one-third of the officer-involved domestic violence arrest cases involve an
officer known to have lost his or her job (n = 360, 37.5%) as a sworn law enforcement officer
after being arrested. The known final employment outcomes in the officer-involved domestic
violence arrest cases include those in which there was no known adverse employment action
taken against the arrested officer (n = 148, 15.4%), cases that resulted in the arrested officer
being suspended from his or her job for a period of time (n = 453, 47.1%), cases in which the
arrested officer was separated from his or her employing law enforcement agency through
voluntary resignation (n = 150, 15.6%), and cases in which the arrested officer was separated
Officers Arrested for Violence-related Police Crime, Offenses Charged & Employers
Table 60 presents information on the violence-related police crime arrest cases in terms
of the arrested officers and their employing law enforcement agencies. Most of the violence-
related cases involve male officers (n = 3,194, 96.0%) who were arrested. The youngest officer
arrested for a violence-related crime was age 19 at time of arrest, and the oldest officer was 74
years old ( X age = 36.00, Mdn age = 36.00, Mode age = 35, SD = 8.232 years). Most of the
nonsupervisory positions (n = 2,797, 84.0%). Less than two-thirds of the violence-related police
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153
crime arrest cases involved crimes committed while the officer was off-duty (n = 2,155, 64.8%).
Similarly, less than two-thirds of the violence-related arrest cases involve arrests effectuated by
some other law enforcement agency (n = 2,100, 63.1%) and were not arrested by representatives
Most of the violence-related police crime arrest cases involved officers employed by
municipal police departments (n = 2,504, 75.2%) or sheriff’s offices (n = 523, 15.7%). Officers
arrested for violence-related crimes were also employed by primary state police agencies (n =
118, 3.5%), county police departments (n = 90, 2.7%), special police departments (n = 77, 2.3%),
department (n = 1, 0.0%). The modal category for agency size by number of full-time sworn
personnel is 1,000 or more sworn officers (n = 987, 29.7). Most of the employing law
2,880, 86.5%). The agencies employing officers arrested for violence-related police crime are
located throughout the United States, including in Southern states (n = 1,386, 41.6%),
Northeastern states (n = 715, 21.5%), Midwestern states (n = 664, 20.0%), and Western states (n
= 563, 16.9%).
Table 61 presents the violence-related police crime arrest cases in terms of the most
serious offense charged. There are 40 separate criminal offense categories representing the most
serious offense charged in each of the violence-related cases during the years 2005-2011. Most
common offenses are simple assault (n = 870, 26.4%), aggravated assault (n = 570, 17.1%),
forcible fondling (n = 352, 10.6%), forcible rape (n = 322, 9.7%), intimidation and harassment (n
= 200, 6.0%), murder and nonnegligent manslaughter (n = 104, 3.1%), unclassified offenses (n =
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154
99, 3.0%), forcible sodomy (n = 94, 2.8%), robbery (n = 92, 2.8%), and criminal deprivation of
during the years 2005-2011. More than half of the cases involve a crime victim who is female (n
= 1,841, 55.3%, known 62.1%). Most of the victims are adults (n = 2,416, 72.6%, known
78.1%) and are not law enforcement officers (n = 2,912, 87.5%, known 93.8%). Slightly more
than half of the victims are strangers or nonstranger acquaintances (n = 1,668, 50.1%, valid
54.3%) to the officer who was arrested. Some of the victims of violence-related police crime
arrest cases were family members of the arrested officer, including current spouse (n = 336,
10.1%), former spouse (n = 59, 1.8%), child or stepchild (n = 159, 4.8%), or some other relative
(n = 84, 2.5%). Other victims include a child unrelated to the arrested officer (n = 451, 13.6%),
current girlfriend or boyfriend (n = 195, 5.9%) and former girlfriend or boyfriend (n = 118,
3.5%).
In this section the regression models predict conviction in violence-related police crime
arrest cases. Bivariate Chi-Square associations presented in Table 63 are statistically significant
at p < .05 for 75 independent variables and the dependent variable, conviction on any offense
charged. Five of the bivariate associations are of moderate strength as indicated by the Cramer’s
V score, including job loss, where χ2 (1, N = 1,984) = 254.985, p < .001, V = .358; victim age,
where χ2 (73, N = 962) = 96.014, p = .037, V = .316; the State in which the arrested officer’s
employing law enforcement agency is located, where χ2 (49, N = 1,984) = 98.550, p < .001, V =
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155
.223; sex-related, where χ2 (1, N = 1,984) = 85.756, p < .001, V = .208; and, the relationship of
the victim to the arrested officer, where χ2 (7, N = 1,855) = 77.089, p < .001, V = .204.
for each of the independent variables in the model revealed that none of the variables were
highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem as indicated by no tolerance
scores below .779 and no variance inflation factors above 1.285. The Durbin-Watson score of
1.748 indicates that autocorrelation is not a problem. Logistic regression results indicate that the
overall model of ten predictors is statistically reliable in distinguishing between conviction and
nonconviction in violence-related police crime arrest cases. The binary logistic regression model
correctly classified 77.1% of the cases (AUC = .741, 95% CI [.718, .764], RROC
2
= .482). Wald
statistics indicate that all of the independent variables in the model significantly predict criminal
Interpretation of the odds ratios in the logistic regression model provide context for
prediction of conviction in violence-related police crime arrest cases. Nine of the independent
variables in the regression model predict when conviction is more likely to occur when an officer
was charged with one or more violence-related criminal offenses. The serious nature of the
crimes for which officers were arrested impacts on criminal conviction. The simple odds of
conviction are more than 11 times greater if the arrested officer was charged with either burglary
or driving under the influence while driving a personally-owned vehicle. Similarly, the simple
odds of conviction are eight times greater if the officer was arrested for pornography or obscene
material. The simple odds of conviction in violence-related police crime arrest cases are 2.9
times greater if the officer was arrested for criminal deprivation of civil rights, and 1.7 times
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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156
greater if the arrested officer was charged with forcible sodomy. If the violence-related crime for
which an officer was arrested is also sex-related, then the simple odds of conviction are 87%
more likely than if the crime was not sex-related. Also, the level of an officer’s experience as a
sworn law enforcement officer predicts conviction because it is a factor considered by the courts
4.9% for every one unit categorical (three year) increase in years of service as a sworn officer at
time of the officer’s arrest. The simple odds of conviction in violence-related police crime arrest
cases are 6.3 times greater if the underlying incident was officer-involved domestic violence
resulting in fatal injuries to the victim. As with most other prediction models in this study, job
loss predicts criminal conviction, as the simple odds of conviction in violence-related police
crime arrest cases is 4.5 times greater if the officer ultimately lost his or her job as a sworn law
enforcement officer after being arrested. There is one independent variable in the logistic
regression model that predicts when the odds of criminal conviction decrease; the simple odds of
conviction in violence-related cases decrease by 8.3% for every one categorical unit increase in
the number of full-time sworn personnel employed by the arrested officer’s employing law
enforcement agency. The odds of conviction in violence-related police crime arrest cases go
down as the size of the arrested officer’s employing agency goes up.
Figure 22 presents the results of predicting conviction and included a total of 654 police
officers. The tree had an overall classification score of 76.8% (AUC = .721, 95% CI [.673,
.768], RROC
2
= .442) and selected the variable victim’s relationship to the offender as the splitting
criterion. Cases that involved victims who were a stranger or nonstranger acquaintance,
offender resulted in a conviction in 77.5% of the cases. In contrast, cases that involved victims
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
157
who were a current spouse, current boyfriend or girlfriend, or some other relative of the offender
(node 2) resulted in a conviction in 54.7% of the cases. Cases in node 1 were further partitioned
by the variable job loss. Officers who lost their job were convicted in 83% of the cases and
officers who did not lose their job were convicted in only in 71.3% of the cases. Cases in node 2
were not partitioned further. The tree also included the following variables in tiers two through
The next set of regression models predict job loss in violence-related police crime arrest
cases. Chi-Square bivariate associations presented in Table 65 are statistically significant at p <
.05 for 90 independent variables and the dependent variable, job loss. The strength of the
statistically significant bivariate associations is moderate for each of 8 independent variables and
job loss: conviction, where χ2 (1, N = 1,984) = 254.985, p < .001, V = .358; sex-related, where χ2
(1, N = 3,328) = 284.771, p < .001, V = .293; victim age, where χ2 (76, N = 1,463) = 100.641, p =
.031, V = .224; victim’s relationship to the arrested officer, where χ2 (7, N = 3,070) = 153.358, p
< .001, V = 224; police sexual violence, where χ2 (1, N = 3.328) = 151.504, p < .001, V = .213;
Year of arrest, where χ2 (49, N = 3,328) = 151.504, p < .001, V = .210; the difference in years
from the age of the arrested officer to the age of the victim, where χ2 (99, N = 3,328) = 140.586,
p = .004, V = 206; and, forcible fondling, where χ2 (1, N = 3,328) = 137.226, p < .001, V = .203.
Table 66 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting job
loss as a final adverse employment action against an officer after being arrested for a violence-
related crime. Bivariate correlations for each of the independent variables in the model indicate
that none of the variables are highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a
problem as indicated by no tolerance scores below .572 and no variance inflation factors above
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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158
Logistic regression results indicate that the overall model of eleven predictors is statistically
reliable in distinguishing between officers who kept their job after being arrested and officers
who lost their job after being arrested in a violence-related arrest case. Wald statistics indicate
that all of the independent variables in the model significantly predict job loss in violence-related
cases. The binary logistic regression model correctly classified 79.5% of the cases (AUC = .768,
Context for prediction of job loss in violence-related police crime arrest cases is provided
through interpretation of the odds ratios. Five of the independent variables in the logistic
regression model predict when an officer is more likely to lose his or her job as a sworn law
enforcement officer after being arrested for a violence-related criminal offense. The year of the
arrest (within the time period years, 2005-2011) predicts job loss, but this is likely an artifact of
the data and potentially resulting from one of several threats to internal validity. The simple
odds of job loss are 2.8 times greater if the violence-related crime for which the officer was
arrested involved police sexual violence. The relationship of the arrested officer to his or her
victim in violence-related police crime arrest cases predicts job loss, as the simple odds of job
loss increase by 24.4% for every one unit categorical increase on the eight-point scale of victim
that variable (V85 on the coding instrument) the categories are 1 = victim is current spouse, 2 =
an unrelated child, and 8 = victim is a stranger or nonstranger acquaintance. As for most of the
other prediction models in this study, conviction predicts job loss and job loss predicts
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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159
conviction. Here, the simple odds of job loss are 6 times greater in violence-related cases if the
arrested officer is ultimately convicted in criminal court of at least one of the offenses charged
against the officer. Some of the officers in the current study who were arrested were also named
as a party-defendant in one or more federal court civil actions alleging civil rights violations at
some point during an officer’s career as a sworn law enforcement officer. In this model, the
simple odds of job loss in violence-related arrest cases are 2.4 times greater if the arrested officer
was sued (at some point during the officer’s law enforcement career) in a state court civil action
that was removed to a United States District Court pursuant to 28 U.S.C. §1441.
Six of the independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when job loss is
less likely to occur in violence-related police crime arrest cases. As age goes up, the likelihood
of job loss goes down: the simple odds of job loss go down by 10% for every one categorical
unit (3 year) increase in the age of the officer at time of his or her arrest for a violence-related
crime. The officer’s status at time of committing the crime for which he or she was arrested also
predicts job loss. The simple odds of job loss decrease by 48.9% if the officer was acting in his
or her official capacity as a sworn law enforcement officer when he or she committed the
violence-related crime for which the officer was arrested. The employing agency’s response also
predicts, in terms of adverse employment actions short of job loss after an officer’s arrest, when
job loss is unlikely. The simple odds of job loss decrease by 70.6% if an officer was reassigned
to another position within the agency after being arrested for a violence-related crime. Similarly,
the simple odds of job loss decrease by 76.8% if an officer was suspended from his or her job for
a period of time after being arrested for a violence-related crime. Interestingly, the simple odds
of job loss go down by 94.2% if the violence-related arrest case also involved the drug cannabis.
The sex of the victim in a violence-related police crime arrest case also predicts job loss, as the
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160
simple odds of job loss in a violence-related case goes down by 43.6% if the victim is male (and
not a female). Conversely stated, job loss subsequent to an arrest for a violence-related police
crime is more likely if the crime victim is a woman or girl than a man or boy.
Figure 23 presents the results of predicting job loss and included a total of 3,328 cases.
The tree had an overall classification score of 68.5% (AUC = .756, 95% CI [.740, .772], RROC
2
=
.512) and selected the variable criminal conviction as the splitting criterion. Officers who were
convicted (node 1) lost their job in 55.6% of the cases. In contrast, officers who were not
convicted (node 2) lost their job in 41.7% of the cases. The officers who were convicted in node
1 were partitioned by the variable sex-related police crime versus other crime type. Officers
arrested in a sex-related case lost their job in 75.1% of the cases and officers arrested for crimes
that were not sex-related lost their job in 45.4% of the cases. The officers who were not
convicted in node 2 were partitioned by the variable sex-related versus other crime type. Here,
officers arrested for a sex-related case lost their job in 68.1% of the cases and officers arrested
for crimes that were not sex-related lost their job in 34.1% of the cases. The tree also included
the following variables in tiers three through five: year, officer was suspended for a brief period
of time, 42 U.S.C. §1983 civil defendant, duty status, simple assault, victim age categorical, age
violence arrest cases. Bivariate Chi-Square associations presented in Table 67 are statistically
significant at p < .05 for 26 independent variables and the dependent variable, conviction on any
offense charged. There was a strong bivariate association between conviction and the State in
which the arrested officer’s employing law enforcement agency is located, where χ2 (46, N =
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
161
497) = 80.273, p = .001, V = .402. There was a moderate bivariate association between
conviction and each of the following independent variables: job loss, where χ2 (1, N = 497) =
62.928, p < .001, V = .356; sex-related, where χ2 (1, N = 497) = 34.222, p < .001, V = .356;
simple assault, where χ2 (1, N = 497) = 29.509, p < .001, V = .244; victim age (categorical),
where χ2 (9, N = 497) = 28.296, p = .001, V = .239; victim’s relationship to the arrested officer,
where χ2 (7, N = 480) = 27.127, p < .001, V = .238; geographic division, where χ2 (8, N = 497) =
24.938, p = .002, V = .224; and, forcible fondling, where χ2 (1, N = 497) = 24.159, p < .001, V =
.220.
for each of the independent variables in the model revealed that none of the variables were
highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem as indicated by no tolerance
scores below .775 and no variance inflation factors above 1.290. Autocorrelation is not a
that the overall model of ten predictors is statistically reliable in distinguishing between criminal
conviction and nonconviction in officer-involved domestic violence arrest cases. Wald statistics
indicate that all of the independent variables in the model significantly predict conviction in
officer-involved domestic violence arrest cases. The logistic regression model correctly
classified 76.9% of the cases (AUC = .820, 95% CI [.782, .858], RROC
2
= .640).
Interpretation of the odds ratios provides context for prediction of conviction on at least
one criminal offense charged against an officer in officer-involved domestic violence arrest
cases. Eight of the independent variables in the model predict when an officer is more likely to
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
162
cases demonstrate that the criminal courts are not willing to tolerate certain things from officers
who are arrested. The simple odds of conviction in an officer-involved domestic violence arrest
case are 18.1 times greater if the officer was charged with the offense of obstruction of justice.
Similarly, the simple odds of conviction are 7.8 times greater in officer-involved domestic
violence arrest cases if the officer was charged with vandalism (e.g., destruction of property,
criminal mischief). The simple odds of conviction are 3.6 times greater in cases involving
officer-involved domestic violence if the incident is also sex-related. The victim’s relationship
to the arrested officer in officer-involved domestic violence arrest cases also predicts conviction.
The simple odds of conviction increase by 14.2% for every one unit categorical increase on the
eight-point scale of victim relationship. The interpretation of victim relationship can be better
There are several variables specific to cases involving officer-involved domestic violence
that predict the odds of criminal conviction. First, the simple odds of conviction are 1.2 times
greater if the officer uses or threatens to use a personally-owned gun. Second, the simple odds of
conviction are 3.7 times greater if the arrested officer violated a domestic order of protection.
Third, the simple odds of conviction are 6.7 times greater if the victim of the officer-involved
domestic violence is fatally injured as a result of the crime for which the officer was arrested.
Conversely, the simple odds of conviction decrease by 44.4% if the victim of an officer-involved
domestic violence arrest case is injured (nonfatal injuries). Once again, in this model job loss
predicts conviction. The simple odds of conviction are three times greater if the arrested officer
ultimately loses his or her job in the aftermath of being arrested in a case of officer-involved
domestic violence. Lastly, the location geographically predicts the criminal case disposition in
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
163
interpretation of the odds ratio for geographic region within the United States, and the regression
tree analysis in the next paragraph provides context for interpretation of geographic location.
Figure 24 presents the results of predicting conviction and included a total of 499 arrest
cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 73.9% (AUC = .781, 95% CI [.741, .822],
2
RROC = .562) and selected the variable job lost as the splitting criterion. Officers who had not lost
their job (node 1) were convicted in 36.2% of the cases. In contrast, officers who lost their job
(node 2) were convicted in 71.5% of the cases. Cases in node 1 were further partitioned by the
variable year of arrest. Officers who were arrested during years 2005-2006 were convicted in
63.5% of the cases and officers who were arrested in years 2007-2011 were convicted in 26% of
the cases. Cases in node 2 were further separated by the variable geographic division. Cases
from the East North Central, West North Central, and Middle Atlantic divisions of the United
States had convictions in 85% of the cases. In contrast, cases from the Pacific, East South
Central, South Atlantic, West South Central, New England, and Mountain divisions of the
country had convictions in 62.5% of the cases. The tree also included the following variables in
The set of regression models in this section predict job loss in officer-involved domestic
violence arrest cases. Chi-Square bivariate associations presented in Table 69 are statistically
significant at p < .05 for 40 independent variables and the dependent variable, job loss. The
strength of the statistically significant bivariate associations is moderate for each of six
independent variables and job loss: criminal conviction, where χ2 (1, N = 497) = 62.928, p <
.001, V = .356; the difference in years between the age of the arrested officer and the age of the
victim, where χ2 (65, N = 961) = 85.555, p = .045, V = .298; the State in which the arrested
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
164
officer’s employing law enforcement agency was located, where χ2 (49, N = 961) = 81.166, p =
.003, V = .291; sex-related, where χ2 (1, N = 961) = 51.384, p < .001, V = .231; year of arrest,
where χ2 (6, N = 961) = 41.162, p < .001, V = .207; and, forcible fondling, where χ2 (1, N = 961)
Table 70 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting job
loss as a final adverse employment action against an officer after being arrested for an offense
relating to officer-involved domestic violence. Bivariate correlations for each of the independent
variables in the model indicate that none of the variables are highly correlated with each other.
Multicollinearity is not a problem as indicated by no tolerance scores below .883 and no variance
score of 1.941. Logistic regression results indicate that the overall model of nine predictors is
statistically reliable in distinguishing between police crime arrest cases where officers kept their
job and cases where officers lost their job after being arrested for an incident of officer-involved
domestic violence. Wald statistics indicate that all of the independent variables in the model
significantly predict job loss in officer-involved domestic violence arrest cases. The logistic
regression model correctly classified 72.2% of the cases (AUC = .800, 95% CI [.762, .839], RROC
2
= .600).
context for prediction of job loss. Duty status predicts job loss, as the simple of job loss are 5.3
times greater if the officer was on-duty when he or she was alleged to have committed officer-
involved domestic violence that resulted in the officer’s arrest. The simple odds of job loss in
officer-involved domestic violence arrest cases are 1.6 times greater if the arrested officer used
other body parts (not hands or fist) as a weapon against the crime victim. The simple odds of job
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
165
loss go down by 50.9% in officer-involved domestic violence arrest cases if the officer was
charged with simple (misdemeanor) assault. The simple odds of job loss are 4.4 times greater if
the officer arrested in an officer-involved domestic violence case was convicted of at least one
criminal offense. The simple odds of job loss, however, decreased by 49% if an officer arrested
for a crime stemming from officer-involved domestic violence was suspended from his or her job
as a sworn officer for a period of time after being arrested. Officers arrested for crimes relating
to officer-involved domestic violence are more likely to lose their job as a sworn law
enforcement officer if their employing law enforcement agency is located in a rural area. The
simple odds of job loss increase by 52.1% for every one unit increase in rurality of the county (or
independent city) where the officer’s employing agency is located. Here again we also see a
relationship between job loss in a police crime arrest case and instances where officers have been
sued in federal court at some point during their career for violating someone’s civil rights. The
simple odds of job loss in police crime arrest cases stemming from officer-involved domestic
violence are 2.1 times greater if at some point during the arrested officer’s career, that officer
was sued in a state court for violating someone’s civil rights and the civil case was removed by a
civil defendant to a United States District Court pursuant to the provisions of 28 U.S.C. §1441.
Figure 25 presents the results of predicting job loss and included a total of 965 arrest
cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 69.2% (AUC = .739, 95% CI [.707, .770],
2
RROC = .478) and selected the variable case disposition: officer was convicted of a crime as the
splitting criterion. Officers who were convicted of at least one criminal offense charged (node 1)
lost their job in 51.8% of the cases. In contrast, officers who were not convicted of any offense
charged (node 2) lost their job in 25% of the cases. The officers who were convicted in node 1
were further partitioned by the variable year of arrest. Officers arrested during the years 2005-
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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166
2007 lost their job in 37.8% of the cases and officers arrested during years 2008-2011 lost their
job in 61.4% of the cases. The officers who were not convicted in node 2 were partitioned by the
variable full-time sworn personnel. Arrested officers employed by law enforcement agencies
with 1-249 sworn officers lost their job in 32.5% of the cases and arrested officers employed by
agencies with 250-1000+ sworn officers lost their job in 16.7% of the cases. The tree also
included the following variables in tiers three through five: age categorical and geographic
division.
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167
There are 1,592 cases in the data set in which sworn nonfederal law enforcement officers
were arrested for profit-motivated crimes during the period January 1, 2005, through December
31, 2011. The profit-motivated arrest cases involve 1,396 individual officers employed by 782
state, local, special, constable, and tribal law enforcement agencies located in 531 counties and
independent cities in 47 states and the District of Columbia (all states except Idaho, Maine, and
North Dakota). Of these 1,396 officers who were arrested for profit-motivated crimes, 94 of the
arrested officers have more than one case ( X = 1.14, Mdn = 1.00, Mode = 1, SD = .808) because
they have more than one crime victim (one criminal case per crime victim) and/or were arrested
for a profit-motivated crime on more than one occasion during the study years 2005-2011. More
than two-thirds of the profit-motivated criminal cases involved an arrested officer who is known
to have lost his or her job (n = 1,080, 67.9%). The known final adverse employment outcomes
in these cases include no action against the arrested officer (n = 135, 8.5%), suspended (n = 376,
23.6%), voluntarily resigned (n = 503, 31.6%), and involuntarily terminated (n = 577, 36.3%).
More than half of the profit-motivated arrest cases resulted in a conviction (n = 914, 57.4%) on
Officers Arrested for Profit-motivated Police Crime, Offenses & Employing Agencies
cases in terms of the arrested officer and the offenses charged, as well as information on the
employing law enforcement agency and the arresting law enforcement agency. Most of the
profit-motivated arrest cases involve male officers (n = 1,497, 94.1%). The modal category for
known officer age at time of arrest is ages 36-39 (n = 244, 15.3%). The youngest officer arrested
for a profit-motivated police crime was 20 years old at time of arrest, and the oldest was 79 years
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
168
old ( X age = 38.01, Mdn age = 37,00, Mode age = 41, SD = 9.097 years). The modal category
for known years of service as a sworn law enforcement officer at time of arrest is 3-5 years (n =
197, 12.4%) ( X years of service = 10.90, Mdn years of service = 10.00, Mode years of service =
4, SD = 7.808 years). Most of the profit-motivated police crime arrest cases involve sworn
officers in patrol and street-level ranks, including nonsupervisory officers, deputies, troopers,
and detectives (n = 1,243, 78.1%). Other profit-motivated police crime arrest cases include mid-
rank line and field supervisors (n = 208, 13.1%) and high-ranking police managers and
executives (n = 140, 8.8%). More than two-thirds of the profit-motivated arrest cases involve
crimes that were committed while on-duty (n = 1,093, 68.7%). Even so, two-thirds of the cases
(n = 1,081, 67.9%) involve an arrest made by some law enforcement agency other than the
Most of the profit-motivated police crime arrest cases involve officers employed by
municipal police departments (n = 1,162, 73.0%) or sheriff’s offices (n = 251, 15.8%). The
arrest cases also involve officers who were employed by primary state police agencies (n = 62,
3.9%), county police departments (n = 66, 4.2%), special police departments (n = 42, 2.6%),
constable agencies (n = 7, 0.4%), and tribal police departments (n = 1, 0.1%). The modal
category for size of the employing law enforcement agency by the number of full-time sworn
officers employed is 1,000 or more full-time sworn officers (n = 495, 31.1%) and zero part-time
sworn officers (n = 1,209, 76.1%). The majority of officers arrested in profit-motivated police
crime arrest cases were employed by a nonfederal law enforcement agency located in a nonrural
metropolitan county or independent city (n = 1,312, 82.5%). The employing agencies are located
throughout the United States, including agencies in the Southern states (n = 726, 45.6%),
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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169
Northeastern states (n = 362, 22.8%), Midwestern states (n = 329, 20.7%), and Western states (n
= 174, 10.9%).
Table 72 presents the profit-motivated police crime arrest cases in terms of the most
serious offense charged in each case. There are 46 separate criminal offense categories
represented as the most serious offense charged in the profit-motivated police crime arrest cases
in years 2005-2011. Most common as the most serious offense charged in the profit-motivated
cases are unclassified thefts (n = 255, 16.0%), false pretenses (known as theft by deception in
Model Penal Code states) (n = 199, 12.5%), drug offenses (n = 189, 11.9%), robbery (n = 103,
6.4%), thefts from buildings (n = 92, 5.8%), and extortion and blackmail (n = 85, 5.3%).
years 2005-2011. Victim information was not ascertainable from the source documents in many
of the profit-motivated police crime arrest cases. Most of the known victims are male (n = 195,
83.3%). Almost none of the known victims are children under the age of 18 (98.2% of the
known victims are adults age 18 or older). Most of the known victims are strangers or
In this section the regression models predict criminal conviction on any offense charged
in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases versus nonconviction. Conviction data are available
on over two-thirds of the profit-motivated cases (n = 1,105, 69.5%). Of those cases with known
criminal case outcomes, most of the officers arrested for profit-motivated crimes were convicted
(n = 914, valid 82.7%) on at one offense charged in the case. Bivariate Chi-Square associations,
presented in Table 74, are statistically significant at the p < .05 level for 49 independent variables
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
170
and the dependent variables, conviction on any offense charged. There are six bivariate
associations of moderate strength as indicated by the Cramer’s V scores for the statistically
strength are the victim’s relationship to the arrested officer, where χ2 (6, N = 266) = 25.017, p <
.001, V = .307; age of the officer at time of arrest, where χ2 (49, N = 1,010) = 85.828, p = .001, V
= .292; the State where the arrested officer’s employing law enforcement agency is located,
where χ2 (47, N = 1,105) = 88.251, p < .001, V = .283; years of service at time of arrest, where χ2
(39, N = 799) = 62.423, p = .010, V = .280; job loss, where χ2 (1, N = 1,105) = 82.094, p < .001,
V = .273; and categorical age, where χ2 (10, N = 1,105) = 44.496, p < .001, V = .201.
conviction in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases. Bivariate correlations computed for
each of the independent variables in the logistic regression model revealed that none of the
variables were highly correlated with each other. Multicollinearity is not a problem as indicated
by no tolerance scores below .696 and no variance inflation factors above 1.436. The Durbin-
Watson score of 1.659 indicates that autocorrelation is not a problem in the model. Logistic
regression results indicate that the overall model of nine predictors is statistically reliable in
nonconviction in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases. The model correctly classified
all of the independent variables in the binary logistic regression model significantly predict
police crime arrest cases. The single largest predictor of conviction in the profit-motivated arrest
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
171
cases is whether the officer’s crime involved a drug-related shakedown. The simple odds of
conviction are 109 times greater if the profit-motivated police crime involved a drug-related
shakedown. Job loss also predicts conviction in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases. The
simple odds of conviction in a profit-motivated case are 23.2 times greater if the arrested officer
ultimately losses their job (either through involuntary termination or through voluntary
resignation) as the final adverse employment outcome following an officer’s arrest for a profit-
motivated police crime. Violence-related police crime also predicts criminal conviction in
profit-motivated police crime arrest cases. The simple odds of conviction are 4.3 times higher if
an officer’s profit-motivated police crime is also violence-related. The type of nonfederal law
enforcement agency employing the arrested officer and the State where the employing agency is
located also predict criminal conviction in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases. The simple
odds of conviction in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases increase by 68% for every one
unit increase in agency type. Agency type is a categorical variable where 1 = primary state
police agency, 2 = primary state police agency, 3 = sheriff’s office, 4 = county police
you move away from primary state police agencies to other types of police departments, the
greater the likelihood of conviction. There is no practical interpretation of the odds ratio for
State where the officer’s employing nonfederal law enforcement agency was located, other than
to note that the simple odds of conviction in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases varies
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
172
Several variables in the logistic regression model predict when criminal conviction (on
any offense charged in the case against the arrested officer) is less likely. Here, the number of
part-time sworn officers employed by the agency where the arrested officer works predicts
conviction. The simple odds of conviction go down by 27.2% for every one unit categorical
increase in the number of part-time sworn officers employed by the agency. The media and
public perception surrounding an officer’s arrest for profit-motivated police crime also impacts
on conviction. The simple odds of conviction goes down by 96.3% if the arrested officer’s chief
is under scrutiny as a result of the officer’s arrest for a profit-motivated police crime. Although
in the same model profit-motivated police crime arrest cases that involve a drug-related
shakedown increases the simples odds of conviction, drug-related shakedowns in the form of off-
duty robberies decreases the odds of conviction. The simple odds of conviction decrease by
98.9% if the officer’s profit-motivated police crime arrest case involves a drug-related
shakedown in the form of an off-duty robbery. Finally, the age of the victim in a profit-
motivated police crime arrest case predicts the likelihood of conviction. The simple odds of
conviction decrease by 30% for every one unit categorical increase in the age of the victim in a
Figure 26 presents the results of predicting conviction for the profit-motivated cases and
included a total of 1,105 police crime arrest cases. The tree had an overall classification score of
splitting criterion. Officers who had not lost their job (node 1) were convicted in 62.4% of the
cases. In contrast, officers who lost their job (node 2) were convicted in 87.9% of the cases. The
officers who had not lost their job in node 1 were partitioned by the variable year of arrest.
Officers who were arrested from 2005-2006 were convicted in 83.6% of the cases. Officers who
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
173
were arrested in years 2007-2009 were convicted in 34.2% of the cases and officers who were
arrested in years 2010- 2011 were convicted in 59.9% of the cases. The officers who had lost
their job in node 2 were partitioned by the variable urban/rural continuum. Officers who were
million; a nonmetropolitan county with an urban population of 20,000 or more, not adjacent to a
metro area; county in a metropolitan areas of fewer than 250,000 population, adjacent to a
adjacent to a metropolitan area were convicted in 79.6% of the cases. Officers who were
million population or more; nonmetropolitan county with an urban population 2,500 to 19,999,
19,999, not adjacent to a metropolitan area; nonmetropolitan county completely rural or less than
2,500 urban population, not adjacent to a metropolitan area; nonmetropolitan county completely
rural or less than 2,500 urban population, adjacent to a metropolitan area were convicted in
92.6% of the cases. The tree also included the following variables in tier three: drug/narcotic
In this section the regression models predict job loss following an officer’s arrest for a
the p < .05 level for 47 independent variables and the dependent variable, job loss binary (coded
as 0 = kept job and 1 = lost job) and are presented in Table 76. There are five bivariate
associations of moderate strength as indicated by the Cramer’s V scores for the statistically
significant Chi-Square statistics. They are: year of arrest, where χ2 (6, N = 1,591) = 155.340, p <
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
174
.001, V = .312; State where the arrested officer’s employing law enforcement agency is located,
where χ2 (47, N = 1,591) = 126.335, p < .001, V = .282; whether the officer was convicted (for
any offense charged in the arrest case), where χ2 (1, N = 1,105) = 82.094, p < .001, V = .273;
whether the officer was suspended for a period of time following his or her arrest for a profit-
motivated crime, where χ2 (1, N = 1,591) = 87.439, p < .001, V = .234; and, years of service as a
sworn law enforcement officer at time of arrest, where χ2 (39, N = 1,126) = 56.457, p = .035, V =
.224.
Table 77 presents a backward stepwise binary logistic regression model predicting job
loss in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases. None of the independent variables are highly
correlated with each other, as indicated by bivariate correlations that were computed for each of
the independent variables in the logistic regression model. Multicollinearity is not a problem as
indicated by no tolerance scores below .766 and no variance inflation factors above 1.306.
Logistic regression results indicate that the overall model of seven predictors is statistically
reliable in distinguishing between officers who lost their jobs after being arrested in a profit-
motivated police crime case, and others who kept their jobs after being arrested in a profit-
motivated police crime case. Wald Statistics indicate that all of the independent variables in the
model significantly predict job loss in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases. The model
correctly classified 91.7% of the cases (AUC = .668, 95% CI [.626, .711], RROC
2
= .336).
Context for prediction of job loss in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases is provided
through interpretation of odds ratios. Five of the independent variables in the logistic regression
model predict when an officer is more likely to lose his or her job as a sworn law enforcement
officer after being arrested for a profit-motivated police crime. The single largest predictor of
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
175
job loss is when the profit-motivated crime is also drug-related. The simple odds of job loss are
45.6 times greater in a profit-motivated police crime arrest case if the case also involves drug
selling, dealing, and/or trafficking. Conviction also predicts job loss, but here again it is not
possible to establish causal order between conviction and job loss with this data set. The simple
odds of job loss are ten times greater in profit-motivated police crime arrest cases if the arrested
officer is ultimately convicted on one or more criminal offenses charged in the case. Profit-
motivated crimes that are committed by an officer in their official capacity as a sworn law
individual capacity) also predict job loss. The simple odds of job loss are nine times greater in
profit-motivated police crime arrest cases if the crime was committed by the arrested officer in
their official capacity. Similarly, profit-motivated crimes that are also internal crimes against the
organization (that is, a crime against the arrested officer’s employing law enforcement agency)
increase the simple odds of job loss by 46.4%. The geographic location of the arrested officer’s
employing law enforcement agency also predicts job loss in profit-motivated police crime arrest
cases. The simple odds of job loss increase by 69.5% in profit-motivated cases with every one
unit increase in the category of geographic division across the United States. There is no
practical interpretation of the odds ratio, however, for geographic division in this binary logistic
regression model.
Two independent variables in the logistic regression model predict when an officer is
going to keep their job as a sworn law enforcement officer after being arrested in a profit-
motivated police crime arrest case. The first of these is when an officer is charged with the
offense of obstruction of justice in a profit-motivated case, where the simple of job loss decrease
by 93.5%. In some of the profit-motivated police crime arrest cases there was discussion in the
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
176
news article narratives of an agency scandal or cover up in the aftermath of an officer being
arrested. The simple odds of job loss decrease by 92.5% in profit-motivated police crime arrest
cases if there is discussion of a scandal or cover up at the employing officer’s law enforcement
agency.
Figure 27 presents the results of predicting conviction for the profit-motivated cases and
included a total of 1,591 arrest cases. The tree had an overall classification score of 76.6%
officer was convicted of a crime as the splitting criterion. Officers who were convicted (node 1)
lost their job in 54.8% of the cases. In contrast, officers who were not convicted (node 2) lost
their job in 87.9% of the cases. The officers who were convicted in node 1 were partitioned by
the variable year of arrest. Officers who were arrested from 2005-2007 were convicted in 51.8%
of the cases and officers who were arrested in years 2008-2011 were convicted in 81.3% of the
cases. Officers who were not convicted in node 2 were partitioned by the variable discussion of
an agency scandal or cover up. Officers involved in cases that discussed an agency scandal or
cover up lost their job in 24.2% of the cases. In contrast, officers who were not involved in cases
that involved some sort of an agency scandal or cover up lost their job in 60.8% of the cases.
The tree also included the following variables in tiers three though five: geographic division,
year, state, discussion of an agency scandal or cover up, years of service, and type of agency.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
177
The 6,724 police crime arrest cases in this study involve 5,545 individual sworn law
headquartered in 1,166 counties and independent cities in all 50 states and the District of
Columbia.5 In this part the unit of analysis is changed from arrest case to arrested individual
officer. The purpose of changing the unit of analysis to individual officers is to provide rates of
officers arrested per agency, per 1,000 officers, and per 100,000 population. Individual
nonfederal sworn law enforcement officers were arrested at a rate of 0.72% officers arrested per
1,000 officers, and at a rate of 1.7 officers arrested per 100,000 population nationwide.
We urge caution on one critically important point: the tables (and table appendices)
presented in this part of the report, and the data from which they were compiled, cannot support
a direct comparison of one agency to another nor indeed any cluster of agencies to others.
Though it is a natural tendency to make such comparisons, the many localized conditions
invisible to the research team in our data sources prevent accurate comparisons. Among the
factors that data sources do not (and likely often cannot) discern are whether an officer’s arrest
was instigated by his or her own department as a result of its internal standards for conduct and
integrity; whether the arrested officer’s criminal offense(s) would not have resulted in the
officer’s arrest if it had been less publicly visible; and whether arrests of police officers by
outside law enforcement agencies were made at the request of an officer’s employing agency or
5
In Part I of this report we identified 2,529 nonfederal law enforcement agencies located in 1,205 counties and
independent cities across the United States. In coding of police crime arrest cases for this study, the counties where
an employing law enforcement agency was located were logged for both (a) the county (or independent city) where
the employing agency was headquartered, and (b) the county (or independent city) where the arrested officer was
stationed. In the case of a state trooper, for example, the county would be recorded for the location of the agency
headquarters as well as the county where the arrested trooper’s assigned barracks was located.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
178
in spite of attempts by that agency to conceal the offense(s) and/or protect the officer’s (and thus,
Table 78 presents the 200 largest employing state and local law enforcement agencies in
terms of rates of officers arrested during the study period years 2005-2011. The table is sorted
by the number of full-time sworn officers employed from largest agency to the smallest agency
within the largest 200 agencies represented in the study. The same table is also presented in
alternative versions as Appendix B-1 (200 largest agencies in the study sorted by rates of officers
arrested per 1,000 officers) and Appendix C-1 (200 largest agencies in the study sorted by rates
of officers arrested per 100,000 population). The ten large agencies with the highest rates of
officers arrested per 1,000 officers are New Orleans Police Department (rate of 44.21 officers
arrested per 1,000 officers), Milwaukee Police Department (rate of 36.74 officers arrested per
1,000 officers), Memphis Police Department (rate of 29.70 officers arrested per 1,000 officers),
New Mexico State Police (rate of 24.62 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Pittsburgh Police
Department (rate of 23.57 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Shreveport Police Department
(rate of 23.48 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Polk County (FL) Sheriff’s Office (rate of
21.67 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Kern County (CA) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 21.48
officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Indianapolis Police Department (rate of 20.87 officers
arrested per 1,000 officers), and Minneapolis Police Department (rate of 19.96 officers arrested
The ten large agencies with the highest rates of officers arrested per 100,000 population
are New Orleans Police Department (rate of 18.32 officers arrested per 100,000 population),
Baltimore Police Department (rate of 8.86 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Milwaukee
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
179
Police Department (rate of 7.70 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Norfolk Police
Department (rate of 5.77 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Memphis Police Department
(rate of 4.96 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Washington Metropolitan Police
Department (rate of 4.82 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Shreveport Police
Department (rate of 4.71 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Philadelphia Police
Department (rate of 4.33 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Jackson Police Department
(rate of 4.67 officers arrested per 100,000 population), and Indianapolis Police Department (rate
(rural) counties and independent cities in terms of rates of officers arrested during the study
period years 2005-2011. The table is sorted by agency name in alphabetical order. The same
table information is also presented in alternative versions as Appendix A-1 (sorted by the number
of full-time sworn personnel employed), Appendix B-2 (sorted by rate of officers arrested per
1,000 officers), and Appendix C-2 (sorted by rate of officers arrested per 100,000 population).
The law enforcement agencies located in nonmetropolitan counties and independent cities
with the highest rates of officers arrested per 1,000 officers are Mounds (IL) Police Department
(rate of 2000.00 officers arrested per 1,000 officers) and Atwater (MN) Police Department,
Berlin Borough (PA) Police Department, Berlin Heights (OH) Police Department, Bowman (SC)
Police Department, Burr Oak (MI) Police Department, Cooter (MO) Police Department, Elgin
(ND) Police Department, Hamburg (IA) Police Department, Lamoure (ND) Police Department,
Lockhart (AL) Police Department, Marion Township (WI) Police Department, Nicholas County
(KY) Sheriff’s Office, Oakwood (OH) Police Department, Perryville (KY) Police Department,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
180
Petroleum County (MT) Sheriff’s Office, Pineview (GA) Police Department, Tipton (OK) Police
Department, Turkey Creek (LA) Police Department, Wakeman (OH) Police Department, Wilson
(KS) Police Department, and Zolfo Springs (FL) Police Department (each with a rate of 1000.00
The law enforcement agencies located in nonmetropolitan counties and independent cities
with the highest rates of officers arrested per 100,000 population are Petroleum County (MT)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 202.43 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Terrell County (TX)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 101.63 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Talbot County (GA)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 43.70 officers arrested per 100,000 population), La Salle County (TX)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 43.57 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Elgin (ND) Police
Department (rate of 41.77 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Griggs County (ND)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 41.32 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Crystal City (TX) Police
Department (rate of 34.26 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Mounds (IL) Police
Department (rate of 32.46 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Pulaski County (IL)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 32.46 officers arrested per 100,000 population), and Carter County (MO)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 31.92 officers arrested per 100,000 population). See Appendix C-2.
Table 80 presents the employing primary state police agencies in terms of rates of
officers arrested during the study period years 2005-2011. The table is sorted by agency name in
alphabetical order. The same table information is also presented in alternative versions as
Appendix A-2 (sorted by the number of full-time sworn personnel employed), Appendix B-3
(sorted by rate of officers arrested per 1,000 officers), and Appendix C-3 (sorted by rate of
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
181
The five primary state police agencies with the highest rates of officers arrested per 1,000
officers are New Mexico State Police (rate of 24.62 officers arrested per 1,000 officers),
Arkansas Highway Patrol (rate of 13.42 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), South Carolina
Highway Patrol (rate of 10.34 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Mississippi Highway Safety
Patrol (rate of 10.10 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), and Rhode Island State Police (rate of
9.95 officers arrested per 1,000 officers). See Appendix B-3. The five primary state police
agencies with the highest rates of officers arrested per 100,000 population are New Mexico State
Police (rate of 0.63 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Delaware State Police (rate of 0.33
officers arrested per 100,000 population), New Hampshire State Police (rate of 0.23 officers
arrested per 100,000 population), South Carolina Highway Patrol (rate of 0.22 officers arrested
per 100,000 population), and Mississippi Highway Safety Patrol (rate of 0.20 officers arrested
Table 81 presents the employing sheriff’s offices in terms of rates of officers arrested
during the study period years 2005-2011. The table is sorted by agency name in alphabetical
order. The same table information is also presented in alternative versions as Appendix A-3
(sorted by the number of full-time sworn personnel employed), Appendix B-4 (sorted by rate of
officers arrested per 1,000 officers), and Appendix C-4 (sorted by rate of officers arrested per
100,000 population).
The sheriff’s offices with the highest rates of officers arrested per 1,000 officers are
Nicholas County (KY) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 1000.00 officers arrested per 1,000 officers),
Petroleum County (MT) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 1000.00 officers arrested per 1,000 officers),
Carter County (MO) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 666.67 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Oregon
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
182
County (MO) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 400.00 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Talbot County
(GA) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 375.00 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Baker County (GA)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 333.33 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Butler County (AL)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 333.33 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Gallatin County (IL)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 333.00 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Griggs County (ND)
Sheriff’s Office (rate of 333.00 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), and Guadalupe County
(NM) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 333.00 officers arrested per 1,000 officers). See Table B-4.
The sheriff’s offices with the highest rates of officers arrested per 100,000 population are
Petroleum County (MT) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 202.43 officers arrested per 100,000
population), Terrell County (TX) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 101.63 officers arrested per 100,000
officers), Talbot County (GA) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 43.70 officers arrested per 100,000
officers), La Salle County (TX) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 43.57 officers arrested per 100,000
officers), Griggs County (ND) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 41.32 officers arrested per 100,000
officers), Pulaski County (IL) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 32.46 officers arrested per 100,000
officers), Carter County (MO) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 31.92 officers arrested per 100,000
officers), Baker County (GA) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 28.98 officers arrested per 100,000
officers), Lake County (CO) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 27.36 officers arrested per 100,000
officers), and Henry County (VA) Sheriff’s Office (rate of 25.85 officers arrested per 100,000
population).
Table 82 presents the employing county police departments in terms of rates of officers
arrested during the study period years 2005-2011. The table is sorted by agency name in
alphabetical order. The same table information is also presented in alternative versions as
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
183
Appendix A-4 (sorted by the number of full-time sworn personnel employed), Appendix B-5
(sorted by rate of officers arrested per 1,000 officers), and Appendix C-5 (sorted by rate of
The county police departments included in the study with the highest rate of officers
arrested per 1,000 officers are Polk County (GA) Police Department (rate of 85.71 officers
arrested per 1,000 officers), Oldham County (KY) Police Department (rate of 64.52 officers
arrested per 1,000 officers), Dougherty County (GA) Police Department (rate of 42.55 officers
arrested per 1,000 officers), Horry County (SC) Police Department (rate of 37.04 officers
arrested per 1,000 officers), Kauai (County) (HI) Police Department (rate of 24.00 officers
arrested per 1,000 officers), Indianapolis (IN) Metropolitan Police Department (rate of 20.86
officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Fulton County (GA) Police Department (rate of 15.50
officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Maui (County) (HI) Police Department (rate of 15.20
officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Gaston County (NC) Police Department (rate of 15.04
officers arrested per 1,000 officers), and Roanoke County (VA) Police Department (rate of 14.81
The county police departments included in the study with the highest rates of officers
arrested per 100,000 population are Polk County (GA) Police Department (rate of 7.23 officers
arrested per 100,000 population), Kauai (County) (HI) Police Department (rate of 4.47 officers
arrested per 100,000 population), Indianapolis (IN) Metropolitan Police Department (rate of 3.65
officers arrested per 100,000 population), Horry County (SC) Police Department (rate of 3.34
officers arrested per 100,000 population), Oldham County (KY) Police Department (rate of 3.32
officers arrested per 100,000 population), Maui (County) (HI) Police Department (rate of 3.23
officers arrested per 100,000 population), Honolulu (City and County) (HI) Police Department
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
184
(rate of 2.73 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Savannah-Chatham (GA) Metropolitan
Police Department (rate of 2.26 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Prince George’s
County (MD) Police Department (rate of 2.20 officers arrested per 100,000 population),
Roanoke County (VA) Police Department (rate of 2.17 officers arrested per 100,000 population),
and Charlotte-Mecklenburg (NC) Police Department (rate of 2.17 officers arrested per 100,000
Table 83 presents the 500 largest employing municipal police departments in terms of
rates of officers arrested during the study period years 2005-2011. The table is sorted by agency
name in alphabetical order. The same table information is also presented in alternative versions
as Appendix A-5 (sorted by the number of full-time sworn personnel employed), Appendix B-6
(sorted by rate of officers arrested per 1,000 officers), and Appendix C-6 (sorted by rate of
The large municipal police departments included in the study with the highest rates of
officers arrested per 1,000 officers are Hackensack (NJ) Police Department (rate of 76.92
officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Norwich (CT) Police Department (rate of 61.73 officers
arrested per 1,000 officers), Riviera Beach (FL) Police Department (rate of 55.56 officers
arrested per 1,000 officers), Lorain (OH) Police Department (rate of 50.0 officers arrested per
1,000 officers), Charleston (WV) Police Department (rate of 49.45 officers arrested per 1,000
officers), Schenectady (NY) Police Department (rate of 48.19 officers arrested per 1,000
officers), Edinburg (TX) Police Department (rate of 45.45 officers arrested per 1,000 officers),
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
185
Cleveland (TN) Police Department (rate of 44.94 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Muskogee
(OK) Police Department (rate of 44.44 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), and New Orleans
(LA) Police Department (rate of 44.21 officers arrested per 1,000 officers). See Appendix B-6.
The large municipal police departments with the highest rates of officers arrested per
100,000 population are New Orleans (LA) Police Department (rate of 18.32 officers arrested per
100,000 population), Portsmouth (VA) Police Department (rate of 10.47 officers arrested per
100,000 population), Baltimore (MD) Police Department (rate of 8.86 officers arrested per
100,000 population), Milwaukee (WI) Police Department (rate of 7.70 officers arrested per
100,000 population), Clarksville (TN) Police Department (rate of 7.54 officers arrested per
100,000 population), Kansas City (KS) Police Department (rate of 6.35 officers arrested per
100,000 population), Petersburg (VA) Police Department (rate of 6.17 officers arrested per
100,000 population), Macon (GA) Police Department (rate of 5.79 officers arrested per 100,000
population), Norfolk (VA) Police Department (rate of 5.77 officers arrested per 100,000
population), and Muskogee (OK) Police Department (rate of 5.63 officers arrested per 100,000
Rates of Officers Arrested in Special State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies
Table 84 presents the special state and local employing law enforcement agencies in
terms of rates of officers arrested during the study period years 2005-2011. The table is sorted
by agency name in alphabetical order. The same table information is also presented in
alternative versions as Appendix A-6 (sorted by the number of full-time sworn personnel
employed), Appendix B-7 (sorted by rate of officers arrested per 1,000 officers), and Appendix
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
186
The special law enforcement agencies with the highest rates of officers arrested per 1,000
officers are Connally I.S.D. (TX) Police Department (rate of 333.33 officers arrested per 1,000
officers), Grambling State University (LA) Police Department (rate of 222.22 officers arrested
per 1,000 officers), Ennis I.S.D. (TX) Police Department (rate of 200.00 officers arrested per
1,000 officers), Ventura College (CA) Police Department (rate of 200.00 officers arrested per
1,000 officers), California Exposition and State Fair (CA) Police (rate of 166.67 officers arrested
per 1,000 officers), Lancaster I.S.D. (TX) Police Department (rate of 166.67 officers arrested per
1,000 officers), University of Maryland Eastern Short (MD) Public Safety (rate of 166.67
officers arrested per 1,000 officers), University of West Alabama (AL) Police (rate of 166.67
officers arrested per 1,000 officers), Greenville Technical College (SC) Public Safety (rate of
111.11 officers arrested per 1,000 officers), and Lehigh-Northampton Airport Authority (PA)
Police Department (rate of 111.11 officers arrested per 1,000 officers). See Appendix B-7.
The special law enforcement agencies included in the study with the highest rates of
officers arrested per 100,000 population are University of Tennessee at Knoxville (TN) Police
(rate of 10.47 officers arrested per 100,000 population), University of West Alabama (AL) Police
(rate of 7.27 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Tuskegee University (AL) Police
Department (rate of 4.66 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Grambling State University
(LA) Police Department (rate of 4.28 officers arrested per 100,000 population), University of
Maryland Eastern Shore (MD) Public Safety (rate of 3.78 officers arrested per 100,000
population), Georgia Public Safety Training Center (GA) (rate of 3.78 officers arrested per
100,000 population), Ohio Department of Natural Resources (OH) Office of Law Enforcement
(rate of 3.24 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Virginia Marine Resources Commission
(VA) (rate of 3.02 officers arrested per 100,000 population), Brigham Young University – Idaho
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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187
(ID) Police Department (rate of 2.66 officers arrested per 100,000 population), and Missouri
University of Science and Technology (MO) Police Department (rate of 2.21 officers arrested
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188
CONCLUSION
Cases in which sworn law enforcement officers act as criminals—whether dealing drugs,
or driving drunk, or sexually molesting a vulnerable citizen—strike a direct blow to the law
enforcement enterprise and the essence of what it means to be a law enforcement officer: protect
and serve. These cases threaten to undermine public trust in both the authority and legitimacy of
state and local law enforcement organizations, and the work of law-abiding sworn officers who
go about their job selflessly, efficiently, and professionally every day. Police crime as a topic
worthy of empirical study however is not clearly understood, and would probably best be
The contrast between the topic's substantive weight and comparatively light coverage
within the scholarship is mostly due to an absence of suitable data. The traditional sources of
data and methods of study, whether official statistics, self-report surveys, or direct observations,
either do not exist in any usable format or are ill-equipped to identify, count, or provide the basis
for empirical analyses of instances in which police perpetrate crimes themselves. These cases
have thus far escaped large-scale empirical scrutiny, but they are intrinsically newsworthy
events. Those in the news media need to identify stories that will be of interest to their audience,
and cases of police crime typically include storylines that are clearly newsworthy. This project
identify these events, and subject them to analyses that have thus far been impossible. Given the
previous unavailability of data and the relative absence of empirical studies dedicated to the
topic, our work should be considered exploratory. The primary aim was to uncover cases of
police crime arrests and to provide the basis for what we hope will become an important
contribution to the establishment of a more substantive and useful line of research on the topic.
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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189
The remainder of this section is divided into several parts. We initially discuss our
findings in terms of both some general observations on the entire data set and selected results
within the types of police crime that we believe justify further comment. The second section
covers implications for policy and practice. Here, we discuss noteworthy results in regard to the
analyses on final adverse employment actions, or the sorts of discipline imposed (if any) by
police organizations in cases of police crime. The points on final adverse employment outcomes
provides context for the identification and discussion of specific recommendations to law
enforcement agencies based on our research. The final section is a discussion on the
Discussion of Findings
The identification of notable general observations in regard to the entire data set is
complicated by the scope of the study and this report—the research study covers seven calendar
years and describes 6,724 criminal cases involving the arrest of 5,545 individual police officers
who perpetrated a wide range of criminal acts under varying circumstances. The arrested
officers were employed by 2,529 state and local law enforcement agencies (see Appendix D)
located in 1,205 counties and independent cities in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.
The project has revealed and confirmed at least three comprehensive truths about police crime.
The first general observation is that police crimes are not uncommon. Police officers get
arrested for crimes with some regularity in jurisdictions around the nation, including rural areas,
small towns, suburbs, and large urban centers. Law enforcement officers in the current study
were arrested at a rate of 0.72 officers arrested per 1,000 officers, and at a rate of 1.7 officers
arrested per 100,000 population nationwide. Of course, only a small percentage of the total
number of law enforcement officers will ever be arrested for a criminal offense, but our data
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directly contradicts some of the prevailing assumptions and the proposition that only a small
group of rotten apples perpetrate the vast majority of police crime. Those assumptions relate to
previous studies, journalistic investigations, and special commissions that described the
misconduct of a single and/or handful of rogue officers operating within a single and/or handful
of jurisdictions. The assumption that only a small group of rogue officers perpetrate crimes also
presumably stems from traditional notions and public expectations regarding the straight-laced,
law-abiding police persona. In contrast, our method provided for the identification of an
unprecedented number of police crimes that occurred within virtually every sort of place, and the
opportunity to draw some conclusions about how often these events occur across the nation. The
data demonstrate that police crimes are not isolated events, and that hundreds of police officers
every year get arrested for crimes including assault, rape, robbery, and murder across the United
States.
The second general observation is that police crime is occupationally-derived. That is,
the cases identified in our research are largely the product of opportunities and other factors
inherent within the context of police work. Scholars have long recognized the occupationally-
derived sources of police misconduct, including the reality that patrol officers operate within a
context of low supervision, low public visibility, and face-to-face encounters in which officers
enjoy considerable power and authority over vulnerable citizens. Our methodology involved the
collection of data derived from published news stories that detailed these events rather than
summary statistics or official reports, so the research team was able to discern how on-the-job
realities contributed to the perpetration of these crimes. For example, the news accounts detailed
how the existence of illicit markets for cocaine and face-to-face encounters with drug dealers
facilitate opportunities for officers to engage in drug use, shakedown citizens who deal drugs,
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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191
and/or deal drugs themselves. The news accounts also describe how this context facilitates and
promotes sex-related police crime, whereby police sexually abuse vulnerable citizens they
encounter through their work, including young female drivers, prostituted women, or youths
events is not limited to on-duty crimes. Almost 60% of all of the cases identified in the study
occurred when the officer was technically off-duty. The data demonstrate that the source of a
significant portion of these so-called off-duty crimes also lies within the context of police work
and the perpetrator's role as a police officer, including instances where off-duty officers flash a
badge, an official weapon, or otherwise use their power, authority, and the respect afforded to
them as a means to commit crime. More broadly, the data show that police crime is not solely or
even primarily the product of deviant or defective people; but rather, deviant or defective people
who work within an occupational context that provides them unique and unprecedented
The third general observation is that police crime is a complex and multi-dimensional
phenomenon both within and across the five types of police crime: alcohol-related, drug-related,
sex-related, violence-related, and profit-motivated police crime. The complex and multi-
dimensional character of police crime was initially underscored within the context of the Mollen
Commission's two-year investigation of drug corruption in New York City during the 1980s and
early 1990s. The Commission identified a complex web of relationships among the operation of
drug markets, drug corruption, and a long list of associated crimes perpetrated by police. Our
data confirmed these observations across jurisdictions throughout the nation; we found that drug-
related police crime tends to spawn the perpetration of various other kinds of criminal behavior
by police. Perhaps more importantly, both the findings of the Mollen Commission and those of
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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192
our own research suggest that the complexity of relationships involved in drug-related police
crime extends to other kinds of police crime and the nature of the phenomenon in general. For
example, the overall complexity of police crime is also demonstrated by the absence of any
clearly discernible line between criminal behavior that occurs on- and off-duty. More evidence
is provided by the analyses linking police crime arrests to federal civil rights lawsuits. These
analyses suggest that at least a portion of those police arrested for a criminal offense are problem
officers that exhibit shortcomings in other aspects of the job. Finally, and perhaps most clearly,
the multi-dimensional character of police crime is demonstrated within the complex web of
statistically significant relationship among variables in our data. For example, Chi-square
analyses involving the entire data set identified 90 variables that were significantly associated
with conviction, and 120 variables that were significantly associated with job loss. The
predictors of job loss. These points demonstrate the difficulties inherent in both the
identification of clear-cut explanations of police crime and the interpretation of statistical models
designed to isolate these relationships. Perhaps scholarship on the topic needs to start with the
premise that recognizes the multivariate complexity of police crime and the difficulties
associated with both explaining its etiology; and by extension, the formulation of mitigation
strategies.
Two points of discussion in regard to the sex-related police crimes include the serious
nature of these offenses and the characteristics of the victims. There were a total of 1,475 cases
of sex-related police crime that ranged widely in seriousness from peeping tom cases to those
that involved murder. Perhaps most notable however is the fact that almost 30% of all the sex-
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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193
related cases were classified as cases of police sexual violence. A review of the most serious
offenses charged in the cases reveals the serious and often-times egregious nature of these
events. There were a total of 422 forcible and statutory rapes, 352 cases of forcible fondling, and
94 sodomy cases. The proportion of cases that involved sexual violence and the most serious
kinds of sex-related offenses was larger than expected based on the existing research and the
comparative absence of empirical studies on the problem of police sexual violence. The large
proportion of serious cases in our data was clearly influenced in part by methodology, since
news-based searches probably tend to capture cases that compelled an arrest because they were
egregious and could not be ignored. No matter the methodology used to identify them, the sheer
number of egregious cases constitutes prima facie evidence that these are not isolated events and
The second concern in regard to sex-related crimes is the age of the victims. Children
seem to be particularly vulnerable to police who perpetrate sex-related crimes. Almost one-half
of the known victims of sex-related crimes were children, and the second-most commonly
occurring category in terms of the victim's relationship to the arrested officer was an unrelated
child. Certain types of sex crime tend to involve victims who are children, including crimes
involving pornography, obscene material, fondling, and promoting the sexual performance of a
child.
The sources of sex-related crimes against children are often occupationally derived. For
example, the news-based content analyses identified various scenarios in which adults allowed
sworn law enforcement officers both access and opportunity to victimize children under their
care, presumably because they trusted them. The criminal courts seemed to respond to these
cases severely, as a clear majority of the sex-related cases with known dispositions included a
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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194
conviction on at least one charge. The likelihood of conviction increased in cases that involved
younger victims, suggesting the expression of some form of moral outrage against police who
There were 1,405 cases of alcohol-related police crime identified in the study. There
were 960 cases where police were arrested for driving under the influence, and the most serious
offense charged in close to 60% of the alcohol-related cases was DUI. Thus, police DUI is the
major issue of concern in regard to alcohol-related police crime. The study seems to identify
cases where an officer did something that compelled an official law enforcement response rather
than some type of professional courtesy and non-arrest; there are comparatively few run-of-the-
mill cases of DUI in our data. Some of the incident events that accompanied the DUI and seem
to have influenced an arrest included a traffic accident, injuries (sometimes fatal), hit-and-run,
and refusals to cooperate with BAC and/or field sobriety tests. These cases seemed to compel
police action and an arrest because they required some sort of official documentation (e.g., a
traffic accident report), included independent witnesses or victims, or were so egregious that
police ignored the fact that they involved fellow police officers. Moreover, most of these cases
involved a law enforcement agency other than the arrested officer's employer, suggesting that
professional courtesies are more likely to occur among police who work together. In many
instances, it should be noted however, when an officer was suspected of driving under the
influence (and employed by the same agency as the officer conducting the traffic stop or
handling a DUI traffic accident investigation), an outside agency was often brought in to conduct
field sobriety tests and effectuate the arrest of an intoxicated officer. Police DUI criminal case
outcomes seem to be significantly influenced by the geographic location of the case. State
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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195
location was the most influential predictor of conviction. State-level reforms of DUI laws
obviously influence cases outcomes overall, so it seems likely that legislative changes also
There were 739 cases of drug-related police crime. In many ways, our findings both
confirm and extend the findings of the Mollen Commission in regard to the etiology and impact
of drug-related police crime in New York City several decades ago. For example, while all
classes of commonly abused drugs were present, stimulants including cocaine and crack were the
most prevalent category of drug involved in these cases. Cocaine was involved in close to one-
third of all the drug-related cases; and taken together cocaine and crack were involved in almost
40% of all the drug-related cases. Moreover, cocaine was the strongest predictor for three of six
decision trees to predict various forms of drug-related misconduct and crime. We found that—
similar to New York City during the 1990s—officers involved in drug-related corruption around
the nation often perpetrate various other kinds of crimes including drug trafficking, facilitation of
the drug trade, shakedowns, and other forms of theft. Less than one-third of the drug-related
cases involved the personal use of drugs by police officers. Our study also seems to suggest the
potential for ongoing problems associated with offenses related to opioid analgesics including
oxycodone and hydrocodone. More than 20% of all the drug-related cases involved either of
these two prescription pain killers. Significant public attention has recently focused on problems
related to opioid analgesics, including increases in overdose deaths and prescription violations
involving these powerful drugs. Our data suggest that these issues also impact police officers
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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196
In terms of criminal case outcomes, police who perpetrate drug-related crimes are
significantly more likely to be convicted if the officer ultimately loses their job subsequent to the
drug-related arrest. More broadly, we found that job loss predicts conviction in just about every
sort of case of police crime, including those that are sex-related, alcohol-related, drug-related,
violence-related, and profit-motivated. The two primary outcomes analyzed in this study
including criminal case disposition and employment outcome are not isolated events. Job loss
and conviction influence one another in almost every case of police crime. Job loss provides a
context to interpret the perceived need for a criminal conviction and vice versa.
There were 3,328 violence-related police crimes identified in the study. These cases
involved the most serious types of violent crime including 104 cases of murder or nonnegligent
manslaughter and 92 robberies; but, they most commonly involved either a simple assault (n =
870) or aggravated assault (n = 570). Less than one-half of the violence-related cases are known
to have resulted in a criminal conviction on at least one charge. But, if the case also involved the
criminal convictions in violence-related police crimes seem to follow patterns that are consistent
with those of violent crimes in general. For example, cases of violence-related police crime are
significantly less likely to result in conviction if the officer knows the victim. This was also the
case for alcohol-related police crimes, suggesting that in some ways court outcomes in cases of
police crime are influenced by the same factors that shape court outcomes for any other type of
defendant.
scholars and police executives, and there were 961 cases of the officer-involved domestic
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
197
violence included within the violence-related police crimes. Conviction on at least one charge is
significantly more likely in cases that involve fatal injuries and/or those that involved a violation
of a protection order. Other factors that increase the odds of conviction appear to relate to
factors other than the specific act of domestic violence, including obstruction, vandalism, or if
There were 1,592 cases of profit-motivated police crime identified in the study. There
were 46 different offense categories for the most serious offense charged in these cases, but the
most serious offense charged in about 40% of these cases was unclassified theft, false
pretense/swindle, and/or thefts that involved a drug violation. Most of these cases also occurred
patrol or other street-level function. Thus, the profit-motivated police crimes in our study more
closely resembled the types of thefts perpetrated by traditional street-level criminals rather than
business executives, professionals, or other societal elites who are commonly the subject of
white-collar crime research. A conviction on at least one criminal charge in the profit-motivated
cases depended significantly on whether the case involved a drug-related shakedown. The
simple odds of conviction are 109 times greater if a profit-motivated case involved a drug-related
shakedown. Similar to other types of police crime, profit-motivated cases that involved an
officer who ultimately lost their job were significantly more likely to result in a criminal
The study included analyses that involved a cross-check of the names of each of the
arrested officers against the master name index in the federal court's PACER system. These
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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198
analyses were used to explore whether arrested officers had ever been named in their official
capacity as a party defendant in a 42 U.S.C. §1983 federal court civil action at some point during
their law enforcement career, and to identify the factors that predict these actions. More
broadly, these analyses can be used to identify arrested officers who could potentially be
that attempt to link the perpetration of police crimes to other forms of misconduct using the
PACER database. These types of analyses could potentially lead to new and improved
We found that many of the incidents giving rise to the federal court civil actions occurred
years or even decades prior to the arrest, and the lawsuits often had nothing to do with the
incident that prompted the arrest. Thus, the arrest case and the civil lawsuit(s) potentially
indicate the existence of problems across multiple job-related functions, or at least separate
instances of the same types of problems over time. The analyses designed to predict being
named as a party-defendant in federal court civil actions involving claims pursuant to 42 U.S.C.
§1983 seem to indicate at least three important facts. First, officers who are ultimately named as
defendants in §1983 federal court civil actions tend to get sued more than once for a variety of
civil rights causes of action. These lawsuits are not often isolated events. Second, officers who
perpetrate crimes while on-duty are significantly more likely to have been named as a Section
1983 defendant. These are officers whose misconduct tends to occur on-the-job and within their
official capacity, so their misdeeds are more likely to be the subject of civil rights litigation and
defined as involving a specific denial of a citizen's civil rights acting within their state actor role
as a police officer. Third, certain types of police crime tend to predict prior federal civil rights
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
199
litigation. Many of these predictors seemed to be acts that were predatory or at least in some
the link between police crime and prior federal civil rights litigation is obviously necessary in
Mechanisms designed to identify and mitigate police misconduct include those that
originate both internal and external to the law enforcement organization. External controls
include local government, citizen review boards, the media, civil lawsuits, and the criminal
courts among others. These external controls clearly maintain certain advantages in terms of the
identification and mitigation of police misconduct. For example, the media often serves to
identify potential cases of misconduct. Likewise, local governments can and often do influence
the budget of law enforcement agencies. So too, civilian review boards have the potential to
integrate citizens and grass-roots organizations into the process of police discipline and reform.
The various external controls, however, do share some problems. Civilian review of the street-
level decisions of sworn law enforcement officers may engender a loss of trust and hesitancy in
situations that require immediate judgments. Likewise, street-level law enforcement officers will
probably mistrust any sort of external control. Also, external controls are in most cases limited
because they do not exert direct control over the policies and disciplinary processes of state and
Internal mechanisms to control police misconduct originate from within each law
hiring and training; and, the creation, maintenance, and enforcement of procedures and rules that
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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200
comprise much of the bureaucracy of the police organization. The advantages of internal
controls are clear: members of the organization including law enforcement executives, first-line
supervisors, and internal affairs units are likely in the best position to identify and punish most
types of police crime. Thus, one of the primary goals of our research was to determine the
degree to which state and local law enforcement organizations identify and respond to cases of
police crime. These data are substantive in terms of policy and practice because they provide a
point of reference in terms of how frequently agencies identify police crimes through an arrest
and opportunities to assess the typical discipline imposed by law enforcement organizations in
these cases—and ultimately, the basis upon which to devise strategies to improve the internal
Our data indicate that in most cases of police crime the arrest is made by a law
enforcement agency other than the officer's employing agency. Two-thirds of the 6,724 police
crime arrest cases originated from an arrest made by an agency other than the employing agency.
Why do employing law enforcement agencies often fail to make the arrest in cases of police
crime? The content analyses identified clear cases in which the employing agency should have
made the arrest and failed to do so. Policing scholars have always recognized that police do not
typically arrest other police officers. Sworn officers are likely to use their discretion and extend
a professional courtesy to other law enforcement officers, especially co-workers or in some cases
their close friends. These kinds of cases represent a failure of internal control and demonstrate
what has sometimes been referred to as a fox in the henhouse problem, one that illustrates the
need for some type of external controls of police misconduct and crime. One the other hand, the
low proportion of arrests made by the employing agency may also be legitimate. For example,
officers in many cases do not live within the jurisdictions they police, or they may live within the
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
201
jurisdiction but choose to perpetrate their crimes elsewhere. The content analyses also identified
many arrest cases in which law enforcement executives purposively contacted other state and
local law enforcement agencies to investigate suspected police crimes or arrest one of their own
sworn officers to promote objectivity and limit the potential for bias in the investigation.
Clearly, determinations in regard to whether agencies can be relied upon to identify cases and the
overall effectiveness of internal mechanisms of control in this regard cannot be made solely on
the basis of whether the employing agency made the arrest in a case of police crime.
The ultimate internal control involves the imposition of progressive discipline and final
from the job. Very little is known about the operation of internal mechanisms of control and the
imposition of adverse employment outcomes in cases of police crime beyond perhaps studies
focused on a single police agency. The next part of this section is a discussion on the imposition
of adverse employment outcomes in terms of both the entire data set and selected results within
the types of police crime that we believe justify further comment. We then provide specific
Overall, sworn state and local law enforcement officers are known to have lost their job
as a result of the arrest in slightly more than one-half of the cases (54%). Clearly, law
enforcement organizations do not automatically terminate sworn officers who perpetrate crimes.
The organizational response to police crime varies rather widely across alcohol-related, drug-
itself matters much less than the type of underlying criminal behavior that prompted the arrest.
For example, sworn law enforcement officers were known to have lost their job as a result of an
arrest in only 38% of the alcohol-related cases, while officers were known to have lost their job
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
202
as a result of the arrest in 72% of the sex-related cases and 70% of the drug-related cases. The
percentage of cases in which officers were known to have lost their jobs for violence-related and
profit-motivated cases was in between these extremes (53% and 68% respectively). The odds of
job loss decreased among drug-related cases when those cases also included an alcohol-related
offense. Differential rates of job loss across types of police crime may reflect perceptions of
threats to organizational legitimacy or degrees of outrage that vary considerably across crime
types. For example, cases involving police sexual violence (i.e., both sex- and violence-related
police crime) are significantly more likely to result in job loss than other types of police crime.
Other specific types of police crime are significantly less likely to result in job loss, including
drug-related crimes that involve marijuana and crimes of family violence. The comparatively
low rate at which family violence crimes result in job loss seems particularly troubling given the
sworn law enforcement officers—are prohibited from possessing any firearm or ammunition
More broadly, the data clearly demonstrate that the imposition of adverse employment
outcomes in cases of police crime is not an isolated event and depends upon other factors that
provide a meaningful context to these decisions and shape the perceptions of law enforcement
administrators and their determinations about appropriate levels of discipline. The most obvious
of the contextual factors that influence the likelihood of job loss is the imposition of other forms
of organizational discipline. State and local law enforcement organizations are significantly less
likely to separate (through involuntary termination or voluntary resignation) sworn officers from
the job who have instead been suspended and/or re-assigned as a result of an arrest. The
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
203
or not to terminate the employment of arrested sworn officers, specifically criminal court
dispositions and whether or not an officer had been sued in federal court for a civil rights
violation. The odds that an officer will lose his or her job significantly increase if they are
criminally convicted on at least one charged offense associated with the arrest. Law enforcement
agencies are likely to view the conviction as a confirmation of both the criminal act and a degree
organizations clearly consider federal litigation and charges of other civil rights violations over
the course of the career as a context relevant to determining whether the arrestee is a problem-
prone officer who is more trouble than he or she is worth to the organization. Law enforcement
Decisions in regard to adverse employment outcomes also seem to depend on the degree
to which the arrested officer was engaged in his or her official role as a police officer at the time
of the arrest. For example, the odds of job loss in cases involving alcohol-related crimes
significantly increased if the officer was on-duty, and the odds of job loss significantly increased
in cases involving sex-related crime and profit-motivated crime if the officer was acting in his or
her official capacity. Criminal behavior that occurs on-duty and/or while an officer is acting in
his or her official capacity relates more directly to the job and poses more significant threats to
organizational legitimacy; and hence, tends to increase the likelihood that severe penalties will
Finally, the likelihood of job loss sometimes depends on the closely associated factors of
agency size and the character of the jurisdiction, particularly for cases that involve either alcohol
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been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
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204
and/or drugs. For example, cases that involve alcohol-related crimes are significantly more
likely to result in job loss as the size of the employing police agency decreases. Likewise, cases
that involve drug-related crime are significantly more likely to result in job loss when they occur
in non-metropolitan counties. Sworn law enforcement officers who perpetrate these types of
crimes seem to be more vulnerable to the most punitive employment outcomes when they work
in smaller police agencies located within nonmetropolitan jurisdictions than officers who patrol
big-city beats. Crimes such as police DUI and or small-scale drug use are probably much more
newsworthy and difficult to ignore when they occur in small towns or rural jurisdictions. On the
other hand, these types of police crime may be less likely to be defined as a big deal by law
enforcement executives and residents who live in large metropolitan areas. Officers employed
by large urban law enforcement agencies may also in some ways be protected from the most
severe penalties by the complexity of large bureaucratic structures and/or more intricate
disciplinary procedures.
The points on final adverse employment outcomes provide context for the identification
and discussion of specific recommendations to law enforcement agencies based on our research.
Our first and perhaps most salient general observation about the data was that police crimes are
not uncommon and that they occur with some regularity in jurisdictions across the nation. The
sheer number of police crimes directly contradicts the presumption that they are perpetrated by a
small cadre of problem-prone officers; and, the fact that roughly two-thirds of all the cases
originated from an arrest made by an agency other than the employing agency reveals that in at
least some cases agencies are not aware of the crimes perpetrated by their own officers. State
and local law enforcement organizations routinely compel applicants to disclose criminal arrests
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
205
requirements need to be extended to all on-the-job sworn employees to compel them to disclose
any criminal arrests or orders of protection so that police agencies can document and respond to
known cases of police crime. Strategies to mitigate police crime cannot succeed without
identification, and our research demonstrates the problems associated with the omission of
obvious and necessary policies to compel the disclosure of criminal arrests and protection orders.
Relatedly, state and local law enforcement organizations need to conduct routine annual
criminal background checks of every sworn officer. Annual criminal background checks serve
two primary purposes. First, they provide an additional check necessary to ensure compliance
with self-report procedures outlined above and to identify cases in which officers fail to disclose
arrests, convictions, or orders of protection lodged against them. Second, annual criminal
background checks would increase compliance with the requirements of the Lautenberg
Amendment (1996). Our data on sworn law enforcement officers arrested for crimes associated
with domestic violence demonstrates how some officers escape appropriate penalties, and
maintain their law enforcement job that requires them to carry a firearm. The problem stems at
least in part from the absence of any central registry or database of persons convicted of
misdemeanor crimes of domestic violence. Law enforcement agencies should require annual
criminal background checks to ensure the identification and documentation of police crimes
within the organization and to maintain compliance with federal law designed to protect victims
of family violence—especially in cases where the abuser is among those expected to enforce
We found that the organizational response to police crime varies rather widely across
jurisdictions, and that law enforcement agencies do not automatically terminate officers who
perpetrate crimes. These disparities likely relate to a host of factors associated with
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
206
disciplinary actions within the unique context of each individual case of police crime. So too,
many state and local law enforcement agencies operate under terms of a collective bargaining
agreement that structures organizational responses and acceptable forms of progressive discipline
and imposition of adverse employment outcomes. However in most cases, law enforcement
executives would benefit from some sort of formalized procedures designed to guide disciplinary
decisions and organizational responses to police crimes within the ranks. The guidelines would
necessarily be broad in scope and allow a degree of administrative discretion and case-by-case
consideration, but their existence would at the least ensure that some type of process is in place
and contribute to both regularity and consistency of organizational responses over time.
Finally, state and local law enforcement agencies should move toward the integration of
data on police crimes within existing systems designed to increase accountability as well as those
intended to provide practical assistance to sworn law enforcement officers both on and off the
job. Many law enforcement agencies have already implemented comprehensive personnel
assessment systems that collect a wide range of data and have the means to address a broad range
of problems, most commonly misconduct related to the use of force and citizen complaints.
These early intervention systems need to include the collection of data on the criminal arrests of
sworn law enforcement officers, because we know that police crimes occur with some regularity
and that their occurrence can in some cases be used as an indicator of problems in other areas of
the job. More bluntly, systems designed to provide an early warning of officers who are
problem-prone cannot be considered complete if they are unable to identify sworn law
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
207
Employee Assistance Programs (EAPs) could also utilize data on criminal arrests of
sworn law enforcement officers to identify and target officers who need help. These programs
typically provide personal and job-related counseling services. Police crime arrests are an
obvious indicator of the need for services to address a host of occupationally-derived problems
including psychological and mental health issues related to violence exposure, trauma, post-
traumatic stress disorder, substance abuse, lob-related stress, and work-family spillover effects.
This is especially true for sworn law enforcement officers who are combat veterans of the
military. In this regard, the content analyses revealed numerous arrest cases that were obviously
part of a much wider milieu and the build-up of long-term stressors—the proverbial tip of an
iceberg of job-related and personal crises that can in some cases lead to complete psychological
breakdowns that produce catastrophic consequences for the officer and his or her victims. These
events and unraveling can occur across the life course of any sworn law enforcement officer’s
career. Law enforcement agencies need to identify police crimes so they can use the information
to help officers who obviously need it and refer them to programs designed to provide practical
The current research project identified and analyzed an unprecedented amount of data on
the arrests of nonfederal sworn law enforcement officers in the United States. The research data
collection methodology was designed by Stinson (2009) and allows for the aggregation of
information on the phenomenon of police crime that would not otherwise been possible (Payne,
2013). It would also be very difficult to process and code the content of the vast amount of raw
data analyzed in the current project without sophisticated database resources. The project is
supported by OnBase, an enterprise content management (ECM) database system. Originally the
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
208
research team utilized OnBase solely to archive digital image files of all the paper-based news
articles, court records, and coding sheets that were collected and analyzed by Stinson and
colleagues as part of their research on police crime. Over the past several years Stinson has
enhanced the project database with additional electronic files, including video files, audio files,
and the ability to search the full text of all the digital images contained in the project’s digital
imaging database. Appendix E presents an entity relationship of Stinson’s police crime database.
Several database components were added to the project ECM database to support the
current study, including an object-relational database that allows for data to be organized in
tables (a relational database component), as well as seamless integration with the digital imaging
and video files (an object-oriented database component) among others. Coding of content was
completed with a customized PC-based coding instrument using the IBM/SPSS Data Collection
software application. The coding instrument system pulls case-specific data from the relational
database into the on-screen coding instrument for each case to be coded, thus reducing coder
duplication of effort and the potential for coding errors. The data from the completed coding
instrument for each case is converted to an SPSS data file for subsequent statistical analyses, and
data files are also converted to an electronic coding sheet in an MS Word (a facsimile of our
paper-based coding instrument) and indexed in OnBase with other case-specific electronic files.
The data collection methodology and ECM research project database design deployed in
the current study can serve as an integrated model for other social science research projects
utilizing big data in a variety of structured and unstructured paper-based and electronic formats.
Most large research universities already utilize ECM database systems for nonresearch
database systems could be made available to faculty researchers for database development in
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
209
large-scale content analysis research projects and other research methodologies. Similarly,
OnBase and other ECM database systems are often utilized by federal, state, and local
government agencies, including courts and law enforcement agencies. The costs of making such
systems available to research teams for research database projects would be de minimis when the
Stinson and colleagues continue to collect data on the criminal arrests of sworn law
enforcement officers at state and local law enforcement agencies across the United States at a
rate of approximately 1,100 new arrest cases involving approximately 800-950 sworn law
enforcement officers arrested annually. The project ECM database now includes 11,131 criminal
arrest cases (as of this writing, for the eleven year period January 2005 through December 2015)
involving the arrests of 9,391 individual sworn law enforcement officers who were employed by
3,666 nonfederal state and local law enforcement officers located in 1,543 counties and
independent cities in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. The research team plans to
continue with the research project as a longitudinal trend study of police crime in the United
States.
We hope that the products disseminated from this study (and our larger project on police
crime research) serve as a starting point for the research projects of other scholars and student
researchers. An electronic copy of the data set (together with supporting documentation) for the
current study will be deposited in SPSS portable files with the National Archives of Criminal
Justice Data (NACJD) at the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research
(ICPSR).
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
210
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This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
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Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Brewer, S. L., & Todak, N. E. (2014). Drink, drive, go to jail? A
study of police officers arrested for drunk driving. Journal of Crime and Justice, 37(3),
356–376. http://doi.org/10.1080/0735648X.2013.805158
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., & Freiburger, T. L. (2010). Exit strategy: An exploration of late-
http://doi.org/10.1177/1098611110384086
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., & Freiburger, T. L. (2012). Off-duty and under arrest: A study of
crimes perpetuated by off-duty police. Criminal Justice Policy Review, 23, 139–163.
http://doi.org/10.1177/0887403410390510
Stinson, P. M., Reyns, B. W., & Liederbach, J. (2012). Police crime and less-than-lethal coercive
Stinson, P. M., Todak, N. E., & Dodge, M. (2013). An exploration of crime by policewomen.
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
229
Stinson, P. M., Todak, N. E., & Dodge, M. (2015). An exploration of crime by policewomen.
http://doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2013.846222
Stinson, P. M., & Watkins, A. M. (2014). The nature of crime by school resource officers:
http://doi.org/10.1177/2158244014521821
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231
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and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
232
Publications
Journal Articles
Stinson, P. M. (2015). Police crime: The criminal behavior of sworn law enforcement officers.
Sociology Compass, 9(1), 1-13. doi:10.1111/soc4.12234
Stinson, P. M., Brewer, S. L., Mathna, B. E., Liederbach, J., & Englebrecht, C. M. (2014). Police
sexual misconduct: Arrested officers and their victims. Victims & Offenders, 10(2), 117-151.
doi:10.1080/15564886.2014.939798
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Brewer, S. L., Jr., & Mathna, B. E. (2014). Police sexual
misconduct: A national scale study of arrested officers. Criminal Justice Policy Review, 26(7),
665-690. doi:10.1177/0887403414526231
Stinson, P. M., & Watkins, A. M. (2014). The nature of crime by school resource officers:
Implications for SRO programs. Sage Open, 4(1), 1-10. doi:10.1177/2158244014521821
Stinson, P. M., Todak, N. E., & Dodge, M. (2013). An exploration of crime by policewomen.
Police Practice and Research: An international journal, 16(1), 79-93.
doi:10.1080/15614263.2013.846222
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Brewer, S. L., Jr., & Todak, N. E. (2013). Drink, drive, go to jail?
A study of police officers arrested for drunk driving. Journal of Crime and Justice, 37(3), 356-
376. doi:10.1080/0735648X.2013.805158
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Brewer, S. L., Jr., Schmalzried, H. N., Mathna, B. E., & Long, K.
L. (2013). A study of drug-related police corruption arrests. Policing: An International Journal
of Police Strategies & Management, 36(3), 491-511. doi:10.1108/PIJPSM-06-2012-0051
Stinson, P. M. & Liederbach, J. (2013). Fox in the henhouse: A study of police officers arrested
for crimes associated with domestic and/or family violence. Criminal Justice Policy Review, 24,
601-625. doi:10.1177/0887403412453837
Non-refereed Articles
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
233
Technical Reports
Stinson, P. M., Calogeras, Z. J., DiChiro, N. L., & Hunter, R. K. (2015). California police sexual
misconduct arrest cases, 2005-2011. Prepared for the California Research Bureau, California
State Library, Sacramento, CA.
Podcasts
Stinson, P. M. (2015, December). Police shootings: Does video evidence matter? Police Integrity
Lost (Audio podcast], Episode 27. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2015, November). What we know about police crime. Police Integrity Lost
(Audio podcast], Episode 26. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2015, October). Violence by school resource officers. Police Integrity Lost
(Audio podcast], Episode 25. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2015, July). Police crime in America: Phil Stinson at Porcfest 2015. Police
Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 24. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2015, May). Police shootings in Albuquerque. Police Integrity Lost [Audio
podcast], Episode 23. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2015, January). Research on crimes committed by sworn police officers. Police
Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 22. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2014, December). Police crime: Grand juries, juries and conviction of officers.
Police Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 21. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2014, November). Constitutional torts, section 1983, and police misconduct:
Presentation at 2014 ASC Conference. Police Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 20.
Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2014, August). Gun-involved police crime arrests. Police Integrity Lost [Audio
podcast], Episode 19. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Brewer, S. L. (2014, February). Victims of police sexual misconduct:
Presentation at 2014 ACJS conference. Police Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 18.
Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2014, January). Research performance progress report for July-December 2013.
Police Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 17. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Watkins, A. M. (2013, December). Crime by school resource officers. Police
Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 16. Available at iTunes.
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
234
Stinson, P. M., & Brewer, S. L. (2013, November). Police integrity lost: Presentation at 2013
ASC conference. Police Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 15. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Liederbach, J. (2013, October). Police sexual misconduct: Policy implications.
Police Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 14. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2013, August). Police Crime Research Findings. Police Integrity Lost [Audio
podcast], Episode 13. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2013, July). Research performance progress report for January-June 2013.
Police Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 12. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Liederbach, J. (2013, June). Police sexual misconduct arrests. Police Integrity
Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 11. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M. (2013, May). Using a content management system: Police crime research methods
part 3. Police Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 10. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., Brewer, S. L., & Liederbach, J. (2013, April). Drunk driving cops. Police
Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 9. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Brewer, S. L. (2013, March). Using Google News for data collection: Police
crime research methods part 2. Police Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 8. Available at
iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Brewer, S. L. (2013, February). Decision Tree Analysis: Police crime research
methods part 1. Police Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 7. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Liederbach, J. (2013, January). Late-stage police crime. Police Integrity Lost
[Audio podcast], Episode 6. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Todak, N. E. (2012, December). Crime by policewomen. Police Integrity Lost
[Audio podcast], Episode 5. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Liederbach, J. (2012, November). Police Criminal Misuse of TASERs. Police
Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 4. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Liederbach, J. (2012, October). Off-Duty police crime. Police Integrity Lost
[Audio podcast], Episode 3. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., & Liederbach, J. (2012, September). Officer-involved domestic violence. Police
Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 2. Available at iTunes.
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., & Brewer, S. L. (2012, August). Police drug corruption. Police
Integrity Lost [Audio podcast], Episode 1. Available at iTunes.
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
235
Stinson, P. M. & Liederbach, J. (2012). Fox in the henhouse: A study of police officers arrested
for crimes associated with domestic and/or family violence. Criminal Justice Policy Review
[Audio podcast]. Available at:
http://cjp.sagepub.com/content/early/2012/07/18/0887403412453837/suppl/DC1
Research Briefs
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Brewer, S. L., & Todak, N. E. (2013). Officers arrested for drunk
driving: Police Integrity Lost Research Brief One-Sheet, No. 6. Bowling Green, OH: Bowling
Green State University. Available at: http://www.bgsu.edu/departments/dhs/crju/file129810.pdf
Stinson, P. M., Reyns, B. W., & Liederbach, J. (2013). Police criminal misuse of conductive
energy devices: Police Integrity Lost Research Brief One-Sheet, No. 5. Bowling Green, OH:
Bowling Green State University. Available at:
http://www.bgsu.edu/departments/dhs/crju/file129809.pdf
Stinson, P. M., & Liederbach, J. (2012). Officer-involved domestic violence: Police Integrity
Lost Research Brief One-Sheet, No. 4. Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University.
Available at: http://www.bgsu.edu/downloads/chhs/file118292.pdf
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Brewer, S., Schmalzried, H., Mathna, B. E., & Long, K. (2012).
Police drug corruption: What are the drugs of choice? Police Integrity Lost Research Brief One-
Sheet, No. 3. Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University.
Available at: http://www.bgsu.edu/downloads/chhs/file118291.pdf
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., & Freiburger, T. L. (2012). Off-duty crime by police officers:
Police Integrity Lost Brief One-Sheet, No. 2. Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State
University. Available at: http://www.bgsu.edu/downloads/chhs/file118290.pdf
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., & Freiburger, T. L. (2012). Late-stage police crime: Is it an exit
Strategy? Police Integrity Lost Research Brief One-Sheet, No. 1. Bowling Green, OH: Bowling
Green State University. Available at: http://www.bgsu.edu/downloads/chhs/file118289.pdf
Presentations
Stinson, P. M. (2015, November 4). Police crime: What we’ve learned and what we don’t know.
Center for Family and Demographic Research, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green,
OH.
Stinson, P. M. (2015, October 29). Police crime in the United States: From shootings to
shoplifting. Owens Community College, Findlay, OH.
Stinson, P. M. (2015, October 21). Use of data in research on police crime. Introduction to Data
Science Seminar, Department of Mathematics & Statistics, Bowling Green State University,
Bowling Green, OH.
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
236
Stinson, P. M. (2015, June 27). Police integrity lost: Police crime in the United States. 12th
Annual Porcupine Freedom Festival (“PorcFest”), Free State Project, Lancaster, NH.
Buerger, M. E., & Stinson, P. M. (2015, March 16). Police misconduct & implicit bias research:
Bridging the gap? Ohio Attorney General, Bureau of Criminal Investigation, Bowling Green,
OH.
Stinson, P. M., Brewer, S. L., & Bridges, J. (2015, March 5). Violence-related police crime
arrests in the United States. Annual meeting of the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences,
Orlando, FL.
Stinson, P. M., Brewer, S. L., Lanese, T., & Wilson, M. A. (2014, November 21). Federal civil
rights litigation pursuant to 42 U.S.C. §1983 as a correlate of police misconduct. Annual
meeting of the American Society of Criminology, San Francisco, CA.
Stinson, P. M., Carmack, E. J., Frankhouser, J. M., & Wilson, M. A. (2014, November 20).
Police crime arrests in the United States, 2011. Annual meeting of the American Society of
Criminology, San Francisco, CA.
Stinson, P.M., Brewer, S.L., Englebrecht, C.M., Liederbach, J., & Mathna, B.E. (2014, February
21). Police sexual misconduct: Arrested officers and their victims. Annual meeting of the
Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, Philadelphia, PA.
Stinson, P. M. (2013, December 12). Police integrity lost: A study of law enforcement officers
arrested: Lessons learned. Bowling Green State University, College of Health and Human
Services, Colloquium.
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Lab, S. P., & Brewer, S. L. (2013, November 21). Police integrity
lost: A study of law enforcement officers arrested. Annual meeting of the American Society of
Criminology, Atlanta, GA.
Stinson, P. M., Brewer, S. L., Englebrecht, C. M., Mathna, B. E., & Liederbach, J. (2013,
November 21). Police sexual misconduct arrests: An exploratory CART analysis. Annual
meeting of the American Society of Criminology, Atlanta, GA.
Stinson, P. M. (2013, July 30). Police integrity lost: Preliminary findings of a national study of
law enforcement officers arrested. Conference on Police Misconduct sponsored by the APA
Division on Psychologists in Public Service, Section on Police and Public Safety at the annual
meeting of the American Psychological Association, Honolulu, HI.
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
237
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Brewer, S. L., Englebrecht, C. E., & Mathna, B. E. (2013, March
21). Police sexual misconduct arrests: An exploratory study. Annual meeting of the Academy of
Criminal Justice Sciences, Dallas, TX.
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Todak, E. N., & Brewer, S. L. (2012, November 15). Drunk
driving cops: A study of police officers arrested for DUI, 2005-2010. Annual meeting of the
American Society of Criminology, Chicago, IL.
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Brewer, S. L., Jr., Schmalzried, H. N., Mathna, B. E., & Long, K.
L. (2012, November 15). CHAID analysis of drug-related police corruption arrests. Annual
meeting of the American Society of Criminology, Chicago, IL.
Stinson, P. M. (2012, June 20). Police integrity lost: Preliminary findings from a study of law
enforcement officers arrested, 2005-2011. 2012 National Institute of Justice (NIJ) Conference,
Arlington, VA.
Stinson, P. M., Liederbach, J., Schmalzried, H., Long, K. L., & Mathna, B. E. (2012, March 16).
Officers’ drugs of abuse: A study of drug-related police crime. Annual meeting of the Academy
of Criminal Justice Sciences, New York, NY.
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
238
Table 1. Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011: Arrested Officers and Employing Agencies (N = 6,724)
n (%) n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
239
Table 2. Most Serious Offense Charged in Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 6,724)
n (%) n (%)
Note . Table equals 99.9%. The last four categories collectively account for the missing 0.1%.
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
240
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
241
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
242
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
243
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
244
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
245
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
246
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
247
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
248
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
249
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
250
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
251
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
252
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
253
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
254
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
255
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
256
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
257
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
258
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
259
Table 11. Logistic Regression Model Predicting Alcohol-related Arrest Cases (N = 3,248)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Duty Status (V6) -2.511 0.183 189.197 <.001 0.081 0.057 0.116
Child Victim (V84) -1.323 0.219 36.481 <.001 0.266 0.173 0.409
Victim Relationship to Offender (V85) 0.161 0.025 42.205 <.001 1.175 1.119 1.234
Organizational Crime versus Against Citizenry (V90) -1.339 0.245 29.768 <.001 0.262 0.162 0.424
Sex-related Crime (V95) -1.359 0.210 41.766 <.001 0.257 0.170 0.388
Violence-related Crime (V96) -0.352 0.163 4.656 .031 0.703 0.511 0.968
Police Sexual Violence (V98) 0.974 0.277 12.401 <.001 2.649 1.540 4.557
Suspended (V104) 0.458 0.131 12.246 <.001 1.581 1.223 2.044
Agency Scandal / Cover Up (V107) 0.780 0.254 9.420 .002 2.181 1.326 3.589
Citizen Complaint as Method of Crime Detection (V108) -0.339 0.140 5.882 .015 0.713 0.542 0.937
Off-Duty: In Uniform (V120) -2.421 1.040 5.421 .020 0.089 0.012 0.682
Marijuana (V148) 1.792 0.512 12.247 <.001 6.000 2.200 16.369
OIDV: Victim Injured, Fatal (V174) -2.073 1.032 4.037 .045 0.126 0.017 0.951
42 USC §1997 Civil Defendant at Some Point (V178) -0.626 0.307 4.162 .041 0.535 0.293 0.976
18 USC §242 Criminal Defendant at Some Point (V181) -1.253 0.574 4.768 .029 0.286 0.093 0.880
Most Serious Offense Charged (V183) 0.012 0.003 16.185 <.001 1.012 1.006 1.018
Victim Age Difference 0.018 0.005 14.298 <.001 1.018 1.009 1.028
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
260
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
261
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
262
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
263
Table 13. Logistic Regression Model Predicting Drug-related Arrest Cases (N = 1,697)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
State (V11) -0.048 0.015 10.621 .001 0.953 0.926 0.981
Pornography (V49) 2.344 0.538 18.979 <.001 10.418 3.630 29.902
Forcible Rape (V53) 1.107 0.522 4.496 .034 3.026 1.087 8.422
False Report / False Statement (V70) 2.818 0.592 22.665 <.001 16.742 5.248 53.414
Obstruction of Justice (V74) 2.590 0.558 21.503 <.001 13.324 4.459 39.807
Alcohol-related Crime (V94) 1.532 0.507 9.125 .003 4.626 1.712 12.496
Sex-related Crime (V95) 1.396 0.563 6.149 .013 4.040 1.340 12.180
Profit-motivated Crime (V97) 3.629 0.691 27.598 <.001 37.691 9.731 145.984
Officer was Reassigned (V102) 1.374 0.674 4.154 .042 3.951 1.054 14.812
Injuries in DUI-related Traffic Accident (V111) 1.561 0.746 4.375 .036 4.764 1.103 20.569
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
264
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
265
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
266
DUI in Police Vehicle Out of Jurisdiction V114 6724 26.671 1 .000 .063
DUI in a Personally-owned Vehicle V115 6724 330.073 1 .000 .222
DUI: Refused Field Sobriety Tests V116 6724 51.479 1 .000 .087
DUI: Refused BAC Tests V117 6724 123.689 1 .000 .136
Off-Duty: 24-Hour Ordinance V118 6724 6.828 1 .009 .032
Off-Duty: Identified Self as Police Officer V119 6724 28.844 1 .000 .065
Off-Duty: Showed a Police Weapon V121 6724 199.916 1 .000 .172
Off-Duty: Flashed Badge V122 6724 11.715 1 .001 .042
Off-Duty: Conducted a Search V123 6724 4.460 1 .035 .026
Off-Duty: Made an Arrest V124 6724 17.634 1 .000 .051
DUI: In Possession of a Firearm V128 6724 41.105 1 .000 .078
Heroin V129 6724 28.330 1 .000 .065
Morphine V130 6724 4.385 1 .036 .026
Hydrocodone V131 6724 40.060 1 .000 .077
Hydromorphone V132 6724 4.904 1 .027 .027
Oxycodone V133 6724 49.756 1 .000 .086
Other Narcotics V135 6724 28.542 1 .000 .065
Benzodiazepines V137 6724 11.575 1 .001 .041
Other Depressants V138 6724 12.148 1 .000 .043
Cocaine V139 6724 68.269 1 .000 .101
Crack V140 6724 39.100 1 .000 .076
Amphetamine / Methamphetamine V141 6724 41.062 1 .000 .078
Other Stimulants V143 6724 3.922 1 .048 .024
MDMA & Analogs V144 6724 10.797 1 .001 .040
Phencyclidine & Analogs V146 6724 7.849 1 .005 .034
Other Hallucinogens V147 6724 3.922 1 .048 .024
Marijuana V148 6724 32.825 1 .000 .070
Testosterone V151 6724 16.702 1 .000 .050
Other Anabolic Steroids V152 6724 17.858 1 .000 .052
42 USC 1981 Civil Defendant at Some Point V175 6724 22.193 1 .000 .057
42 USC 1983 Civil Defendant at Some Point V176 6724 103.675 1 .000 .124
28 USC 1441 Civil Rights Case Removed V179 6724 52.819 1 .000 .089
Federal Civil Rights Defendant - Aggregate V180 6724 104.219 1 .000 .124
18 USC 242 Criminal Defendant V181 6724 26.437 1 .000 .063
Most Serious Offense Charged V183 6724 4883.929 63 .000 .852
Drugs: Using / Personal Use V196 6724 160.243 1 .000 .154
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
267
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
268
Table 15. Logistic Regression Model Predicting Violence-related Arrest Cases (N = 1,286)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Age (V3) 0.057 0.016 13.075 <.001 1.058 1.026 1.092
Years of Service (V4) -0.040 0.017 5.230 .022 0.961 0.929 0.994
Type of Agency (V9) 0.163 0.080 4.143 .042 1.177 1.006 1.376
Child Victim (V84) -1.277 0.217 34.716 <.001 0.279 0.182 0.427
Victim Relationship to Offender (V85) -0.325 0.108 9.107 .003 0.723 0.585 0.892
Internal versus Organizational Crime (V91) 0.064 0.026 6.239 .012 1.066 1.014 1.121
Profit-motivated Crime (V97) -3.998 0.477 70.258 <.001 0.018 0.007 0.047
Suspended (V104) 0.400 0.178 5.038 .025 1.492 1.052 2.115
Citizen Complaint as Method of Crime Detection (V108) 0.820 0.194 17.867 <.001 2.271 1.552 3.322
DUI-related Traffic Accident (V110) -2.287 0.303 56.845 <.001 0.102 0.056 0.184
Most Serious Offense Charged (V183) -0.054 0.006 84.071 <.001 0.948 0.937 0.959
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
269
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
270
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
271
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
272
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
273
Table 17. Logistic Regression Model Predicting Profit-motivated Arrest Cases (N = 1,330)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Duty Status (V6) 0.926 0.398 5.417 .020 2.525 1.158 5.510
Age of Victim (V83) 0.076 0.024 9.953 .002 1.079 1.029 1.131
Sex-related Crime (V95) -2.340 0.655 12.784 <.001 0.096 0.027 0.347
Violence-related Crime (V96) -2.808 0.435 41.592 <.001 0.060 0.026 0.142
Citizen Complaint as Method of Crime Detection (V108) 1.777 0.596 8.900 .003 5.911 1.840 18.997
42 USC §1985 Civil Defendant at Some Point (V177) 1.662 0.784 4.496 .034 5.268 1.134 24.477
Victim Age Difference 0.046 0.022 4.557 .033 1.047 1.004 1.092
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
274
Table 18. Chi-Square Predicting Being Named a Party-Defendant in 42 U.S.C. 1983 Litigation at Some Point
Variable Label Variable N χ2 df p V
Age V3 5863 198.143 56 .000 .184
Years of Service V4 4780 250.387 43 .000 .229
Gender V5 6724 30.465 1 .000 .067
Duty Status V6 6724 203.914 1 .000 .174
Rank V7 6724 125.643 9 .000 .137
Type of Agency V9 6724 30.828 7 .000 .068
Full-Time Sworn Personnel Categorical V10 6724 60.276 10 .000 .095
State V11 6724 346.944 50 .000 .227
Part-Times Sworn Personnel Categorical V12 6724 25.560 8 .001 .062
Urban to Rural Continuum Code V13 6724 75.487 8 .000 .106
Arresting Agency V14 6724 4.414 1 .036 .026
Aggravated Assault V16 6724 38.690 1 .000 .076
Bribery V19 6724 9.418 1 .002 .037
Counterfeiting / Forgery V21 6724 5.135 1 .023 .028
Property Destruction / Vandalism V22 6724 5.593 1 .018 .029
Extortion / Blackmail V26 6724 7.905 1 .005 .034
Credit Card / ATM Fraud V28 6724 4.256 1 .039 .025
Murder & Nonnegligent Manslaughter V36 6724 16.915 1 .000 .050
Kidnapping / Abduction V39 6724 41.130 1 .000 .078
Pornography / Obscene Material V49 6724 11.702 1 .001 .042
Robbery V51 6724 19.811 1 .000 .054
Forcible Sodomy V54 6724 20.992 1 .000 .056
Forcible Fondling V56 6724 3.894 1 .048 .024
Incest V57 6724 4.417 1 .036 .026
Online Solicitation of a Child V60 6724 3.964 1 .046 .024
Weapons Law violation V63 6724 3.964 1 .046 .024
Criminal Civil Rights Deprivation V65 6724 97.041 1 .000 .120
Driving Under the Influence V67 6724 55.349 1 .000 .091
Drunkenness V68 6724 3.964 1 .046 .024
False Report / False Statement V70 6724 23.451 1 .000 .059
Family Offenses, Nonviolent V71 6724 5.824 1 .016 .029
Liquor Law violation V73 6724 7.133 1 .008 .033
Obstruction of Justice V74 6724 27.533 1 .000 .064
Official Misconduct V75 6724 50.495 1 .000 .087
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
275
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
276
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
277
Table 19. Logistic Regression Model Predicting Being Named a 42 USC §1983 Party-Defendant at Some Point (N = 1,278)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Years of Service (V4) 0.067 0.010 43.606 <.001 1.069 1.048 1.091
Duty Status (V6) 1.086 0.187 33.762 <.001 2.962 2.054 4.273
Full-Time Sworn Personnel Categorical (V10) 0.071 0.030 5.498 .019 1.073 1.012 1.139
Murder & Nonnegligent Manslaughter (V36) 0.692 0.282 6.011 .014 1.998 1.149 3.475
Kidnapping/Abduction (V39) 0.753 0.272 7.669 .006 2.123 1.246 3.617
Victim Relationship to Offender (V85) 0.175 0.065 7.308 .007 1.191 1.049 1.352
Driving While Female Encounter (V99) 0.934 0.346 7.285 .007 2.544 1.291 5.011
Officer was Assigned to Another Position (V102) 0.854 0.334 6.544 .011 2.349 1.221 4.518
Officer's Supervisor was Disiplined / Reassigned (V105) 2.369 0.488 23.592 <.001 10.686 4.108 27.796
DUI in a Privately-owned Vehicle (V115) -1.348 0.465 8.421 .004 0.260 0.104 0.645
Off-Duty: Identified Self as an Officer (V119) 1.060 0.301 12.374 <.001 2.885 1.599 5.208
Family Violence (V126) 0.737 0.285 6.688 .010 2.090 1.195 3.653
Cocaine (V139) 2.007 0.747 7.227 .007 7.440 1.722 32.140
42 USC §1981 Civil Defendant at Some Point (V175) 3.962 0.718 30.421 <.001 52.584 12.863 214.965
18 USC §242 Criminal Defendant at Some Point (V181) 1.837 0.639 8.264 .004 6.276 1.794 21.956
Most Serious Offense Charged (V183) -0.019 0.004 23.805 <.001 0.981 0.974 0.989
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
278
Table 20. Sex-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011: Arrested Officers and Employing Agencies (N = 1,475)
n (%) n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
279
Table 21. Most Serious Offense Charged in Sex-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 1,475)
n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
280
Table 22. Victim Characteristics in Sex-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 1,475)
n (%) (Valid %) n (%) (Valid %)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
281
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
282
Table 24. Sex-related Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Conviction (N = 447)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Years of Service 0.056 0.021 7.353 .007 1.058 1.016 1.102
Pornography / Obscene Material 1.737 0.769 5.107 .024 5.678 1.259 25.608
Child Victim 0.728 0.279 6.832 .009 2.071 1.200 3.575
Lost Job 1.661 0.293 32.044 < .001 5.266 2.963 9.360
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
283
Table 25. Bivariate Associations of Job Loss in Sex-related Police Crime Arrest Cases
2
Variable Label Variable N χ df p V
Year of Arrest V2 1,475 135.487 6 .000 .303
Age V3 1,397 68.062 46 .019 .221
Years of Service V4 1,195 62.775 36 .004 .229
Gender V5 1,475 20.753 1 .000 .119
Duty Status V6 1,475 5.692 1 .017 .062
Type of Agency V9 1,475 15.908 7 .026 .104
Full-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) V10 1,475 41.867 10 .000 .168
State V11 1,475 111.725 48 .000 .275
Part-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) V12 1,475 39.503 7 .000 .164
Urban / Rural Continuum V13 1,475 20.333 8 .009 .117
Arresting Agency V14 1,475 5.911 1 .015 .063
Bribery V19 1,475 13.207 1 .000 .095
Kidnapping / Abduction V39 1,475 5.104 1 .024 .059
Prostitution V50 1,475 9.096 1 .003 .079
Forcible Fondling V56 1,475 6.148 1 .013 .065
Incest V57 1,475 5.991 1 .014 .064
Indecent Exposure V59 1,475 7.600 1 .006 .072
Unclassified Sex Crime V61 1,475 8.111 1 .004 .074
Criminal Deprivation of Civil Rights V65 1,475 4.892 1 .027 .058
Internal Crime Against the Organization V91 1,475 34.420 2 .000 .153
Official Capacity V92 1,475 7.595 1 .006 .072
Violence-related V96 1,475 6.956 1 .008 .069
Police Sexual Violence V98 1,475 4.849 1 .028 .057
Driving While Female Encounter V99 1,475 15.105 1 .000 .101
Suspended V104 1,475 42.412 1 .000 .170
Crime Detected by Citizen Complaint V108 1,475 9.246 1 .002 .079
Conviction V109 986 36.614 1 .000 .193
Off-Duty: In Uniform V120 1,475 5.478 1 .019 .061
Marijuana V148 1,475 4.857 1 .028 .057
42 U.S.C. §1983 Civil Defendant V176 1,475 9.706 1 .002 .081
42 U.S.C. §1985 Civil Defendant V177 1,475 6.845 1 .009 .068
28 U.S.C. §1441 Civil Case Removed V179 1,475 5.434 1 .020 .061
18 U.S.C. §242 Criminal Defendant V181 1,475 7.627 1 .006 .072
Geographic Region geogreg 1,475 21.667 3 .000 .121
Geographic Division geogdiv 1,475 27.896 8 .000 .138
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
284
Table 26. Sex-related Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Job Loss (N = 801)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Year of Arrest 0.339 0.061 31.037 < .001 1.404 1.246 1.582
Age -0.036 0.012 8.489 .004 0.965 0.942 0.988
Internal Crime Against the Organization 0.121 0.045 7.167 .007 1.129 1.033 1.234
Official Capacity 0.890 0.282 9.973 .002 2.435 1.402 4.231
Driving While Female Encounter 0.999 0.455 4.825 .028 2.715 1.114 6.620
Suspended -0.942 0.255 13.651 < .001 0.390 0.236 0.642
Conviction 1.341 0.237 31.918 < .001 3.824 2.401 6.089
Marijuana -1.929 0.693 7.740 .005 0.145 0.037 0.566
42 U.S.C. §1983 Civil Defendant at Some Point 0.798 0.254 9.879 .002 2.221 1.350 3.653
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
285
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
286
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
287
Table 28. Sex-related Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Child Victims (N = 722)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Duty Status -1.798 0.315 32.509 < .001 0.166 0.089 0.307
Full-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) -0.195 0.054 13.134 < .001 0.823 0.741 0.915
Urban to Rural Continuum Code -0.194 0.087 5.004 .025 0.824 0.695 0.976
Aggravated Assault -2.688 0.771 12.155 < .001 0.068 0.015 0.308
Intimidation -1.556 0.561 7.692 .006 0.211 0.070 0.634
Kidnapping / Abduction -1.390 0.455 9.322 .002 0.249 0.102 0.608
Pornography / Obscene Material 1.357 0.652 4.336 .037 3.885 1.083 13.936
Forcible Fondling 1.245 0.259 23.100 < .001 3.474 2.091 5.774
Indecent Exposure -1.357 0.517 6.880 .009 0.257 0.093 0.710
Unclassified Sex Crime 1.434 0.353 16.479 < .001 4.195 2.099 8.382
Weapons Law violation -3.054 1.125 7.367 .007 0.047 0.005 0.428
Obstruction of Justice -3.822 1.191 10.289 .001 0.022 0.002 0.226
Gender of Victim 1.816 0.452 16.148 < .001 6.144 2.535 14.896
Violence-related -1.658 0.402 17.046 < .001 0.191 0.087 0.419
Police Sexual Violence -0.986 0.312 10.008 .002 0.373 0.202 0.687
Driving While Female Encounter -1.744 0.578 9.115 .003 0.175 0.056 0.542
Discussion of Agency Scandal or Cover Up 1.861 0.577 10.412 .001 6.427 2.076 19.900
Conviction 0.799 0.285 7.869 .005 2.223 1.272 3.883
Family Violence 0.941 0.399 5.557 .018 2.563 1.172 5.606
Geographic Division 0.101 0.047 4.596 .032 1.106 1.009 1.212
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
288
Table 29. Bivariate Associations of Conviction in Police Sexual Violence Arrest Cases
2
Variable Label Variable N χ df p V
Year of Arrest V2 431 18.185 6 .006 .205
Urban to Rural Continuum V13 431 20.573 8 .008 .008
False Pretenses / Swindle V27 431 4.021 1 .045 .097
Forcible Sodomy V54 431 6.671 1 .010 .124
Forcible Fondling V56 431 6.754 1 .009 .125
Statutory Rape V58 431 3.966 1 .046 .096
Victim is a Police Officer V82 430 4.112 1 .043 .098
Victim is a Child V84 427 9.742 1 .002 .151
Victim's Relationship V85 427 20.988 6 .002 .222
Violence-related V96 431 4.955 1 .026 .107
Drugs: Personal Use / Using V196 431 4.021 1 .045 .097
Job Lost Binary joblostbin 431 22.139 1 .000 .227
Georgraphic Division geogdiv 431 15.821 8 .045 .192
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
289
Table 30. Police Sexual Violence Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Conviction (N = 427)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
290
Table 31. Bivariate Assocations of Job Loss in Police Sexual Violence Arrest Cases
2
Variable Label Variable N χ df p V
Year of Arrest V2 622 60.900 6 .000 .313
Years of Service V4 495 61.583 29 .000 .353
Gender V5 622 18.253 1 .000 .171
Type of Agency V9 622 17.772 6 .007 .169
Full-Time Sworn (categorical) V10 622 18.829 10 .042 .174
State V11 622 78.683 45 .001 .356
Part-Time Sworn (categorical) V12 622 17.903 7 .012 .170
Simple Assault V17 622 4.288 1 .038 .083
Intimidation V18 622 7.658 1 .006 .111
Bribery V19 622 9.214 1 .002 .122
Burglary V20 622 5.451 1 .020 .094
Kidnapping / Abduction V39 622 6.004 1 .014 .098
Indecent Exposure V59 622 3.742 1 .053 .078
Other / Unclassified Sex Crime V61 622 6.219 1 .013 .100
Weapons Law violation V63 622 6.685 1 .010 .104
Official Misconduct / Oppression V75 622 7.616 1 .006 .111
All Other Offenses / Unclassified V80 622 5.706 1 .017 .096
Internal Crime Against the Organization V91 622 52.301 1 .000 .290
Alcohol-related V94 622 4.667 1 .031 .087
Driving While Female Encounter V99 622 12.156 1 .000 .140
Suspended V104 622 23.630 1 .000 .195
Officer's Supervisor was Disciplined V105 622 3.776 1 .052 .078
Conviction V109 431 22.139 1 .000 .227
Years of Service Categorical yrsservcat 622 25.372 10 .005 .202
Geographic Region geogreg 622 12.336 3 .006 .141
Geographic Division geogdiv 622 17.510 8 .025 .168
Rank by Function rankfunc 622 8.663 2 .013 .118
Victim Age Categorical vicagecat 622 22.063 9 .009 .188
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
291
Table 32. Police Sexual Violence Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Job Loss (N = 354)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Part-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) 0.639 0.217 8.682 .003 1.894 1.238 2.896
Weapons Law violation -2.504 1.137 4.846 .028 0.082 0.009 0.760
Internal Crime Against the Organization 0.260 0.051 25.790 < .001 1.297 1.173 1.433
Driving While Female Encounter 1.178 0.494 5.681 .017 3.249 1.233 8.560
Conviction 1.741 0.434 16.068 < .001 5.705 2.435 13.366
Years of Service (categorical) -0.262 0.083 9.904 .002 0.770 0.654 0.906
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
292
Table 33. Bivariate Associations of Conviction in Driving While Female Police Crime Arrest Cases
2
Variable Label Variable N χ df p V
Year of Arrest V2 126 14.407 6 .025 .338
Full-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) V10 126 22.232 9 .008 .420
Burglary V20 126 9.101 1 .003 .269
Drug / Narcotic violation V23 126 4.514 1 .034 .189
Unclassified Theft / Larceny V47 126 4.827 1 .028 .196
Sexual Assault with an Object V55 126 6.081 1 .014 .220
Forcible Fondling V56 126 5.277 1 .022 .205
Economically-motivated V88 126 4.514 1 .034 .189
Against the Citizenry V90 126 4.514 1 .034 .189
Internal Crime Against the Organization V91 126 7.204 1 .007 .239
Alcohol-related V94 126 9.895 1 .002 .280
Cocaine V139 126 4.514 1 .034 .189
42 U.S.C. §1983 V176 126 3.728 1 .054 .172
Drugs: Using / Personal Use V196 126 4.514 1 .034 .189
Job Loss (binary) joblossbin 126 3.967 1 .046 .177
Stimulant stimulant 126 4.514 1 .034 .189
Age Categorical agecat 126 18.588 8 .017 .384
Rank Function rankfunc 126 5.769 1 .016 .214
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
293
Table 34. Driving While Female Encounters Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Conviction (N = 126)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Sexual Assault with an Object -2.050 1.029 3.969 .046 0.129 0.017 0.967
Forcible Fondling -1.324 0.557 5.659 .017 0.266 0.089 0.792
Internal Crime Against the Organization 0.207 0.072 8.337 .004 1.230 1.069 1.416
Alcohol-related -2.705 0.993 7.416 .006 0.067 0.010 0.468
42 U.S.C. §1983 Civil Defendant at Some Point 1.438 0.579 6.167 .013 4.214 1.354 13.113
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
294
Table 35. Bivariate Assocations of Job Loss in Drving While Female Arrest Cases
2
Variable Label Variable N χ df p V
Year of Arrest V2 174 15.536 6 .016 .299
Age V3 168 47.043 33 .054 .529
Years of Service V4 144 42.173 22 .006 .541
Rank V7 174 14.145 4 .007 .285
State V11 174 53.896 33 .012 .557
Bribery V19 174 6.714 1 .010 .196
Kidnapping / Abduction V39 174 4.631 1 .031 .163
Forcible Rape V53 174 4.293 1 .038 .157
Indecent Exposure V59 174 12.402 1 .000 .267
Other / Unclassified Sex Crime V61 174 5.870 1 .015 .184
Official Misconduct / Oppression V75 174 5.792 1 .016 .182
Organizational versus Against Citizenry V90 174 5.476 1 .019 .177
Internal versus Organizational V91 174 13.514 1 .000 .279
Suspended V104 174 4.094 1 .043 .153
Conviction V109 126 3.967 1 .046 .177
Off-Duty: Identified Self as an Officer V119 174 5.476 1 .019 .177
Victim Age Categorical vicagecat 174 22.217 7 .002 .357
Victim Age Difference vicagediff 174 51.795 28 .004 .546
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
295
Table 36. Driving While Female Encounters Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Job Loss (N = 105)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Internal Crime Against the Organization 0.357 0.141 6.441 .011 1.429 1.085 1.883
Victim Age Difference -0.072 0.031 5.258 .022 0.931 0.875 0.990
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
296
Table 37. Alcohol-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011: Arrested Officers and Employing Agencies (N = 1,405)
n (%) n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
297
Table 38. Most Serious Offense Charged in Alcohol-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 1,405)
n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
298
Table 39. Victim Characteristics in Alcohol-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 1,405)
n (%) (Valid %) n (%) (Valid %)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
299
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
300
Specific Drugs:
Other Depressants (Depressant) 15 (30.6)
Oxycodone (Narcotic) 8 (16.3)
Cocaine (Stimulant) 5 (10.2)
Hydrocodone (Narcotic) 4 (8.2)
Other Narcotics (Narcotic) 4 (8.2)
Benzodiazepines (Depressant) 4 (8.2)
Amphetamine / Methamphetamine (Stimulant) 3 (6.1)
Marijuana (Cannabis) 3 (6.1)
Hydromorphone (Narcotic) 2 (4.1)
Other Stimulants (Stimulant) 2 (4.1)
Morphine (Narcotic) 1 (2.0)
Codeine (Narcotic) 1 (2.0)
MDMA & Analogs (Hallucinogen) 1 (2.0)
Other Anabolic Steroids (Anabolic Steroid) 1 (2.0)
Note. Categories are not mutually exclusive. Sum of (%) column ≠ 100
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
301
Table 42. Bivariate Associations of Conviction in Alcohol-related Police Crime Arrest Cases
2
Variable Label Variable N χ df p V
Rank V7 654 20.366 8 .009 .176
State V11 654 95.625 48 .000 .382
Arresting Agency V14 654 5.294 1 .021 .090
Simple Assault V17 654 7.182 1 .007 .105
Property Destruction / Vandalism V22 654 4.327 1 .038 .081
Forcible Fondling V56 654 3.681 1 .055 .075
Driving Under the Influence V67 654 11.679 1 .001 .134
Drunkenness V68 654 4.477 1 .034 .083
Hit and Run V72 654 3.987 1 .046 .078
Liquor Law violation V73 654 6.721 1 .010 .101
Child Victim V84 339 4.004 1 .045 .109
Victim's Relationship to the Officer V85 331 23.297 7 .002 .265
Sex-related V95 654 3.913 1 .048 .077
Driving While Female Encounter V99 654 6.187 1 .013 .097
Officer was Demoted V103 654 4.653 1 .031 .084
DUI-related Traffic Accident V110 654 17.885 1 .000 .165
Injuries in a DUI-related Traffic Accident V111 654 11.293 1 .001 .131
DUI in a Personally-owned Vehicle V115 654 12.756 1 .000 .140
Off-Duty Ordinance On-Call 24/7 V118 654 3.612 1 .057 .074
Family Violence V126 654 10.441 1 .001 .126
OIDV: Hands / Fist V164 654 21.157 1 .000 .180
OIDV: Victim Injured, nonfatal V173 654 13.340 1 .000 .143
Job Lost joblostbin 654 12.462 1 .000 .138
Geographic Region geogreg 654 11.270 3 .010 .131
Geographic Division geogdiv 654 19.323 8 .013 .172
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
302
Table 43. Alcohol-related Police Crime Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Conviction (N = 330)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Arresting Agency is Not Arrested Officer's Employer 0.577 0.291 3.924 .048 1.781 1.006 3.153
Sex-related 1.110 0.455 5.952 .015 3.035 1.244 7.406
Driving-While-Female Encounter -2.655 0.832 10.182 .001 0.070 0.014 0.359
DUI in a Personally-Owned-Vehicle 1.286 0.386 11.078 .001 3.619 1.697 7.719
OIDV: Weapon: Hands / Fist -1.015 0.368 7.590 .006 0.362 0.176 0.746
Lost Job 0.937 0.288 10.601 .001 2.551 1.452 4.483
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
303
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
304
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
305
Table 45. Alcohol-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Job Loss (N = 327)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
306
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
307
Table 47. Police DUI Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Conviction (N = 378)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Liquor Law violation -2.893 1.181 6.000 .014 0.055 0.005 0.561
Official Capacity -0.949 0.363 6.842 .009 0.387 0.190 0.788
DUI-related Traffic Accident 0.861 0.283 9.239 .002 2.366 1.358 4.123
DUI Refused BAC Test -0.775 0.308 6.313 .012 0.461 0.252 0.843
DUI Traffic Accident: Officer Denied Driving -2.858 1.200 5.670 .017 0.057 0.005 0.603
Job Loss 0.892 0.310 8.283 .004 2.440 1.329 4.480
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
308
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
309
Table 49. Police DUI Arrest Cases, 2005-2011: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Job Loss (N = 378)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Full-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) -0.149 0.050 8.878 .003 0.862 0.781 0.950
Murder & Nonnegligent Manslaughter 1.254 0.634 3.909 .048 3.506 1.011 12.156
Official Capacity 1.076 0.332 10.525 .001 2.934 1.531 5.623
Violence-related 0.902 0.339 7.068 .008 2.465 1.268 4.794
Conviction 0.857 0.299 8.202 .004 2.357 1.311 4.238
Off-Duty: Employing Agency Requires 24/7 Availability -2.254 1.047 4.638 .031 0.105 0.013 0.817
DUI Traffic Accident: Driving in Wrong Direction 2.149 1.081 3.951 .047 8.576 1.030 71.382
Years of Service (categorical) 0.043 0.021 4.278 .039 1.043 1.002 1.086
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
310
Table 50. Drug-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011: Arrested Officers and Employing Agencies (N = 739)
n (%) n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
311
Table 51. Most Serious Offense Charged in Drug-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 739)
n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
312
Table 52. Specific Drugs in Drug-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 739)
n (%) n (%)
Note . Categories are not mutually exclusive. Sum of (%) columns ≠ 100
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
313
Table 53. Victim Characteristics in Drug-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 739)
n (%) (Valid %) n (%) (Valid %)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
314
Table 54. Patterns of Drug-related Corruption in Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 739)
n (%) n (%)
Drug Selling / Dealing / Trafficking 299 (40.5) Other Types of Police Crime Present in Drug Cases
Drug Personal Use 235 (31.8) Profit-motivated Police Crime 438 (59.3)
Facilitation of the Drug Trade 172 (23.3) Violence-related Police Crime 132 (17.9)
Theft / Shakedown 171 (23.1) Alcohol-related Police Crime 38 (5.1)
Street-Level Dealer (n = 75, 10.1%) Sex-related Police Crime 37 (5.0)
Warrantless Searches (n = 69, 9.3%)
Car Stops & Drug Couriers (n = 58, 7.8%) Drug Cases with Multiple Types of Police Crime
Off-Duty Robberies (n = 35, 4.7%) 1 Type of Police Crime Present (just Drug-related) 226 (30.6)
Illegitimate Raids / Searches (n = 33, 4.5%) 2 Types of Police Crime Present 390 (52.8)
Calls for Service / Radio Runs (n = 16, 2.2%) 3 Types of Police Crime Present 114 (15.4)
Theft from Police Evidence Room 60 (8.1) 4 Types of Police Crime Present 9 (1.2)
Falsification 58 (7.8)
Forged Prescription 33 (4.5)
Planting Evidence 33 (4.5)
Sexually-motivated Drug Corruption 25 (3.4)
Note . Categories are not mutually exclusive. Sum of (%) column ≠ 100
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
315
Specific Drugs
Theft/Shakedown - Car Stops & Drug Couriers Cocaine Heroin/Marijuana Crack .774 .705 .843
Theft/Shakedown - Warrantless Search/Seizures Marijuana Cocaine Heroin/Crack .769 .714 .824
Theft/Shakedown - Street-Level Dealer Cocaine Hydrocodone/Marijuana Amphetamine/Crack .792 .740 .844
Drug Use Hydrocodone Oxycodone Testosterone .701 .660 .724
Drug Trafficking Cocaine Heroin/Marjiuana Testosterone .685 .646 .725
Facilitation of the Drug Trade Cocaine Heroin/Marjiuana Marijuana .737 .697 .777
Drug Classes
Theft/Shakedown - Car Stops & Drug Couriers Stimulants Cannabis/Depressants Narcotics/Hallucinogens .753 .685 .821
Theft/Shakedown - Warrantless Search/Seizures Cannabis Narcotics/Stimulants Anabolic Steroids/Narcotics/Hallucinogens .753 .695 .812
Theft/Shakedown - Street-Level Dealer Cannabis Narcotics/Stimulants Anabolic Steroids/Hallucinogens .755 .697 .814
Drug Trafficking Stimulants Cannabis/Anabolic Steroids* Hallucinogens/Narcotics .696 .658 .734
Drug Use Narcotics Stimulants Anabolic Steroids/Hallucinogens .675 .632 .717
Facilitation of the Drug Trade Stimulants Cannabis Depressants .654 .608 .699
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
316
Table 56. Bivariate Associations of Conviction in Drug-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011
2
Variable Label Variable N χ df p V
State V11 562 65.220 43 .016 .341
Arresting Agency V14 562 13.219 1 .000 .153
Burglary / Breaking and Entering V20 562 4.328 1 .037 .088
Drug / Narcotic Violation V23 562 5.962 1 .015 .103
Extortion / Blackmail V26 562 3.870 1 .049 .083
Gambling: Betting / Wagering V32 562 6.310 1 .012 .106
Weapons Law Violation V63 562 4.694 1 .030 .091
Obstruction of Justice V74 562 5.436 1 .020 .098
Victim Relationship to the Arrested Officer V85 129 15.398 6 .017 .345
Profit-motivated V97 562 15.513 1 .000 .166
Police Sexual Violence V98 562 5.024 1 .025 .095
Arrested Officer was Reassigned V102 562 9.568 1 .002 .130
Officer was Suspended V104 562 17.595 1 .000 .177
DUI: Refused BAC Test V117 562 7.156 1 .007 .113
Family Violence V126 562 9.044 1 .003 .127
Other Depressants V138 562 4.289 1 .038 .087
Cocaine V139 562 8.535 1 .003 .123
OIDV: Weapon: Hands Fists V164 562 9.146 1 .002 .128
OIDV: Weapon: Other Body Parts V165 562 4.489 1 .034 .089
OIDV: Victim Injured, Nonfatal V173 562 6.758 1 .009 .110
Drugs: Personal Use / Using Drugs V196 562 3.762 1 .052 .082
Drugs: Selling / Dealing / Trafficking V197 562 15.265 1 .000 .165
Drugs: Shakedown from Car Stops V206 562 4.878 1 .027 .093
Job Lost binary joblossb 562 12.267 1 .000 .148
Drugs: Stimulants stimulant 562 9.442 1 .002 .130
Metropolitan vs. NonMetro County codichot 562 5.843 1 .016 .102
Victim Age Categorical vicagecat 562 47.832 9 .000 .292
Victim Age Difference vicagediff 562 63.847 25 .000 .337
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
317
Table 57. Drug-related Police Crime Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Conviction (N = 129)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Obstruction of Justice -1.703 0.751 5.141 .023 0.182 0.042 0.794
Victim Relationship to Arrested Officer 0.471 0.171 7.545 .006 1.601 1.144 2.240
Suspended from Job -2.061 0.699 8.687 .003 0.127 0.032 0.501
Lost Job 1.521 0.606 6.302 .012 4.575 1.396 14.996
Victim Age Categorical -0.096 0.040 5.795 .016 0.909 0.840 0.982
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
318
Table 58. Bivariate Associations of Job Loss in Drug-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011
2
Variable Label Variable N χ df p V
Year of Arrest V2 739 56.885 6 .000 .277
Age V3 739 62.818 45 .041 .303
Duty Status V6 739 12.598 1 .000 .131
Full-Time Sworn Personnel V10 739 26.219 10 .003 .188
Arresting Agency V14 739 7.304 1 .007 .099
Counterfeiting / Forgery V21 739 4.142 1 .042 .075
Drug / Narcotic Violation V23 739 4.854 1 .028 .081
Theft from a Building V43 739 4.684 1 .030 .080
Theft / All Other Larceny V47 739 4.227 1 .040 .076
Pornography / Obscene Material V49 739 16.780 1 .000 .151
Weapons Law Violation V63 739 13.652 1 .000 .136
Driving Under the Influence V67 739 19.044 1 .000 .161
Drunkenness V68 739 7.152 1 .007 .090
Trespass of Real Property V78 739 7.152 1 .007 .098
Official Capacity V92 739 18.828 1 .000 .160
Alcohol-related V94 739 21.590 1 .000 .171
Profit-motivated V97 739 13.973 1 .000 .138
Reassigned V102 739 20.894 1 .000 .168
Suspended V104 739 25.124 1 .000 .184
Supervisor was Disciplined V105 739 11.138 1 .001 .123
Chief is Under Scrutiny V106 739 8.228 1 .004 .106
Officer was Convicted V109 739 12.267 1 .000 .148
DUI-related Traffic Accident V110 739 4.555 1 .033 .079
DUI On-Duty in a Pollice Vehicle V112 739 8.471 1 .004 .107
DUI in Police Vehicle Outside Jurisdiction V114 739 7.152 1 .007 .098
Off-Duty: Identified Self as an Officer V119 739 4.533 1 .033 .078
DUI in Possession of a Firearm V128 739 4.818 1 .028 .081
Heroin V129 739 7.998 1 .005 .104
Other Hullucinogens V147 739 3.969 1 .046 .073
28 USC §1441 Civil Action Removed V179 739 5.019 1 .025 .082
18 USC §242 Criminal Deprivation of Rights V181 739 4.709 1 .030 .080
Drugs: Selling / Dealing / Trafficking V197 739 7.430 1 .006 .100
Drugs: Forged Prescription V198 739 15.890 1 .000 .147
Drugs: faciltating Drug Trade V201 739 10.467 1 .001 .119
Drugs: Shakedowns from Car Stops V206 739 4.636 1 .031 .079
Drugs: Theft from Evidence Room V208 739 10.110 1 .001 .117
Drugs: Falsification V209 739 4.163 1 .041 .075
Drugs: Narcotics Narcotic 739 6.864 1 .009 .096
DUI in a Police Vehicle DUI in Pol 739 7.843 1 .005 .103
Metropolitan County vs. Nonmetro County CoDichot 739 4.470 1 .034 .078
Victim Age Difference VicAgeDif 739 39.386 26 .045 .231
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
319
Table 59. Drug-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Job Loss (N = 535)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Year of Officer's Arrest 0.544 0.075 52.053 < .001 1.723 1.486 1.997
Counterfeiting / Forgery -1.718 0.818 4.405 .036 0.179 0.036 0.893
Alcohol-related Police Crime -1.341 0.455 8.668 .003 0.262 0.107 0.639
Officer's Chief is Under Scrutiny as a Result of Arrest -0.989 0.413 5.738 .017 0.372 0.166 0.836
Conviction on Any Offense Charged 0.917 0.314 8.538 .003 2.503 1.353 4.631
28 U.S.C. §1441 Civil Rights Case Removed 1.895 0.532 12.678 < .001 6.654 2.344 18.886
Falsification in a Drug-related Criminal Case -1.183 0.405 8.521 .004 0.306 0.138 0.678
Narcotics 1.452 0.390 13.882 < .001 4.272 1.990 9.169
Non-Metropolitan County 0.946 0.397 5.694 .017 2.576 1.184 5.603
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
320
Table 60. Violence-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011: Arrested Officers and Employing Agencies (N = 3,328)
n (%) n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
321
Table 61. Most Serious Offense Charged in Violence-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 3,328)
n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
322
Table 62. Victim Characteristics in Violence-related Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 3,328)
n (%) (Valid %) n (%) (Valid %)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
323
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
324
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
325
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
326
Table 64. Violence-related Police Crime Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Conviction (N = 954)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Full-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) -0.086 0.031 7.915 .005 0.917 0.864 0.974
Burglary / Breaking & Entering 2.526 1.097 5.307 .021 12.506 1.458 107.281
Pornography / Obscene Material 2.206 1.048 4.433 .035 9.079 1.165 70.781
Forcible Sodomy 0.997 0.422 5.592 .018 2.711 1.186 6.197
Criminal Deprivation of Civil Rights 1.370 0.469 8.543 .003 3.934 1.570 9.858
Sex-related 0.626 0.626 0.181 .001 1.870 1.310 2.668
DUI in a Personally-Owned Vehichle 2.560 1.071 5.713 .017 12.936 1.585 105.554
OIDV Victim Injured, fatal 1.995 0.650 9.432 .002 7.351 2.058 26.257
Job Loss 1.726 0.165 108.819 < .001 5.619 4.063 7.772
Years of Service (categorical) 0.047 0.014 11.794 .001 1.049 1.021 1.077
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
327
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
328
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
329
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
330
Table 66. Violence-related Police Crime Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Job Loss (N = 692)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Year of Arrest 0.411 0.059 49.043 < .001 1.509 1.345 1.693
Victim Gender -0.572 0.260 4.858 .028 0.564 0.339 0.939
Victim's Relationship to the Arrested Officer 0.219 0.062 12.561 < .001 1.244 1.103 1.404
Official Capacity -0.672 0.253 7.029 .008 0.511 0.311 0.839
Police Sexual Violence 1.352 0.351 14.843 < .001 3.864 1.943 7.685
Officer was Reassigned to Another Position -1.224 0.503 5.930 .015 0.294 0.110 0.787
Officer was Suspended -1.462 0.291 25.230 < .001 0.232 0.131 0.410
Conviction 1.943 0.219 78.621 < .001 6.978 4.542 10.721
28 U.S.C. §1441 Civil Case Removed to Federal Court 1.215 0.383 10.079 .001 3.370 1.592 7.136
Cannabis -2.841 0.852 11.105 .001 0.058 0.011 0.310
Age (categorical) -0.105 0.052 4.046 .044 0.900 0.813 0.997
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
331
Table 67. Bivariate Associations of Conviction in Officer-involved Domestic Violence Arrest Cases
2
Variable Label Variable N χ df p V
Year of Arrest V2 497 15.413 6 .017 .176
State V11 497 80.273 46 .001 .402
Simple Assault V17 497 29.509 1 .000 .244
Burglary V20 497 3.927 1 .048 .089
Property Destruction / Vandalism V22 497 9.992 1 .002 .142
Murder and Nonnegligent Manslaughter V36 497 14.147 1 .000 .169
Pornogaphy / Obscene Material V49 497 5.826 1 .016 .108
Forcible Rape V53 497 11.871 1 .001 .155
Forcible Sodomy V54 497 4.626 1 .031 .096
Forcible Fondling V56 497 24.159 1 .000 .220
Obstruction of Justice V74 497 7.533 1 .006 .123
Official Misconduct V75 497 7.521 1 .006 .123
Child Victim V84 486 13.968 1 .000 .170
Victim's Relationship to Arrested Officer V85 480 27.127 7 .000 .238
Sex-related V95 497 34.222 1 .000 .262
OIDV: Weapon: Personally-owned Gun V157 497 7.379 1 .007 .122
OIDV: Weapon: Hands / Fist V164 497 14.263 1 .000 .169
OIDV: Weapon: Other Body Parts V165 497 14.351 1 .000 .170
OIDV: Confiscated Gun was Returned V169 497 5.982 1 .014 .110
OIDV: Officer Violated Protection Order V172 497 4.603 1 .032 .096
OIDV: Victim Injured, nonfatal V173 497 17.631 1 .000 .188
OIDV: Victim Injured, fatal V174 497 15.862 1 .000 .179
Lost Job joblost 497 62.928 1 .000 .356
Geographic Region geogreg 497 19.175 3 .000 .196
Geographic Division geogdiv 497 24.938 8 .002 .224
Victim Age (categorical) vicagecat 497 28.296 9 .001 .239
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
332
Table 68. Officer-involved Domestic Violence Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Conviction (N = 480)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Destruction of Property / Vandalism 2.176 0.682 10.178 .001 8.807 2.314 33.516
Obstruction of Justice 2.950 1.106 7.118 .008 19.115 2.188 167.003
Victim's Relationship to the Arrested Officer 0.133 0.058 5.141 .023 1.142 1.018 1.280
Sex-related 1.526 0.326 21.909 < .001 4.602 2.428 8.720
OIDV: Weapon: Personally-owned Gun 0.809 0.401 4.074 .044 2.246 1.024 4.927
OIDV: Officer Violated an Order of Protection 1.547 0.599 6.663 .010 4.699 1.451 15.213
OIDV: Victim Injured, nonfatal -0.587 0.228 6.620 .010 0.556 0.356 0.870
OIDV: Victim Injured, fatal 2.048 0.660 9.622 .002 7.752 2.125 28.278
Job Loss 1.385 0.226 37.730 < .001 3.996 2.568 6.216
Geographic Region -0.287 0.110 6.764 .009 0.751 0.605 0.932
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
333
Table 69. Bivariate Associations of Job Loss in Officer-involved Domestic Violence Arrest Cases
Variable Label Variable N χ2 df p V
Year of Arrest V2 961 41.162 6 .000 .207
Duty Status V6 961 4.876 1 .027 .071
Full-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) V10 961 31.600 10 .000 .181
State V11 961 81.166 49 .003 .291
Part-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) V12 961 15.748 8 .046 .128
Urban to Rural County Continuum V13 961 19.372 8 .013 .142
Simple Assault V17 961 25.197 1 .000 .162
Murder & Nonnegligent Manslaughter V36 961 12.668 1 .000 .115
Kidnapping / Abduction V39 961 8.129 1 .004 .092
Pornography / Obscene Material V49 961 7.008 1 .008 .085
Forcible Rape V53 961 22.061 1 .000 .152
Forcible Fondling V56 961 39.122 1 .000 .202
Indecent Exposure V59 961 4.567 1 .033 .069
Unclassified Sex Crime V61 961 10.256 1 .001 .103
Stolen Property Offenses V62 961 6.706 1 .010 .084
Official Misconduct V75 961 7.309 1 .007 .087
Unclassified / All Other Offenses V80 961 11.681 1 .001 .110
Child Victim V84 929 18.080 1 .000 .140
Victim's Relationship to Arrested Officer V85 910 26.984 7 .000 .172
Official Capacity V92 961 4.583 1 .032 .069
Drug-related V93 961 5.677 1 .017 .077
Sex-related V95 961 51.384 1 .000 .231
Police Sexual Violence V98 961 6.706 1 .010 .084
Officer was Reassigned V102 961 11.172 1 .001 .108
Officer was Suspended V104 961 14.446 1 .000 .123
Officer was Convicted V109 497 62.928 1 .000 .356
Unclassified / Other Depressants V138 961 5.024 1 .025 .072
OIDV: Weapon: Other Body Parts V165 961 25.743 1 .000 .164
OIDV: Weapon: Verbal Threats V167 961 5.311 1 .021 .074
OIDV: Officer Violated Protection Order V172 961 4.389 1 .036 .068
OIDV: Victim Injured, fatal V173 961 15.351 1 .000 .126
28 U.S.C. §1441 Civil Case Removed V179 961 4.908 1 .027 .071
Drugs: Sexually-motivated Drug Crime V199 961 5.024 1 .025 .072
Depressants depress 961 5.024 1 .025 .072
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
334
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
335
Table 70. Officer-involved Domestic Violence Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Job Loss (N = 486)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Year of Arrest 0.420 0.067 38.770 < .001 1.521 1.333 1.736
Duty Status 1.848 0.714 6.704 .010 6.347 1.567 25.710
State -0.018 0.007 5.742 .017 0.982 0.968 0.997
Rurality Continuum (categorical) 0.248 0.089 7.826 .005 1.282 1.077 1.525
Simple Assault -0.711 0.228 9.712 .002 0.491 0.314 0.768
Suspended -0.673 0.254 7.006 .008 0.510 0.310 0.840
Conviction 1.689 0.231 53.587 < .001 5.414 3.445 8.510
OIDV: Weapon: Other Body Parts (not hands or fist) 0.946 0.352 7.215 .007 2.576 1.291 5.138
28 U.S.C. §1441 Civil Case Removed to Federal Court 1.150 0.432 7.101 .008 3.159 1.356 7.360
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
336
Table 71. Profit-motivated Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011: Arrested Officers and Employing Agencies (N = 1,591)
n (%) n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
337
Table 72. Most Serious Offense Charged in Profit-motivated Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 1,591)
n (%) n (%)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
338
Table 73. Victim Characteristics in Profit-motivated Police Crime Arrest Cases, 2005-2011 (N = 1,591)
n (%) (Valid %) n (%) (Valid %)
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
339
Table 74. Bivariate Associations of Conviction in Profit-motivated Police Crime Arrest Cases
Variable Label Variable N χ2 df p V
Year V2 1,105 23.832 6 .001 .147
Age V3 1,010 85.828 49 .001 .292
Years of Service V4 799 62.423 39 .010 .280
Type of Agency V9 1,105 14.237 6 .027 .114
State V11 1,105 88.251 47 .000 .283
Part-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) V12 1,105 21.871 8 .005 .141
Urban to Rural Continuum Code V13 1,105 43.579 8 .000 .199
Arresting Agency V14 1,105 22.569 1 .000 .143
Burglary V20 1,105 5.262 1 .022 .069
Drug / Narcotic violation V23 1,105 28.447 1 .000 .160
Embezzlement V25 1,105 7.204 1 .007 .081
Extortion / Blackmail V26 1,105 5.654 1 .017 .072
Pocket-Picking V40 1,105 4.790 1 .029 .066
Shoplifting V42 1,105 7.668 1 .006 .083
Weapons Law violation V63 1,105 5.992 1 .014 .074
Civil Rights violation V65 1,105 5.402 1 .020 .070
Victim's Relationship to the Offender V85 266 25.017 6 .000 .307
Organizational vs. Against Citizenry V90 1,105 5.729 1 .017 .072
Drug-related Police Crime V93 1,105 23.074 1 .000 .145
Violence-related Police Crime V96 1,105 4.100 1 .043 .061
Officer was Reassigned V102 1,105 18.365 1 .000 .129
Officer was Suspended V104 1,105 22.939 1 .000 .144
Officer's Supervisor was Disciplined V105 1,105 6.340 1 .012 .076
Officer's Chief is Under Scrutiny V106 1,105 4.178 1 .041 .061
Family Violence V126 1,105 9.353 1 .002 .092
Oxycodone V133 1,105 5.048 1 .025 .068
Cocaine V139 1,105 19.749 1 .000 .134
Marijuana V148 1,105 4.436 1 .035 .063
OIDV: Weapon: Dept-issued Gun V156 1,105 4.790 1 .029 .066
OIDV: Weapon: Hands / Fist V164 1,105 4.790 1 .029 .066
OIDV: Weapon: Miscellaneous Objects V166 1,105 4.790 1 .029 .066
OIDV: Weapon: Verbal Threats V167 1,105 9.588 1 .002 .093
OIDV: Protection Order was Filed V171 1,105 9.588 1 .002 .093
OIDV: Victim Injured, nonfatal V173 1,105 14.395 1 .000 .114
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
340
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
341
Table 75. Profit-motivated Police Crime Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Conviction (N = 197)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Type of Agency 0.519 0.224 5.381 .020 1.681 1.084 2.606
State 0.070 0.020 12.566 < .001 1.073 1.032 1.115
Part-time Sworn Personnel (categorical) -0.318 0.160 3.931 .047 0.728 0.532 0.996
Violence-related 1.666 0.732 5.177 .023 5.292 1.260 22.234
Officer's Chief is Under Scrutiny -3.293 1.398 5.549 .018 0.037 0.002 0.575
Drugs: Shakedown / Theft from Off-duty Robbery -4.517 2.035 4.927 .026 0.011 0.000 0.589
Drugs: Any Shakedown / Theft ) 4.702 1.648 8.141 .004 110.177 4.358 2785.279
Job Lost 3.187 0.679 22.041 < .001 24.216 6.401 91.605
Victim Age Categorical -0.357 0.123 8.439 .004 0.700 0.550 0.890
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
342
Table 76. Bivariate Associations of Job Loss in Profit-motivated Police Crime Arrest
Cases
Variable Label Variable N χ2 df p V
Year V2 1,591 155.340 6 .000 .312
Years of Service V4 1,126 56.457 39 .035 .224
Gender V5 1,591 7.232 1 .007 .067
Rank V7 1,591 23.219 9 .006 .121
Type of Agency V9 1,591 13.075 6 .042 .091
Full-Time Sworn Personnel (categorical) V10 1,591 33.267 10 .000 .145
State V11 1,591 126.335 47 .000 .282
Urban to Rural Continuum V13 1,591 21.745 8 .005 .117
Arresting Agency V14 1,591 4.878 1 .027 .055
Arson V15 1,591 5.204 1 .023 .057
Drug / Narcotic violation V23 1,591 17.469 1 .000 .105
Credit Card / ATM Fraud V28 1,591 5.860 1 .015 .061
Wire Fraud V31 1,591 6.423 1 .011 .064
Gambling: Operating / Promoting V33 1,591 6.619 1 .010 .065
Robbery V52 1,591 4.630 1 .031 .054
Weapons Law violation V63 1,591 7.182 1 .007 .067
Civil Rights violation V65 1,591 15.304 1 .000 .098
Obstruction of Justice V74 1,591 6.705 1 .010 .065
Victim is a Police Officer V82 370 4.516 1 .034 .110
Internal versus Organizational V91 1,591 14.997 1 .000 .097
Official Capacity V92 1,591 7.175 1 .007 .067
Drug-related Police Crime V93 1,591 16.389 1 .000 .101
Officer was Reassigned V102 1,591 23.675 1 .000 .122
Officer was Suspended V104 1,591 87.439 1 .000 .234
Officer's Supervisor was Disciplined V105 1,591 15.083 1 .000 .097
Officer's Chief is Under Scrutiny V106 1,591 4.366 1 .037 .052
Discussion of Agency Scandal V107 1,591 9.010 1 .003 .075
Conviction V109 1,105 82.094 1 .000 .273
Heroin V129 1,591 8.764 1 .003 .074
Hydrocodone V131 1,591 5.765 1 .016 .060
Oxycodone V133 1,591 5.827 1 .016 .061
Other Narcotics V135 1,591 4.499 1 .034 .053
28 U.S.C. §1441 Civil Rights Case Removed V179 1,591 3.922 1 .048 .050
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
343
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
344
Table 77. Profit-motivated Police Crime Arrest Cases: Logistic Regression Model Predicting Job Loss (N = 206)
95% CI for Exp(B)
B SE Wald p Exp(B) LL UL
Internal Crime Against the Organization 0.381 0.093 16.830 < .001 1.464 1.220 1.756
Official Capacity 2.302 0.781 8.692 .003 9.995 2.163 46.179
Discussion of an Agency Scandal or Cover Up -2.597 0.824 9.922 .002 0.075 0.015 0.375
Conviction 2.404 0.633 14.413 < .001 11.070 3.200 38.301
Drugs: Selling / Dealing / Trafficking 3.839 1.235 9.666 .002 46.459 4.132 522.381
Geographic Division 0.528 0.152 12.104 .001 1.695 1.259 2.283
Obstruction of Justice -2.741 1.073 6.530 .011 0.065 0.008 0.528
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
345
Table 78. 200 Largest State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by # Full-Time Sworn Personnel)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
New York City Police Department New York NY 36023 196 5.44 2.40
Chicago Police Department Cook IL 13354 83 6.22 1.60
Los Angeles Police Department Los Angeles CA 9727 30 3.08 0.31
Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office Los Angeles CA 9461 14 1.48 0.14
California Highway Patrol Sacramento CA 7202 13 1.81 0.03
Philadelphia Police Department Philadelphia PA 6624 66 9.96 4.33
Cook County Sheriff's Office Cook IL 5655 8 1.41 0.15
Houston Police Department Harris TX 5053 35 6.93 0.86
New York State Police Albany NY 4847 5 1.03 0.03
New York State Courts Officers New York NY 4500 1 0.22 0.01
Pennsylvania State Police Dauphin PA 4458 26 5.83 0.20
Washington Metropolitan Police Department DC DC 3742 29 7.75 4.82
Texas Department of Public Safety Travis TX 3529 6 1.70 0.02
Dallas Police Department Dallas TX 3389 39 11.51 1.65
Phoenix Police Department Maricopa AZ 3388 17 5.02 0.45
Miami-Dade (County) Police Department Miami-Dade FL 3093 25 8.08 1.00
New Jersey State Police Mercer NJ 3053 13 4.26 0.15
Baltimore Police Department Baltimore City MD 2990 55 18.39 8.86
Las Vegas Metro Police Department Clark NV 2942 8 2.72 0.41
Nassau County Police Department Nassau NY 2732 6 2.20 0.45
Suffolk County Police Department Suffolk NY 2622 6 2.29 0.40
Harris County Sheriff's Office Harris TX 2558 3 1.17 0.07
Massachusetts State Police Middlesex MA 2310 10 4.33 0.15
Detroit Police Department Wayne MI 2250 23 10.22 1.26
Boston Police Department Suffolk MA 2181 14 6.42 1.94
Riverside County Sheriff's Office Riverside CA 2147 11 5.12 0.50
Illinois State Police Sangamon IL 2105 10 4.75 0.08
San Antonio Police Department Bexar TX 2020 30 14.85 1.75
Milwaukee Police Department Milwaukee WI 1987 73 36.74 7.70
San Diego Police Department San Diego CA 1951 12 6.15 0.39
San Francisco Police Department San Francisco CA 1940 7 3.61 0.87
Honolulu (City & County) Police Department Honolulu HI 1934 26 13.44 2.73
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
346
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
347
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
348
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
349
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
350
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
351
Table 79. Nonmetropolitan State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted Alphabetically)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
352
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
353
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
354
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
355
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
356
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
357
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
358
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
359
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
360
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
361
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
362
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
363
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
364
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
365
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
366
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
367
Table 80. Primary State Police Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted Alphabetically)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
368
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
369
Table 81. Sheriff's Offices in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted Alphabetically)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
370
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
371
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
372
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
373
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
374
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
375
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
376
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
377
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
378
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
379
Santa Barbara County Sheriff's Office Santa Barbara CA 294 1 3.40 0.24
Santa Clara County Sheriff's Office Santa Clara CA 450 1 2.22 0.06
Santa Fe County Sheriff's Office Santa Fe NM 75 1 13.33 0.69
Santa Rosa County Sheriff's Office Santa Rosa FL 190 1 5.26 0.66
Sarasota County Sheriff's Office Sarasota FL 409 1 2.44 0.26
Sauk County Sheriff's Office Sauk WI 118 1 8.47 1.61
Seminole County Sheriff's Office Seminole FL 355 2 5.63 0.47
Seneca County Sheriff's Office Seneca NY 23 6 260.87 17.02
Shelby County Sheriff's Office Shelby OH 30 1 33.33 2.02
Shelby County Sheriff's Office Shelby TN 516 8 15.50 0.86
Simpson County Sheriff's Office Simpson KY 11 1 90.91 5.77
Smith County Sheriff's Office Smith TX 88 1 11.36 0.48
Snohomish County Sheriff's Office Snohomish WA 287 2 6.97 0.28
Socorro County Sheriff's Office Socorro NM 10 1 100.00 5.60
Solano County Sheriff's Office Solano CA 113 1 8.85 0.24
Spartanburg County Sheriff's Office Spartanburg SC 297 2 6.73 0.70
Spokane County Sheriff's Office Spokane WA 244 2 8.20 0.42
St. Bernard Parish Sheriff's Office St. Bernard LA 189 1 5.29 2.79
St. Charles County Sheriff's Office St. Charles MO 153 2 13.07 0.55
St. Charles Parish Sheriff's Office St. Charles LA 291 1 3.44 1.89
St. Croix County Sheriff's Office St. Croix WI 44 1 22.73 1.19
St. Helena Parish Sheriff's Office St. Helena LA 22 1 45.45 8.93
St. John The Baptist Parish Sheriff's Office St. John the Baptist LA 150 3 20.00 6.53
St. Joseph County Sheriff's Office St. Joseph IN 116 3 25.86 1.12
St. Louis County Sheriff's Office St. Louis MO 200 4 20.00 0.40
St. Lucie County Sheriff's Office St. Lucie FL 259 2 7.72 0.72
St. Martin Parish Sheriff's Office St. Martin LA 45 1 22.22 1.92
St. Mary's County Sheriff's Office St. Marys MD 120 1 8.33 0.95
St. Tammany Parish Sheriff's Office St. Tammany LA 409 2 4.89 0.86
Stanislaus County Sheriff's Office Stanislaus CA 230 1 4.35 0.19
Stanly County Sheriff's Office Stanly NC 49 1 20.41 1.65
Stark County Sheriff's Office Stark ND 11 1 90.91 4.13
Starr County Sheriff's Office Starr TX 31 1 32.26 1.64
Stephens County Sheriff's Office Stephens GA 31 1 32.26 3.82
Stephens County Sheriff's Office Stephens OK 11 2 181.82 4.44
Steuben County Sheriff's Office Steuben NY 26 1 38.46 1.01
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
380
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
381
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
382
Table 82. County Police Departments in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted
Alphabetically)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
383
Prince George's County Police Department Prince Georges MD 1578 19 12.04 2.20
Prince William County Police Department Prince William VA 546 3 5.49 0.75
Riley County Police Department Riley KS 101 1 9.90 1.41
Roanoke County Police Department Roanoke VA 135 2 14.81 2.17
Savannah-Chatham Metropolitan Police Department Chatham GA 534 6 11.24 2.26
St. Louis County Police Dept St. Louis MO 781 2 2.56 0.20
Suffolk County Police Department Suffolk NY 2622 6 2.29 0.40
Westchester County Department of Public Safety Westchester NY 270 3 11.11 0.32
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
384
Table 83. 500 Largest Municipal Police Departments in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted Alphabetically by Agency
Name)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
385
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
386
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
387
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
388
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
389
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
390
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
391
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
392
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
393
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
394
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
395
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
396
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
397
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
398
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
399
Table 84. Special State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted
Alphabetically)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
400
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
401
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
402
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
403
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
404
Figure 2. Police Crime Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Job Loss
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
405
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
406
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
407
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
408
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
409
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
410
Figure 8. CART Model Predicting Being Named as a Party Defendant in a Section 1983 Civil Action at Some Point during Career
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
411
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
412
Figure 10. Sex-related Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Job Loss
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
413
Figure 11. Sex-related Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Child Victims
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
414
Figure 12. Police Sexual Violence Arrest Cases: CHAID Model Predicting Conviction
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
415
Figure 13. Police Sexual Violence Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Job Loss
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
416
Figure 14. Driving While Female Encounters Arrest Cases: CHAID Model Predicting Conviction
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
417
Figure 15. Driving While Female Encounters Arrest Cases: CHAID Model Predicting Job Loss
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
418
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
419
Figure 17. Alcohol-related Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Job Loss
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
420
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
421
Figure 19. DUI Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Job Loss
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
422
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
423
Figure 21. Drug-related Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Job Loss
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
424
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
425
Figure 23. Violence-related Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Job Loss
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
426
Figure 24. Officer-involved Domestic Violence Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Conviction
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
427
Figure 25. Officer-involved Domestic Violence Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Job Loss
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
428
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
429
Figure 27. Profit-motivated Arrest Cases: CART Model Predicting Job Loss
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
430
Appendix A-1. Nonmetropolitan State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by # FT
Sworn)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
Navajo Nation Tribal Dept of Law Enforcement Apache AZ 393 3 7.63 4.19
Monroe County Sheriff's Office Monroe FL 189 3 15.87 4.10
New York City Dept of Env. Protection Police Westchester NY 168 1 5.95 1.29
Robeson County Sheriff's Office Robeson NC 128 3 23.44 2.24
Danville Police Department Pittsylvania VA 126 1 7.94 1.57
Kauai (County) Police Department Kauai HI 125 3 24.00 4.47
Sauk County Sheriff's Office Sauk WI 118 1 8.47 1.61
Tupelo Police Department Lee MS 115 1 8.70 1.21
Wilson Police Department Wilson NC 114 2 17.54 2.46
Henry County Sheriff's Office Henry VA 112 14 125.00 25.85
Nye County Sheriff's Office Nye NV 108 3 27.78 6.83
Douglas County Sheriff's Office Douglas NV 100 1 10.00 2.13
Meridian Police Department Lauderdale MS 99 3 30.30 3.74
Greenville Police Department Washington MS 96 2 20.83 3.91
Orangeburg County Sheriff's Office Orangeburg SC 92 1 10.87 1.08
Muskogee Police Department Muskogee OK 90 4 44.44 5.63
St. Landry Parish Sheriff's Office St. Landry LA 90 4 44.44 4.80
LaGrange Police Department Troup GA 83 1 12.05 1.49
Sanford Police Department Lee NC 81 1 12.35 1.73
Roswell Police Department Chaves NM 80 2 25.00 3.05
Torrington Police Department Litchfield CT 79 1 12.66 0.53
Cullman County Sheriff's Office Cullman AL 78 1 12.82 1.24
Georgetown County Sheriff's Office Georgetown SC 78 1 12.82 1.66
Concord Police Department Merrimack NH 77 1 12.99 0.68
Stillwater Police Department Payne OK 74 1 13.51 1.29
Lumberton Police Department Robeson NC 73 1 13.70 0.75
Orangeburg Public Safety Orangeburg SC 72 3 41.67 3.24
Alamogordo Department of Public Safety Otero NM 71 1 14.08 1.57
Auburn Police Department Cayuga NY 70 1 14.29 1.25
Cookeville Police Department Putnam TN 70 2 28.57 2.77
Shelby Police Department Cleveland NC 70 1 14.29 1.02
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
431
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
432
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
433
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
434
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
435
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
436
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
437
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
438
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
439
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
440
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
441
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
442
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
443
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
444
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
445
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
446
Appendix A-2. Primary State Police Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by # FT
Sworn)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
447
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
448
Appendix A-3. Sheriff's Offices in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by # FT Sworn)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office Los Angeles CA 9461 14 1.48 0.14
Cook County Sheriff's Office Cook IL 5655 8 1.41 0.15
Harris County Sheriff's Office Harris TX 2558 3 1.17 0.07
Riverside County Sheriff's Office Riverside CA 2147 11 5.12 0.50
San Bernardino County Sheriff's Office San Bernardino CA 1797 11 6.12 0.54
Orange County Sheriff-Coroner Department Orange CA 1794 14 7.80 0.47
Broward County Sheriff's Office Broward FL 1624 16 9.85 0.92
Palm Beach County Sheriff's Office Palm Beach FL 1447 12 8.29 0.91
Sacramento County Sheriff's Office Sacramento CA 1409 6 4.26 0.42
Orange County Sheriff's Office Orange FL 1398 16 11.44 1.40
San Diego County Sheriff's Office San Diego CA 1322 7 5.30 0.23
Hillsborough County Sheriff's Office Hillsborough FL 1223 10 8.18 0.81
Wayne County Sheriff's Office Wayne MI 1062 1 0.94 0.05
Alameda County Sheriff's Office Alameda CA 928 2 2.16 0.13
Pinellas County Sheriff's Office Pinellas FL 863 8 9.27 0.87
Jefferson Parish Sheriff's Office Jefferson LA 825 12 14.55 2.77
Maricopa County Sheriff's Office Maricopa AZ 766 2 2.61 0.05
Ventura County Sheriff's Office Ventura CA 755 1 1.32 0.12
Marion County Sheriff's Office Marion IN 740 7 9.46 0.77
Denver County Sheriff's Office Denver CO 739 5 6.77 0.83
King County Sheriff's Office King WA 721 5 6.93 0.26
Contra Costa County Sheriff's Office Contra Costa CA 679 1 1.47 0.10
Collier County Sheriff's Office Collier FL 628 6 9.55 1.87
Lee County Sheriff's Office Lee FL 621 7 11.27 1.13
Polk County Sheriff's Office Polk FL 600 13 21.67 2.16
Calcasieu Parish Sheriff's Office Calcasieu LA 592 1 1.69 0.52
Pima County Sheriff's Dept. Pima AZ 554 1 1.81 0.10
Gwinnett County Sheriff's Office Gwinnett GA 531 3 5.65 0.37
Passaic County Sheriff's Office Passaic NJ 530 6 11.32 1.20
Bexar County Sheriff's Office Bexar TX 526 5 9.51 0.29
Milwaukee County Sheriff's Office Milwaukee WI 524 7 13.36 0.74
Fulton County Sheriff's Office Fulton GA 516 4 7.75 0.43
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
449
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
450
East Baton Rouge Parish Sheriff's Office East Baton Rouge LA 359 3 8.36 0.68
Chesapeake (City) Sheriff's Office Chesapeake City VA 358 2 5.59 0.90
Seminole County Sheriff's Office Seminole FL 355 2 5.63 0.47
Wake County Sheriff's Office Wake NC 354 4 11.30 0.44
Marion County Sheriff's Office Marion FL 349 3 8.60 0.91
Hamilton County Sheriff's Office Hamilton OH 330 1 3.03 0.12
DeKalb County Sheriff's Office DeKalb GA 325 2 6.15 0.29
Clackamas County Sheriff's Office Clackamas OR 319 2 6.27 0.53
New Hanover County Sheriff's Office New Hanover NC 315 3 9.52 1.48
Bossier Parish Sheriff's Office Bossier LA 300 3 10.00 2.56
Terrebonne Parish Sheriff's Office Terrebonne LA 300 2 6.67 1.79
Spartanburg County Sheriff's Office Spartanburg SC 297 2 6.73 0.70
Santa Barbara County Sheriff's Office Santa Barbara CA 294 1 3.40 0.24
Pierce County Sheriff's Office Pierce WA 292 2 6.85 0.25
St. Charles Parish Sheriff's Office St. Charles LA 291 1 3.44 1.89
Bibb County Sheriff's Office Bibb GA 290 3 10.34 1.93
Lucas County Sheriff's Office Lucas OH 289 4 13.84 0.91
Lafourche Parish Sheriff's Office Lafourche LA 287 3 10.45 3.11
Montgomery County Sheriff's Office Montgomery TN 287 1 3.48 0.58
Snohomish County Sheriff's Office Snohomish WA 287 2 6.97 0.28
Lake County Sheriff's Office Lake FL 286 3 10.49 1.01
Charlotte County Sheriff's Office Charlotte FL 285 3 10.53 1.88
Clay County Sheriff's Office Clay FL 284 3 10.56 1.57
Harford County Sheriff's Office Harford MD 280 1 3.57 0.41
Bernalillo County Sheriff's Office Bernalillo NM 279 3 10.75 0.45
Alachua County Sheriff's Office Alachua FL 276 1 3.62 0.40
Monroe County Sheriff's Office Monroe NY 273 3 10.99 0.40
Hidalgo County Sheriff's Office Hidalgo TX 262 5 19.08 0.65
Morris County Sheriff's Office Morris NJ 262 1 3.82 0.20
Charleston County Sheriff's Office Charleston SC 259 4 15.44 1.14
St. Lucie County Sheriff's Office St. Lucie FL 259 2 7.72 0.72
Okaloosa County Sheriff's Office Okaloosa FL 258 3 11.63 1.66
Hall County Sheriff's Office Hall GA 257 2 7.78 1.11
Marion County Sheriff's Office Marion OR 255 1 3.92 0.32
Barnstable County Sheriff's Office Barnstable MA 254 5 19.69 2.32
Forsyth County Sheriff's Office Forsyth GA 253 5 19.76 2.85
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
451
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
452
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
453
St. Joseph County Sheriff's Office St. Joseph IN 116 3 25.86 1.12
Clay County Sheriff's Office Clay MO 115 1 8.70 0.45
Orange County Sheriff's Office Orange NC 115 1 8.70 0.75
Whitfield County Sheriff's Office Whitfield GA 115 1 8.70 0.97
Brunswick County Sheriff's Office Brunswick NC 114 2 17.54 1.86
Solano County Sheriff's Office Solano CA 113 1 8.85 0.24
Henry County Sheriff's Office Henry VA 112 14 125.00 25.85
Butte County Sheriff's Office Butte CA 110 1 9.09 0.45
Niagara County Sheriff's Office Niagara NY 110 1 9.09 0.46
Nassau County Sheriff's Office Nassau FL 109 2 18.35 2.73
Nye County Sheriff's Office Nye NV 108 3 27.78 6.83
Cameron County Sheriff's Office Cameron TX 107 2 18.69 0.49
Madison County Sheriff's Office Madison AL 107 1 9.35 0.30
Acadia Parish Sheriff's Office Acadia LA 105 1 9.52 1.62
Sutter County Sheriff's Office Sutter CA 105 1 9.52 1.06
Atlantic County Sheriff's Office Atlantic NJ 103 1 9.71 0.36
Benton County Sheriff's Office Benton AR 103 1 9.71 0.45
Douglas County Sheriff's Office Douglas NV 100 1 10.00 2.13
Baltimore (City) Sheriff's Office Baltimore City MD 99 2 20.20 0.32
Orange County Sheriff's Office Orange NY 99 1 10.10 0.27
Williamson County Sheriff's Office Williamson TN 99 2 20.20 1.09
Lincoln County Sheriff's Office Lincoln NC 98 4 40.82 5.11
Johnston County Sheriff's Office Johnston NC 97 1 10.31 0.59
Rock County Sheriff's Office Rock WI 94 2 21.28 1.25
San Juan County Sheriff's Office San Juan NM 94 2 21.28 1.54
Washington County Sheriff's Office Washington MD 94 1 10.64 0.68
Lancaster County Sheriff's Office Lancaster SC 93 1 10.75 1.30
Potter County Sheriff's Office Potter TX 93 2 21.51 1.65
Kane County Sheriff's Office Kane IL 92 1 10.87 0.19
Orangeburg County Sheriff's Office Orangeburg SC 92 1 10.87 1.08
Harrison County Sheriff's Office Harrison MS 90 1 11.11 0.53
Smith County Sheriff's Office Smith TX 88 1 11.36 0.48
Carver County Sheriff's Office Carver MN 87 1 11.49 1.10
Burke County Sheriff's Office Burke NC 86 1 11.63 1.10
Delaware County Sheriff's Office Delaware OH 86 1 11.63 0.57
Washington County Sheriff's Office Washington TN 86 1 11.63 0.81
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
454
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
455
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
456
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
457
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
458
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
459
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
460
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
461
Appendix A-4. County Police Departments in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by # FT Sworn)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
462
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
463
Appendix A-5. 500 Largest Municipal Police Departments in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by # FT Sworn)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
New York City Police Department New York NY 36023 196 5.44 2.40
Chicago Police Dept Cook IL 13354 83 6.22 1.60
Los Angeles Police Department Los Angeles CA 9727 30 3.08 0.31
Philadelphia Police Department Philadelphia PA 6624 66 9.96 4.33
Houston Police Department Harris TX 5053 35 6.93 0.86
Washington Metropolitan Police Dept District of Columbia DC 3742 29 7.75 4.82
Dallas Police Department Dallas TX 3389 39 11.51 1.65
Phoenix Police Department Maricopa AZ 3388 17 5.02 0.45
Baltimore Police Department Baltimore City MD 2990 55 18.39 8.86
Las Vegas Metro Police Department Clark NV 2942 8 2.72 0.41
Detroit Police Department Wayne MI 2250 23 10.22 1.26
Boston Police Department Suffolk MA 2181 14 6.42 1.94
San Antonio Police Department Bexar TX 2020 30 14.85 1.75
Milwaukee Police Department Milwaukee WI 1987 73 36.74 7.70
San Diego Police Department San Diego CA 1951 12 6.15 0.39
San Francisco Police Department San Francisco CA 1940 7 3.61 0.87
Columbus Police Department Franklin OH 1886 9 4.77 0.77
Atlanta Police Department Fulton GA 1719 22 12.80 2.39
Jacksonville Sheriff's Office Duval FL 1662 12 7.22 1.39
Cleveland Police Department Cuyahoga OH 1616 27 16.71 2.11
Memphis Police Department Shelby TN 1549 46 29.70 4.96
Denver Police Department Denver CO 1525 13 8.52 2.17
Austin Police Department Travis TX 1515 10 6.60 0.98
Fort Worth Police Department Tarrant TX 1489 20 13.43 1.11
New Orleans Police Department Orleans LA 1425 63 44.21 18.32
Kansas City Police Department Jackson MO 1421 5 3.52 0.74
San Jose Police Department Santa Clara CA 1382 9 6.51 0.51
St. Louis (city) Police Dept St. Louis City MO 1351 10 7.40 3.13
Nashville Metro Police Department Davidson TN 1315 18 13.69 2.87
Newark Police Essex NJ 1310 8 6.11 1.02
Seattle Police Department King WA 1283 9 7.01 0.47
Louisville Metro Police Department Jefferson KY 1197 16 13.37 2.16
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
464
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
465
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
466
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
467
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
468
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
469
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
470
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
471
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
472
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
473
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
474
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
475
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
476
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
477
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
478
Appendix A-6. Special State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by # FT Sworn)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
Port Authority of New York & New Jersey Police Dept Hudson NJ 1667 1 0.60 0.16
New York State Metro Transportation Auth. Police New York NY 694 2 2.88 0.13
Florida Fish & Wildlife Conservation Commission Leon FL 626 4 6.39 0.44
District of Columbia Protective Services Police District of Columbia DC 484 1 2.07 0.17
Maryland Transportation Authority Police Baltimore MD 456 1 2.19 0.16
School District of Philadelphia Police Philadelphia PA 450 1 2.22 0.07
Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Auth. Police District of Columbia DC 442 2 4.52 0.33
California Dept. of Justice Sacramento CA 419 1 2.39 0.10
Ohio Dept of Natural Resources - Ofc. of Law Enf. Franklin OH 394 2 5.08 3.24
Los Angeles School Police Department Los Angeles CA 340 2 5.88 0.02
New York State Park Police Albany NY 305 1 3.28 0.21
Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission Travis TX 277 1 3.61 0.10
MBTA Transit Police Suffolk MA 256 2 7.81 0.28
South Carolina Department of Natural Resources Richland SC 238 1 4.20 0.26
Mississippi Department of Wildlife, Fisheries & Parks Hinds MS 230 1 4.35 1.05
Maryland Natural Resources Police Anne Arundel MD 224 1 4.46 0.19
Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority Police Arlington VA 206 1 4.85 0.09
New Jersey Transit Police Essex NJ 201 3 14.93 0.47
BART Police Department Alameda CA 192 1 5.21 0.07
Palm Beach County School District Police Palm Beach FL 176 4 22.73 0.30
New York City Dept of Environmental Protection Police Westchester NY 168 1 5.95 1.29
Delaware River Port Authority - Transit Police Camden NJ 144 1 6.94 0.19
Baltimore City School Police Dept. Baltimore City MD 142 1 7.04 0.16
Maryland Transit Administration Police Baltimore City MD 140 1 7.14 0.16
Pennsylvania Dept of Conservation & Natural Resources Dauphin PA 136 1 7.35 0.79
South Carolina Dept of Mental Health-Public Safety Richland SC 120 1 8.33 0.26
San Antonio Park Rangers Bexar TX 112 3 26.79 0.17
New Mexico Department Of Game & Fish Santa Fe NM 106 1 9.43 0.69
Wisconsin Dept of Justice - Criminal Investigation Div. Dane WI 92 1 10.87 0.20
Vanderbilt University Police Department Davidson TN 91 1 10.99 0.16
New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection Burlington NJ 90 1 11.11 0.11
Dallas I.S.D. Police Dept. Dallas TX 88 1 11.36 0.04
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
479
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
480
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
481
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
482
Appendix B-1. 200 Largest State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 1,000 Officers)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
483
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
484
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
485
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
486
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
487
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
488
Appendix B-2. Nonmetropolitan State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 1,000
Officers)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
489
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
490
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
491
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
492
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
493
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
494
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
495
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
496
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
497
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
498
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
499
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
500
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
501
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
502
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
503
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
504
Appendix B-3. Primary State Police Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 1,000
Officers)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
505
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
506
Appendix B-4. Sheriff's Offices in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 1,000 Officers)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
507
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
508
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
509
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
510
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
511
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
512
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
513
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
514
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
515
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
516
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
517
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
518
Santa Clara County Sheriff's Office Santa Clara CA 450 1 2.22 0.06
El Paso County Sheriff's Office El Paso CO 454 1 2.20 0.16
Knox County Sheriff's Office Knox TN 456 1 2.19 0.23
Fresno County Sheriff's Office Fresno CA 461 1 2.17 0.11
Alameda County Sheriff's Office Alameda CA 928 2 2.16 0.13
Monmouth County Sheriff's Office Monmouth NJ 494 1 2.02 0.16
Pima County Sheriff's Dept. Pima AZ 554 1 1.81 0.10
Calcasieu Parish Sheriff's Office Calcasieu LA 592 1 1.69 0.52
Los Angeles County Sheriff's Office Los Angeles CA 9461 14 1.48 0.14
Contra Costa County Sheriff's Office Contra Costa CA 679 1 1.47 0.10
Cook County Sheriff's Office Cook IL 5655 8 1.41 0.15
Ventura County Sheriff's Office Ventura CA 755 1 1.32 0.12
Harris County Sheriff's Office Harris TX 2558 3 1.17 0.07
Wayne County Sheriff's Office Wayne MI 1062 1 0.94 0.05
Dale County Sheriff's Office Dale AL 0 1 1.99
Westmoreland County Sheriff's Office Westmoreland PA 0 1 0.27
Wicomico County Sheriff's Office Wicomico MD 0 1 1.01
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
519
Appendix B-5. County Police Departments in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 1,000 Officers)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
520
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
521
Appendix B-6. 500 Largest Municipal Police Departments in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 1,000 Officers)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
522
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
523
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
524
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
525
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
526
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
527
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
528
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
529
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
530
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
531
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
532
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
533
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
534
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
535
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
536
Appendix B-7. Special State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 1,000
Officers)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
537
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
538
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
539
New York City Dept of Environmental Protection Police Westchester NY 168 1 5.95 1.29
Los Angeles School Police Department Los Angeles CA 340 2 5.88 0.02
BART Police Department Alameda CA 192 1 5.21 0.07
Ohio Dept of Natural Resources - Ofc. of Law Enf. Franklin OH 394 2 5.08 3.24
Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority Police Arlington VA 206 1 4.85 0.09
Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Auth. Police District of Columbia DC 442 2 4.52 0.33
Maryland Natural Resources Police Anne Arundel MD 224 1 4.46 0.19
Mississippi Department of Wildlife, Fisheries & Parks Hinds MS 230 1 4.35 1.05
South Carolina Department of Natural Resources Richland SC 238 1 4.20 0.26
Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission Travis TX 277 1 3.61 0.10
New York State Park Police Albany NY 305 1 3.28 0.21
New York State Metro Transportation Auth. Police New York NY 694 2 2.88 0.13
California Dept. of Justice Sacramento CA 419 1 2.39 0.10
School District of Philadelphia Police Philadelphia PA 450 1 2.22 0.07
Maryland Transportation Authority Police Baltimore MD 456 1 2.19 0.16
District of Columbia Protective Services Police District of Columbia DC 484 1 2.07 0.17
Port Authority of New York & New Jersey Police Dept Hudson NJ 1667 1 0.60 0.16
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
540
Appendix C-1. 200 Largest State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 100,000
Population)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
541
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
542
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
543
Anne Arundel County Police Department Anne Arundel MD 633 3 4.74 0.56
San Bernardino County Sheriff's Office San Bernardino CA 1797 11 6.12 0.54
Little Rock Police Department Pulaski AR 520 2 3.85 0.52
Calcasieu Parish Sheriff's Office Calcasieu LA 592 1 1.69 0.52
San Jose Police Department Santa Clara CA 1382 9 6.51 0.51
Gwinnett County Police Department Gwinnett GA 682 4 5.87 0.50
Riverside County Sheriff's Office Riverside CA 2147 11 5.12 0.50
Baltimore County Police Department Baltimore MD 1910 4 2.09 0.50
Orange County Sheriff-Coroner Department Orange CA 1794 14 7.80 0.47
Seattle Police Department King WA 1283 9 7.01 0.47
Phoenix Police Department Maricopa AZ 3388 17 5.02 0.45
Nassau County Police Department Nassau NY 2732 6 2.20 0.45
Buffalo Police Department Erie NY 793 4 5.04 0.44
Fulton County Sheriff's Office Fulton GA 516 4 7.75 0.43
Sacramento County Sheriff's Office Sacramento CA 1409 6 4.26 0.42
Dane County Sheriff's Office Dane WI 454 2 4.41 0.41
Las Vegas Metro Police Department Clark NV 2942 8 2.72 0.41
Rochester Police Department Monroe NY 703 3 4.27 0.40
Wichita Police Department Sedgwick KS 662 2 3.02 0.40
Suffolk County Police Department Suffolk NY 2622 6 2.29 0.40
San Diego Police Department San Diego CA 1951 12 6.15 0.39
Gwinnett County Sheriff's Office Gwinnett GA 531 3 5.65 0.37
Brevard County Sheriff's Office Brevard FL 497 2 4.02 0.37
Sacramento Police Department Sacramento CA 701 5 7.13 0.35
Fort Lauderdale Police Department Broward FL 482 6 12.45 0.34
Delaware State Police Kent DE 658 3 4.56 0.33
Washington Metro Area Transit Auth. Police DC DC 442 2 4.52 0.33
Chesterfield County Police Department Chesterfield VA 475 1 2.11 0.32
Los Angeles Police Department Los Angeles CA 9727 30 3.08 0.31
Bexar County Sheriff's Office Bexar TX 526 5 9.51 0.29
Fairfax County Sheriff's Office Fairfax VA 499 3 6.01 0.28
King County Sheriff's Office King WA 721 5 6.93 0.26
Tampa Police Department Hillsborough FL 980 3 3.06 0.24
San Diego County Sheriff's Office San Diego CA 1322 7 5.30 0.23
Knox County Sheriff's Office Knox TN 456 1 2.19 0.23
South Carolina Highway Patrol Richland SC 967 10 10.34 0.22
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
544
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
545
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
546
Appendix C-2. Nonmetropolitan State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 100,000
Population)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
547
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
548
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
549
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
550
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
551
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
552
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
553
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
554
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
555
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
556
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
557
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
558
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
559
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
560
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
561
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
562
Appendix C-3. Primary State Police Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 100,000 Population
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
563
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
564
Appendix C-4. Sheriff's Offices in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 100,000 Population)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
565
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
566
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
567
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
568
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
569
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
570
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
571
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
572
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
573
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
574
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
575
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
576
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
577
Appendix C-5. County Police Departments in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 100,000 Population)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
578
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
579
Appendix C-6. 500 Largest Municipal Police Departments in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 100,000
Population)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
580
St. Louis (city) Police Dept St. Louis City MO 1351 10 7.40 3.13
Waterloo Police Department Black Hawk IA 120 4 33.33 3.05
Anderson Police Madison IN 117 4 34.19 3.04
South Bend Police St. Joseph IN 255 8 31.37 3.00
Nashville Metro Police Department Davidson TN 1315 18 13.69 2.87
Sumter Police Department Sumter SC 107 3 28.04 2.79
Toledo Police Department Lucas OH 640 12 18.75 2.72
Hattiesburg Police Department Forrest MS 126 2 15.87 2.67
Montgomery Police Department Montgomery AL 500 6 12.00 2.62
Bossier City Police Dept Bossier LA 178 3 16.85 2.56
Muncie Police Delaware IN 102 3 29.41 2.55
Pueblo Police Dept Pueblo CO 195 4 20.51 2.51
Wilson Police Department Wilson NC 114 2 17.54 2.46
New York City Police Department New York NY 36023 196 5.44 2.40
Fort Smith Police Department Sebastian AR 158 3 18.99 2.39
Atlanta Police Department Fulton GA 1719 22 12.80 2.39
Albany Police Department Albany NY 328 7 21.34 2.30
Victoria Police Department Victoria TX 106 2 18.87 2.30
Charlottesville Police Dept. Charlottesville City VA 115 1 8.70 2.30
Topeka Police Department Shawnee KS 283 4 14.13 2.25
Denver Police Department Denver CO 1525 13 8.52 2.17
Louisville Metro Police Department Jefferson KY 1197 16 13.37 2.16
Alexandria Police Department Alexandria City VA 315 3 9.52 2.14
Cleveland Police Department Cuyahoga OH 1616 27 16.71 2.11
Columbia Police Department Richland SC 351 8 22.79 2.08
Roanoke City Police Department Roanoke City VA 264 2 7.58 2.06
Virginia Beach Police Department Virginia Beach City VA 813 9 11.07 2.05
Gary Police Lake IN 243 10 41.15 2.02
Elkhart Police Elkhart IN 124 4 32.26 2.02
Burlington Police Department Alamance NC 105 3 28.57 1.99
Rapid City Police Department Pennington SD 107 2 18.69 1.98
Dothan Police Department Houston AL 148 2 13.51 1.97
Albuquerque Police Department Bernalillo NM 1020 13 12.75 1.96
Camden Police Camden NJ 397 10 25.19 1.95
Springfield Police Department Hampden MA 464 9 19.40 1.94
Ocean City Police Department Worcester MD 107 1 9.35 1.94
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
581
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
582
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
583
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
584
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
585
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
586
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
587
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
588
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
589
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
590
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
591
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
592
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
593
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
594
Appendix C-7. Special State & Local Law Enforcement Agencies in Study: Rates of Officers Arrested, 2005-2011 (Sorted by Rate per 100,000
Population)
# of Full-Time Per Per 1,000 Per 100,000
Agency County State Sworn Personnel Agency Officers Population
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
595
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
596
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
597
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
598
Appendix D: State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies: Police Crime Arrest Cases (N = 6,724)
Arrest
Agency City County State Agency ID Cases
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
599
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
600
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
601
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
602
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
603
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
604
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
605
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
606
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
607
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
608
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
609
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
610
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
611
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
612
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
613
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
614
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
615
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
616
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
617
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
618
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
619
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
620
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
621
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
622
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
623
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
624
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
625
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
626
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
627
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
628
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
629
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
630
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
631
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
632
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
633
Louisiana State University Health Sciences Center Police Dept Shreveport Caddo LA 13587250 1
Louisiana State University Police Department Baton Rouge East Baton Rouge LA 13300930 1
Louisville Metro Police Department Louisville Jefferson KY 12561910 16
Loves Park Police Dept Loves Park Winnebago IL 13086900 1
Lowell Police Department Lowell Middlesex MA 11241450 5
Lowell Police Department Lowell Kent MI 12182980 1
Lowell Police Department Lowell Benton AR 13023400 1
Lower Paxton Township Police Department Harrisburg Dauphin PA 11755270 1
Lower Township Police Erma Cape May NJ 12453180 1
Lowndes County Sheriff's Office Valdosta Lowndes GA 13008400 1
Lowndes County Sheriff's Office Hayneville Lowndes AL 13460440 1
Lubbock County Constable Pct. 3 Lubbock Lubbock TX 13774370 2
Lubbock Police Department Lubbock Lubbock TX 11907910 7
Lucas County Sheriff's Office Toledo Lucas OH 13850380 4
Lumberton Police Department Lumberton Robeson NC 12143730 1
Lumberton Township Police Department Lumberton Burlington NJ 12573170 1
Luna County Sheriff's Office Deming Luna NM 12759880 2
Luna Pier Police Department Luna Pier Monroe MI 12412920 1
Luther Police Department Luther Oklahoma OK 11945880 2
Luzerne County Sheriff's Office Wilkes Barre Luzerne PA 12989820 2
Lykens Borough Police Department Lykens Dauphin PA 12425280 1
Lyndhurst Police Department Lyndhurst Cuyahoga OH 12754290 1
Lynn Police Department Lynn Essex MA 11351430 2
Lynwood Police Dept Lynwood Cook IL 11810960 3
Macomb County Sheriff's Office Mount Clemens Macomb MI 13309530 1
Macon Police Department Macon Bibb GA 13429340 12
Madbury Police Department Madbury Strafford NH 99900023 1
Madera County Sheriff's Office Madera Madera CA 13862980 1
Madill Police Department Madill Marshall OK 11255850 1
Madison County Sheriff's Office Huntsville Madison AL 13738470 1
Madison County Sheriff's Office Fredericktown Madison MO 13870580 1
Madison County Sheriff's Office Danielsville Madison GA 13983590 1
Madison Heights Police Department Madison Heights Oakland MI 12682970 2
Madison Police Department Madison Dane WI 12167140 1
Madison Police Department Madison Morris NJ 12953170 1
Madison Police Department Madison Madison AL 13913390 2
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
634
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
635
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
636
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
637
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
638
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
639
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
640
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
641
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
642
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
643
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
644
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
645
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
646
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
647
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
648
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
649
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
650
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
651
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
652
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
653
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
654
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
655
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
656
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
657
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
658
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
659
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
660
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
661
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
662
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
663
Virginia Marine Resources Commission Newport News Newport News City VA 13976990 1
Virginia Police Department Virginia St. Louis MN 12512590 1
Virginia State Police Richmond Chesterfield VA 13186710 3
Visalia Department of Public Safety Visalia Tulare CA 13058300 1
Vivian Police Department Vivian Caddo LA 11111570 2
Volusia County Beach Patrol Daytona Beach Volusia FL 11961470 3
Volusia County Sheriff's Office Deland Volusia FL 11811330 4
Waco Police Department Waco McLennan TX 12777760 8
Wagoner Police Department Wagoner Wagoner OK 12005760 2
Waite Hill Police Department Waite Hill Lake OH 11234090 1
Wake County Sheriff's Office Raleigh Wake NC 13154110 4
Wakeman Police Department Wakeman Huron OH 11474050 1
Walker County Sheriff's Office La Fayette Walker GA 12589340 2
Walkerton Police Walkerton St. Joseph IN 12210350 1
Wall Township Police Wall Township Monmouth NJ 12403070 1
Walla Walla Police Department Walla Walla Walla Walla WA 12107320 1
Wallace Police Department Wallace Duplin NC 12153650 2
Waller Police Department Waller Waller TX 12227750 1
Wallingford Police Department Wallingford New Haven CT 11188590 1
Walnut Cove Police Department Walnut Cove Stokes NC 12913650 1
Walnut Creek Police Department Walnut Creek Contra Costa CA 13447140 3
Walton County Sheriff's Office Defuniak Springs Walton FL 13503350 4
Warren County Sheriff's Office Warrenton Warren NC 13200420 1
Warren Police Department Warren Macomb MI 11752700 1
Warren Police Department Warren Worcester MA 12771350 1
Warren Police Department Warren Trumbull OH 13332530 3
Warrensburg Police Dept Warrensburg Macon IL 12650780 2
Warsaw Police Department Warsaw Gallatin KY 11701890 1
Washington County Sheriff's Office Hagerstown Washington MD 12819290 1
Washington County Sheriff's Office Johnson City Washington TN 13831380 1
Washington Court House Police Dept. Washington Court House Fayette OH 13453240 1
Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority Police Washington District of Columbia DC 13375830 3
Washington Metropolitan Police Department Washington District of Columbia DC 13766670 32
Washington Park Police Dept Washington Park St. Clair IL 12940720 3
Washington Police Department Washington Beaufort NC 12413660 1
Washington State Patrol Olympia Thurston WA 13008900 2
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
664
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
665
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
666
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
667
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
668
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
669
This document is a research report submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice. This report has not
been published by the Department. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.