FOREWORD

Since past many years, there is increasing interest for the scholars, for
regional study mainly because of the availability of fresh data found from the region
or fresh look they desire to give to the already given situation. There is no denying
of the fact that it is only through the extensive research in regional history that the
main stream of Indian national history will be sufficiently enriched and strengthened.
The general trend in most cases in the study of regional history (including ancient
period) perhaps emphasises more on political aspects than on cultural aspects. Here
Dr. Sarma's work is welcome because it appears to be well-balanced one giving
weightage both to political as well as cultural side including administration, socio-
economic and religious conditions and architecture and sculpture.
A research scholar particularly in ancient Indian history is often found seized
with the problem of not having large amount of source materials. In dealing with
such limited materials, the merit of the work is to depend on the ability he shows in
correct interpretation of the documents, handled and unbiased it1ference he draws
from those documents written in the classical style in the language of the time, often
in eulogistic hyperbole. To draw out facts from, such materials in their true
historical perspectives is not always an easy one. A scholar conversant with
historical methodology should not be prepared to accept any view (old or new)
without proper examination and scrutiny of those documents on which they are
based. Again because of limited source materials there arises sometimes a tendency
with some to give more play to imagination than is needed and such ambitious
interpretation leads to lopsided and congectural conclusions. But a right minded
researcher takes full control of such tendency and follows the principle of saying
what is needed in the perspective and not more or less than that. Here Dr. Sarma,
scrupulously and meticulously has adhered to this historical methodology and has
avoided any ambitious tendency. She has at many places in her work more
particularly in chapter I and chapter II has disagreed with the v.i.ews of many
reputed scholars and refuted their views, not without evidence and reason and bas
categorically pointed out why such views are not tenable and her own views are
correct. Also where her scrutiny of the basic materials has proved satisfactory, she
has accepted such view. Her work appears to have corrected or modified some old
views and solved many problems hither-to remained unsolved. On the other hand,
it has brought forward some new facts and thrown some new light on many aspects
in this field.
One of the very important contributions of the Somavamsl rule, as she rightly
argues, was that for the first time KaJinga, Utkal, Kangod and Kosa! were unified
viii Somavamsi Rule in Orissa

and welded into one political entity under one sceptre, to be called as Orissa. The
uniform administrative system enforced on the newly established territory removed
the discordant elements, found in the amalgamated regions and paved the way in
course of nearly 200 years' rule, for a cultural synthesis leading to the emergence
of a typical Oriya culture. Though in the later periods, the political unity was
disturbed because of conquest of other powers or because of its vivisection for
administrative convenience of the Muslim or the British rule the cultural solidity so
formed, could sustain itself all political hazards of centuries for the creation of a
separate Orissa state in the :first half of this 20th century.
Particularly in the field of architecture, the contribution of the Somava:rhsi to
the main stream of Indian history was perhaps more remarkable. Dr. Sarma
strongly argues that the principal features of the Orissan temple type reached in
this age, a stage of maturity and whatever further developments were done in the
later period was an elaboration, not on original technique. In order to strengthen
her view point she quotes "the Orissan temple architectural activities in the later
period though by no means scarce, were more concerned with elaboration than
with any introduction of new features or forms indicating new directions of develop-
ment". Researchers or specialists who minutely observe the features of the Orissan
temple cannot but agree with this assertion.
It is very much hoped that this laudable work of Dr. Sarma will not only be
useful to the scholars and researchers but may inspire them to think and work in
such other fields, with a view to giving a well-balanced and unbiased picture of the
Orissan political, socio-economic, religious and cultural life of the past.

B. C. RAY
Sree Gundicha Day, 1983 Former Senior Professor & Head
Bhubaneswar University Department of History
Berhampur University.
Visiting Professor, Harvard Univer-
sity (U.S.A.), Jagiellonian Univer-
sity (Poland), Magadha University
(India)
 PREFACE
The Soma dynasty :figured on the political scene of Orissa for more than two
hundred years an@ did play an important role in unifying the several regions with
distinct cultures and languages. Before the rule of the dynasty was thoroughly
established in Orissa, the Sambalpur-Sonepur region was a different region called
South·Kosala over which it originally ruled. The kingdom of the Bhaumakaras
comprising the present districts of Cuttack, Puri, Balasore, Keonjhar, Dhenkanal and
Baud Phulbii.:IJ.i was known as Tosali or Utkala and the southern part of the present
Ganjam district was included in the kingdom of Kalinga. All these regions were
brought together under one sceptre during the rule of the Somavamsis and since then
the unified country was known as Orissa. It is they who amalgamated the upper
Mahanadi valley with the Utkala kingdom of the Bhaumakaras and later added to
it the southern portion of the KaJinga country by conquest. and thus contributed to
the unification of Orissa.
After the discovery of many of the copper plates and stone inscriptions of th~
Somavamsis, scholars like J. F. Fleet, Prof. Keilhorn, Hultzsch, A. Cunningham,
D. R. Bhandarkar, Rai Bahadur Hiralal have rendered valuable ser·vice by
examining the inscriptions of the dynasty, It is noticed that Cunningham's prepara-
tion of the chronology of the dynasty is based on the Mada[apllnji, the chronicle of
the temple of Jagannath. The chronology of the dynasty as prepared by Keilhorn
and Hiralal have also been proved to be wrong by later works done by scholars
like Mirashi etc. with the help of epigraphic sources.
Some later records of this dynasty have also been examined by scholars like
D. C. Sircar, S. C. De, S. N. Rajguru and Debala Mitra. This has thrown some light
on the political history of the Somavamsi kings. But their knowledge about this
dynasty was very much limited as it was based on the information supplied by a few
inscriptions available to them. Again whatever has been written on the history of
Orissa by scholars like B. C. Majumdar, R. D. Banerjee, H. C. Ray, H. K. Mahatab,
N. K. Sahu only at best 25 to 30 pages, have been covered to trace the
rule of the Somava:rhsi king.
B. C. Majumdar who wrote about the kings of the Soma dynasty in the
general history of Orissa named as 'Orissa in the Making' has misinterpreted the
source materials related to the history of the dynasty. When R. D. Banerjee wrote
on it after him perhaps was influenced by Majumdar and committed the same
mistake in his book 'History of Orissa' Vol. I, because he was of the opinion that
Janmejaya I had no control over any part of Orissa, but it is known from evidence
that Janmejaya I was the first ruler of the dynasty to have conquered a part of
x Somavarhsi Rule in Orissa

Orissa, called OQ.ra. Secondly the same scholar has committed the mistake of
interpreting the Jatesinga and Dungri plates of Yayati II as belonging to Yayati I
which is not a fact and thereby he has brought misinterpretations and confusions.
Lastly he held the view that there were two Udyotake8aries, one the successor of
Bhimaratha and the other the son of ChanQ.ihara Yayati. But from the careful study
of all the inscriptions related to the matter it is ascertained that there was only one
Udyotake8ari and that was the son of ChanQ.ihara Yayati II.

H. C. Ray has also done the same mistake by taking Yayati II to be Yayati I
and he also completely omitted the donation of land grants of Yayati I in: Daksina
Tosalf and wrongly has taken him to be the contemporary of Rajendra Chola, the
Cho1a emperor. But it is known from the Tirumalai inscription of Ra.jendra Chola
dated 1023 A.D. that Indraratha, the grandson of Yayati I was the contemporary
of Rajendra Cho ta.
N. K. Sahu has written something about the dynasty in his book, 'A History
of Orissa', Vol. II and has dealt with the Somava:ritsi kings only in six pages and the
genealogy as well as the chronology as fixed by him is incorrect. His treatment of
the subject is defective. There are noticed fallacies on some points. Firstly it has
very clearly been mentioned in the original charters that Nahusa was the Bhratil
(brother) of Dharmaratha and ChanQ.ihara Yayati II was his anuja (cousin). But in
the geneal~gical list provided by him it .is stated that Nahusa was the adopted son of
Dharmaratha and secondly he has presented the name of ChanQ.Ihara Yayati as two
different persons.

K. C. Panigrabi bas made some attempt to work out the chronology of the
Somavamsi kings in bis book entitled 'The Chronology of the Bhaumakaras and the
Somavamsis of Orissa'. As the title of the book indicates he has only dealt with the
chronology of the dynasty briefly in 17 pages. Even then there are some contradic-
tions in some of his statements. It is interesting to note that on the one hand,
Dr. Panigrahi while giving credit to Janmejaya I as the conqueror of Orissa is of the
opinion that Yayati I has never been credited with the conquest or invasion of Orissa
in any of the official or non-official records of the Somavamsis ; on the other hand he
writes 'the accession of Tribhuvana Mahadevi to the Bhaumakara throne .....prepared
the way for the occupation of Orissa by Yayati I in about 931 A.D.'
Sri Raj guru in his book 'Inscriptions of Orissa', Vol. IV, has also misread some
of the passages and in spite of epigraphic evidences he has given many wrong
statements. At one place he writes that Yayati I son of Janmejaya being elected by
the generals of Utkala came to the throne of that country after the fall of the
Bhaumakaras. At another place he writes, 'after the disappearance of the
Bhaumakara rule from Utkala the nobles and chiefs invited Yayati II son of
Abhimanyu to run the administration. Thus for the same event he gave different
 Preface

opinions at different places. Moreover whatever he has written is not the systematic
account of the history of the Somavarhsi kings.
Dr. Nema has also written a work, 'The Political History of the SomavamsL
kings of South Kosa}a and Orissa'. But as the title of the book indicates that theme
has been constructed on the political history of the Somava:rb.si kings of South Kosala
only. Very little has been written about this dynasty ruling over the region called as
Orissa. He has neglected totally the social and cultural aspects of the history
of this period.
Articles relating to some aspects of the dynasty have appeared in some
journals, but even if they are taken together they do not give a clear picture of the
dynasty nor its rule or achievements. Moreover no attempt so far has been made
to throw light on the socio-economic and cultural conditions and administrative
system in Orissa during the rule of the Somava:rb.si kings
The present work has been based primarly on original sources. The epigraphs
of the period eonsist of copper plate grants and stone inscriptions which form the
principal source for constructing the political and cultural history of the dynasty.
Of the two, the copper plate grants are more reliable and authentic historical
documents. These charters are official records of the rulers composed by their
court poets and granted to the Brlihma:Qa donees. The. copper plates contain
interesting information regarding the genealogy and chronology of the dynasty the
administrative organisation alongwith a list of the important ministers and officers.
Besides, they also give us information about different religious sects that existed in
Orissa during the period and throw a flood of light on the social conditions of the
period by mentioning the names of gotras and pravaras of the BrllhmalJ.aS as well as
referring to other castes like kshatriyas, vaisyas etc. The stone inscriptions found
engraved on caves and temples are private records, which furnish us with some
additional information about the rulers of the dynasty and their achievements.
Inscriptions of some contemporary ruling dynasties like those of the Bhauma-
karas, the Bhanjas, the Gangas, the Pa}as and the Rashtrakutas have been utilised.
· They provide some facts about the somava:rb.si king.
Monumental remains of the period found scattered at different places of
Orissa form the next important sources of our information regarding the cultural
and artistic achievements of the dynasty.
Besides this some casual references in the ancient Indian literatures and foreign
accounts also provide us with some information about these kings.
Prom all these available sources we have tried to reconstruct the history of
the Somava:rb.si kings, The whole work is divided into nine chapters. Chapter I
deals with the origin and early history of the kings as an useful and necessary
background to the subject. The genealogy and chronology of the Somavamsi kings
has been discussed in Chapter II. Chapter III describes the circumstances which
ultimately led to the establishment of the Somavarllsi power in Orissa and the
xii SomavamH Rule in Orissa

extension of the kingdom. Chapter IV presents the political history of these kings
from Janmejaya I to Kar:Jiadeva and enumerates the political achievements of these
kings keeping in view the main political events of the period as gleaned from the
original source materials and also narrates the factors responsible for the downfall
of the dynasty. Chapter V gives a detailed account of their administrative system
for the first time. In Chapter VI and VII an attempt has been made to give a picture
of the socio-religious conditions of the period. Chapter VIII deals with the
architecture and sculpture of the temples constructed under the patronage of these
kings. A summary of the thesis, in brief, is given in the concluding chapter.
In this work a modest attempt has been made to give as complete a picture as
possible by presenting both the political and cultural history of the Somavamsi
kings of Orissa.
I take this opportunity to record my deep sense of gratitude to Dr. B. C. Ray,
M.A. (Allh.), Ph.D. (London) former Professor and Head of the Department of
History, Berhampur University, under whose meticulous supervision this thesis has
been written. Without his invaluable guidance and encouragement the present
work would have not been possible. I am also grateful to his family members for
their help and cooperation in the completion of this work.
For the preparation of this work I am indebted to Mr. L. N. Raut, Lecturer in
History, Berhampur University, who helped and assisted me in various ways. I
hardly find words to express my thanks to him. I remain grateful to Dr. P. K. Jena,
Lecturer in- History, N. C. College, Jajpur and Mr. R. C. Misra, Lecturer in History,
Berhampur University, who greatly helped me in procuring the photographs for
the thesis. Besides I feel greatly indebted to a host of well-wishers for their help
and to all those who have helped me in the completion of the work.
I should acknowledge my debt to my parents, but for whose constant
help and encouragement the work would never have been completed and published.
A word of praise is also due to my husband who patiently bore with me during
my busy days of preparing the thesis.
To Shri S. K. Bhattacharyya, the Proprietor, Punthi Pustak goes my thanks
for publishing the thesis.

Berhampur University, BINA KUMAR! SARMA

August 1983.
 ABBREVIATIONS
AI Ancient India
AO Acta Orientalia
AR Asiatic Researches
ARASI Annual Report of the Archaelogical Survey of India
ASI Archaelogical Survey of India
ASIR Archaelogical Survey of India Reports
ASWI Archaelogical Survey of Western India
BI Bibliotheca lndica
Cll Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum
CR Calcutta Review
El Epigraphia Indica
HCIP History and Culture of the Indian People
IA Indian Antiquary
IC Indian Culture
IHQ Indian Historical Quarterly
IO Inscriptions of Orissa
JA Journal Asiatique
JAHRS Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society
JARS Journal of the Assam Research Society
JAS Journal of the Asiatic Society
JASB Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
JASL Journal of the Asiatic Society, Letters
JBORS Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society
JIH Journal of Indian History
JKHRS Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society
JOH Journal of Orissan History
JOR Journal of Oriental Research
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
JRSA Journal of the Royal Society of Arts
MASI Memoirs of the Archaelogical Survey of India
MR Modern Review
OHRJ Orissa Historical Re3earch Journal
PAIOC Proceedings of the All India Oriental Conference
PIHC Proceedings of the Indian History Congress
Sii South Indian Inscriptions
we Western Circle
 CONTENTS
Page

Chapter I: Origin of the Soma Dynasty 1

Chapter JI: Genealogy and Chronology of the
Dynasty 9
Chapter III : Establishment of Power 17
Chapter IV: The rule of the dynasty and its
downfall 27
Chapter V : Administration 39
Chapter VI : Social Condition 58
Chapter VI I : Religious Condition 69
Chapter VIII: Architecture and Sculpture 78
Conclasion 94
Bi~liography 97
Glossary 107
Index 108
Errata 117
Plates with Illustrations 118
Map
 Chapter One

ORIGIN OF THE SOMA DYNASTY

The Somavarhsls also known as the Pan<tuvarhsis are said to have belonged to
the great family of the Moon and were Kshatriyas by race. In their records they
mention their family as 'Somaku[a' 1 i.e. the family of the Moon, 'SomavarM11-
Sarhbhavah'2 and 'Sitansubansabima[ambar' 3 etc. As we know that in ancient times
the Kshatriyas traced their origin either from the Sun or the Moon, so also the
SomavarhSi kings took pride in tracing their origin from the Moon.
The Somavarhsis appear to be the direct descendants of the PanQ.ava dynasty,
who also claimed to have belonged to the family of the Moon and ruled over
Mekala, identified with the modern Maikal range that connects a link between the
Vindhyas and the Satputras and stretches from the Khairagarh to Rewah in Madhya
Pradesh . .i. The history of these Panqu kings before Sth century A.D. is shrouded
in mystery. They are first introduced in the Bamhani plates of Bharatabala.
In the Sth century A.D. there ruled a line of kings at MekaJa and the earliest
record of the dynasty 5 gives the genealogy as follows :
JayabaJa
I
Vatsaraja
I
Nagabala
I
Bharatabata alias Indra
Nothing is known for certain about the ancestors of Jayabaia, though
Dr. Mirashi 6 holds the view that Bhadrabala ancl. his son Vai§rava.l).a of the l'Jrahmi
inscriptions discovered at Bandogarh were the ancestors of Jayaba}a, the first king of
the Bamhani plates. We do not know how for the statement of Dr. Mirashi is
correct because in the Bamhani inscription no where we find them mentioning either
. belonging to the family of the Moon or to the Panqava dyttasty.

1. J ASB, Vol. I, p. 124.

2. EI, Vol. XXVII, p, 290.
3. Ibid., Vol. XXXI, p, 31.
4. IHQ, Vol. XXI, p, 310.
5. EI, Vol. XXVII, p. 132.
6. Mirashi, V. V., ''Studies in lndology'', Vol. I, p. 213.
2 Somavarhsi Rule in Orissa

Therefore the history of this Panc;lava dynasty, the ancestors of the Somavamsi
kings, before Jayabala is not definitely known. These kings might have adopted the
name of the dynasty following the style of the great Panc;Iava heroes of epic
Mahiibharata. Inscriptional evidences show that these Panc;Iuvamsis later on came
to be known as the Somavamsis.

Jayabala and Vatsaraja, the first two kings of the Bamhani plate have no
titles prefixed to their names, which show that probably they were ruling as sub-
ordinate chiefs in the country of Meka}a under some paramount ruler. It is likely
that Jayabata and Vatsaraja were feudatories of the imperial Guptas'T who were at
that time at the zenith of their power. However NagabaJa, the son of Vatsaraja was
the first person to assume the title of Maharaj a who most probably threw off the
Gupta yoke in the 2nd half of the 5th century A.D., when the imperial power began
to decline. He was succeeded by his son BharatabaJa who also bore the title of
Maharaja. In the Bamhani plates of Bharatabala there is a veiled reference to his
overlord Narendra, that is most probably the Vakataka monarch, Narendrasena. 8
Moreover the Belaghat plates of Prithivisena II, credits Narendrasena, the Vakataka
monarch as being the overlord of Ko8aJa, Mekala and Malava. 9 This shows that the
kings ruling over Kofala and Maiava and the PanQ.uvamsi kings of Mekala at that
time were the subordinate allies of the great Vakatakas. Thus being a contemporary
of the Vakataka king Narendrasena, who flourished in A.D. 450-470. Bharatabala,
the last ruler of the Mekala branch may be assigned the period from circa A.D.
460-480. 10
After Bharatabala nothing is known about this family ruling in Mekala.
However with the help of the Somavarils'i records found at KosaJa more information
is available for our study.
The. Somavamsis otherwise known as PanQ.uvamsis ruling over KosaJa and
Mahakosata with their capital at Sripura trace their origin from a remote ancest©r
named Udayana who was a ruler in Central India. 11 According to the Baloda
plates 12 Udayana was the great grand father of Maharaja, Tivaradeva of the
Panc;Iava-dynasty. The Sirpur Gandhesvara 18 inscription of the time of Sivagupta
gives us the followin~ genealogy of the SomavamSi kings of South Ko8a!a. -

7. HCIP, Vol. III, p. 223.

g. Ibid.
9. BI, Vol. IX, p. 271.
10. Mirashi, V. V., op.cit., p. 217.
11. Kalanjar Inscription ofUdayana, JRAS 1905, p. 621.
12. BI, Vol. VII, p. 103.
13. IA, vol. xvrn, p. 179.
 Orizin of the Soma Dyna1ty 3

Udayana
I
Indra.baJa
I
Na.nnadeva
I
Ch andra.gu pta
I
Hauhagupta
I
MahaSivagupta Balarjuna

In this list the name of Tivaradeva, the first great .kini of the Ko!ala branch is
omitted. He is another brother of ehandragupta and son of Nannadeva who i1
known from at least three of the records of Tivaradeva. 1 •a The Sirpur La.k:shma:Q.a
temple inscription 1 Bb of the time of Mahasivagupta Balarjuna introduces u1 to the
name of Rat;take8ari another brother of Balarjuna and the son of Harshagupta. In
another Sirpur 180 inscription a son of Balarjuna named Sivanandin is mentioned.
But he is not found in the genealogical list of the Somavarilsis. So from the copper
plates discovered at Kosala we may give the following genealogy of the Somava:rh*l
kings of Ko!iaJa.-
Udayana
I
l I
Indrabala Name lost
I I
I I Bharatabala
Nannadeva Iaanadeva
I I
Mahasiva ehandragupta
Tivaradeva I
I I
Nanna II Harshagupta.
I
I I
Mahasivagu pta Ra~akesari
Balarjuna
, I
Sivanandin
It is evident that the rulers of Mekala and South Kosaia belonged to the .1111me
lineage i.e., the Panc;lu dynasty, but the exact relationship between these two branches

13a. Bonda plates, EI, Vol. XXXIV, p. 111; Rajim plates, en, Vol. III, p. 291;
Baloda plates, EI, Vol. VII, p. l 03.
13b. EI, Vol. XI, p. 184.
13c. PR, ASI, we, 1904, Ins. No. 2015, p. 49.
4 Somavamii Rule in Orissa

is not known. However it seems that Udayana, the earliest king of the dynasty of
Kosala :flourished after Bharataba}a and was probably his son. u. The Malga
plates 15 of Samanta Indraraja or Indrabala helps us to some extent to draw a
relationship between these two branches. In it the Swamakara or the engraver of
the charter is one Dro:i;i.aka son of Isvara and again in the BamhanI plate 16 of
Bharatabaia, the Swar'l)akara is Mihiraka, son of Isvara. From this one can infer
that during the time of Bharatabala Mihiraka, the elder son of Isvara was the
engraver and also remained in the office during the time of Udayana, son of
Bharatabala. Then he was succeeded to the post of his younger brother Drol).aka
during the time of Indraraja or IndrabaJa. Apart from this, since Indraraja is a
familiar name among the PanQ.uvari:J.sis and both the plates were discovered at the
same locality (Bilaspur and Rewah in Madhya Pradesh) one may lead to think that
Indraraja and Bharataba}a might have belonged to one and the same family and
Bharatabala might be the grandfather of lndraraja of the Malga plates. 1 'T
Now the question is under what circumstances the PanQ.uvari:J..§1 kings came to
Ko§aJa. Owing to want of adequate evidence it is very difficult to give the reasons
for which they left that Mekala region, but however this much is certain that after
losing their hold of that region they moved to Kosaia and took shelter in the
dominions of the Sarbhapuriyans ruling over that region. This is proved by the
Sarangarh plates 18 of Mahasudevaraja, son of Mahadurgaraja, the Sarbhapuriyan
king, that one Indrabalaraja lived under him as his Srf-Mahasamanta, Sarvadhikaradhi-
krita and Diitaka. From another record 19 of Mabasudevaraja it is known that in his
7th regnal year he favoured one respected person named Nanna. Thus it becomes
clear that lndrabala and his son Nannadeva lived as subordinate officers under the
Sarbhapuriyan king Mahasudevaraja. The Malga plate 20 of Indraraja which
entitles him as Sa.manta undoubtedly proves that lndrabala lived as a Samanta 11
under the Sarbhapuriyan king.
14. According to Dr. Mirashi, Udayana's son (Indrabala) seems to have been
named after his grandfather Bharatabala whose name was Indra and
Indrabala. This may be due to the custom in India that a grandson is
often named after his grandfather. Mirashi, V. V., op.cit., p. 219.
15. B.I., Vol. XXXUI, pp. 209-214.
16. Ibid,, Vol. XXVII, p. 132.
17. Rajaguru, S. N., Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. IV, p. 314.
18. IHQ, Vol. XXI, pp. 294-295.
19.. Mal:J.ako§ala Historical Society Plates, Vol. IJ, p. 43.
20. Rajaguru, S. N., op.cit., p. 318.
21. Some scholars disagree with this view on the ground that Lakshma:Qe·
svara temple inscription at J<.harod describes Indrabala as an independent
 Origin of the Soma Dynasty

That Udayana was ruling in Central India is evident by the Kalanjar sto:o.e
inscriptionlll."' which records the construction of a Vishl}u temple by him there. It
seems that Udayana ruled .over the Central Provinces for a short period and his
successors Indrabala etc. came from Central India to South Ko§ala and first entered
the services under the Sarbhapuriyans and gradually they occupied the whole of
Kosaia. The post which was held by Indrabaiaraja made him very powerful. Then
taking advantage of the weak rule of the Sarbhapuriyans during their later period,
his successor Nannadeva overthrew king Mabapravararaja and finally Tivaradeva,
the son and successor of Nannadeva, became the lord of entire Ko8ala. In the
Rajimu and Baloda plates 28 of his 7th and 9th regnal year Tivaradeva is credite~
for having acquired the sovereignty of entire Kosala. He was tbe first king of the
dynasty to assume grand royal titles like Sakafakofofadhipati etc. Tivaradeva was a
great king of the dynasty who not only was the lord of Kosala but also had
acquired Utkala. It is known from the Adhavara plates<H of his son Nannaraja that
he secured the sovereignty of Utkala by his own arms. He was succeeded by· his
son Nanna II, who after a short period was succeeded by his uncle Chandragupta,
the younger brother of Tivaradeva. After Chandragupta his son Harshagupta
succeeded him. Harshagupta seems to have ruled for a short period and his son
Ba1arjuna Mahasivagupta became the ruler of Ko§ala at an early age. Mahasiva-
gupta Balarjuna ruled over a vast kingdom and his empire included the modern
districts of Durg, Raipur, Bilaspur in the Madhya Pradesh and also a portion of
Sambalpur district in Orissa. His reign was a prosperous period in the history of
the Somavarilsi kings,
Nothing is known certain about the immediate successors of Mahasivagupta

king. Therefore it is improper to identify IndrabaJa with a Samanta.

Nema, S. R., Political History of the Somavainfi Kings of South Kofofa and
Orissa, p. 101.
But here it should be remembered that the Malga plates of Indraraja
(who has been identified with IndrabaJa the grandson of Bharatabala)
entitled him as the Samanta and not the king. Had he been an
independent king he would have used such titles as used by any other
independent king. May be, he being the Samanta of the Sarbhapuriyan
king ruled as a feudatory ruler independently and for that the inscrip-
tion at Kharod describes him as an independent ruler instead of a
feudatory of the king.
2la. JRAS, 1905, p. 621.
22. en, Vol. III, pp. 291-99.
23. EI, Vol. VII; p. 102.
24. EI, Vol. XXVIV, p. 113.
6 Somavarhfi Rule in Orissa

Jlapi.rjuna, though a Sirpur inscription refers to a son of Balarjuna ai Sivanandin. ll 6

We get no reference of him in any other record of the period,
However the inscriptions belonging to the Somavarhs1s found at the Sambal-
pur-Sonepur region helps us to some extent in connecting the history of the early
Somavarhsis or the PanQ.uvarhsis of Sripura with the later Somavamsi kings of
S.uvan1apura because the later SomavarhSi kings have the names of Sivagupta and
· Bhavagupta like those of the early PanQ.uvarhsi kings. Moreover they also claimed
tj).eir descent from the family of Moon and suzerainty over Ko§ala, as the earlier
S-omavamSi kings did. The inscriptions 116 of the later Somavarhsis refer to one
S.ivagupta the father of Janmejaya Mahabhavagupta as the first king of their dynasty.
Oen. Cunningham 2 'T has identified this Sivagupta, the first king of the later branch
with Balarjuna, the last known ruler of the early dynasty.
We cannot definitely identify Sivagupta 118 (father of Janmejaya) with
Balrajuna Mahasivagupta without any authentic evidence. However we can identify
these two branches as belonging to the same lineage. 211 lnscriptional evidences are
there to show that the Somavamsi kings are the direct descendants of the PanQ.uvamsis
of Kosala. Mahasiva, Tivaradeva in his Baloda and Rajim plates declared himself
as belonging to PanQ.u dynasty ; other rulers of his dynasty call themselves as the

25. PR, ASI, WC, 1904, Ins. No. 2015, p. 49.

26 El, Vol. XI, pp. 93-95.
27. ASIR, Vol. xvn, pp. 17, 85, 87.
28. According to Hiralal, R. B., Mahasivagupta mqarjuna of the Sirpur
branch may possibly be the grandfather of the titleless Sivagupta. of the
Katak inscriptions, EI, Vol. XI, pp. 186-7.
B. C. Majumdar, and H. C. Ray have linked them with a gap of two and
three generations respectively. JBORS, Vol. VI, part III, p. 337. Ray,
H. C,, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, pp. 394-5. Lastly
Fleet has rejected the identification of these two Sivaguptas having placed
the later branch in between 1000-1100 A D. E[, Vol. III, p. 186.
29. Regarding the identification of these two branches also scholars have
pointed out some objections. Whereas Ba}iirjuna has been placed
sometime in the close of the 6th and first half of the 7th ·Century A.D.
the members of the later branch have been assigned to the lOth Century
A.D. The kings moreover have the epithet Trikafingiidhfpati and never
claim to have descent from the PiinQ.uvamsis. The seal of their early
records bears not the Garuda or bull emblem although they were Saivas,
but the Gajalaxmi symbol like that of the Sarbhapuriyans and the
Kalachuris. Bhandarkar, D. R., IA, Vol. LXI, p. 241, Ray, H. C.,
op.cit., p. 395.
 Origin of the Soma Dynasty 7

descendants of the lunar race. Mahannaraja II the son of Tivaradeva described bis
father as being born in the family of the Moon or the Somavarhfa. 30 Moreover as
has been pointed out by Sri Rajaguru 8 1. even in the time of Balii;rjuna the last ruler
of the early branch the family epithet was mentioned as 'Somavamfo sambhavah' and
also the epithet 'SftanS.uvamsavima!ambar' of his Senakpat inscription bas been
curiously repeated in the Jatesinga and Dungri plates of Mahasivagupta Yayati II
of the later branch. Therefore the PanQ.uvamsis of South Kosala belong to the lunar
dynasty and the Somavarhsis of the Sambalpur-Sonepur region are the descendants
of the former.

Secondly regarding the difference of symbol though scholars have given

different opinions we deny the fact because some of the later Somava:Iilsis also had
the emblem of the bull on their seals. As we see in the Mahako8ala historical plates
of Mahabhavagupta 32 the symbol of a standing bull facing the proper right of a
cresceat Moon at the top. Therefore we can presume that in all probability the
Somavarhsis had not given up using the symbol of their ancestors and they might
have had adopted the new style of the symbol of Gajalaxmf immitating their
neighbours, the Kalachuris.

Though the early branch assumed the title of Kofo[adhipati, Saka!a Kofofadhf-
pati and never added the epithet of Trika[ingadhipali to their names like that of the
later branch, we know from one of the copper plates of Janmejaya that he was also
called KtJ8a[endra 3 3 instead of Kosafadhfpati, Moreover it is interesting to note that
BaJarjuna, the last ruler of the early branch never used the title of Kosatadhipati in
his record 84 nor did he use the epithiet of Trikafingadhfpati. It seems that during his
period the Somavarhsis lost some portions of Kosata to their enemies for which they
no longer remainect the lords of entire Kosata or Saka!akofofadhfpatis. After him
his successors having acquired Trika[inga assumed the title Trika!ingadhfpati till
they lost their possessions to the imperial Gangas.

Moreover we can identify these branches as belonging to the same lineage

from the use of the affix Mahasiva or Mahasivagupta and Maha.bhavagupta alterna-
tively. Thus we see in the early branch Mahasiva T1varadeva 35 and his brother's

30. El, Vol. XXXI, pp. 219-22.

31. Rajaguru, S. N., op.cit., pp. 219-20.
32. Cuttack plates of Mahabhavagupta Janmejaya I, EI, Vol. III, p. 350.
33, Sirpur Stone Inscription, El, Vol. XXXI, pp. 197-8. Senak;pat Inscription
Ibid, pp. 31-6 and other inscriptions of Ba!arjuna.
34. en, vol. III, pp. 291-99.
35. El, Vol. XXIII, p. 113.
8 SomavamSf Rule in Orissa

grandson M ahasirragupta Biiliirjuna 8 6 and again a Sivagupta in the later branch and
his successors who were all Sivaguptas and Bhavaguptas. Thus it seems that both the
branches belonged to one and the same dynasty though it is difficult to restore the
missing link between these tw0 branches in the absence of any authentic evidences.
It is really tempting to identify Sivagupta with Mahasivagupta Batarjuna but
we cannot agree with Gen. Cunningham that Janmejaya was the son of Biilarjuna
because so far as inscriptional sources are available we know one 'Sivanandin' as
the son of BaJarjuna and no where else we do get any reference of Janmejaya as the
son or succes~or of mqarjuna nor do we know anything in detail about Sivagupta,
father of Janmejaya. Moreover on palaeographic ground scholars have placed a
gap of two hundred years between these two persons. However we do not know
under what circumstances the Somava:rb.sis of Sripura or the successors of Baiarjuna
transferred their capital to Siivan;tapura where again their records are found in the
Sambalpur-Sonepur region with the rise of Mahabhayagupta Janmejaya. According
to Dr. Mirashi the Bli.JJ.as carved out a new kingdom for themselves in the Bilaspur
district of Chattisgarh from where they ousted the Somavarhsis, who were obliged to
move to the East and settle at Vinit1ipura. s 7 It will not be out of place to note here
that although T'!varadeva and his son Nannadeva II were called as Sakalakofa["Mhi-
patis in- their records, but - after them none of their succes$ors including Baliirjuna
used the title of Sakafakosafadhfpati .and after Biiliirjuna the later branch in the
Sambalpur region adopted a new title i.e. Trika!ingadhfpati which is yet to be
identified, Therefore it seems that after Nanna II the Somava:rb.si kings n0 more
remained the lords of entire Ko8ata though Sripura remained their capital as before
till the time of Ba}iirjuna Mahasivagupta. During his time the Ka!achuris, the
traditional enemies of the Somava:rhsis most probably occupied the Sripura region,
Having lost their dominions in the North and West of Ko8ala, Balarjuna's successors
moved to the Sambalpur-Sonepur region.
Thm they ruled over a smaller territory comprising of the modern districts
of Sambalpur and Bolangir in Orissa at the beginning of their rule. Gradually they
could consolidate their power in these tracts and there after steadily penetrated
into the coastal regions of Orissa. In course of time they occupied the whole of it.
It was Janmejaya Mahabhavagupta I, who is considered as the founder of the Soma
dynasty in Orissa.

36. c1, vor. xxvn.

37, Mirashi, V, V., op.cit., p. 36.
 Chapter Two

GENEALOGY AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE DYNASTY

The genealogy of the Somavari:lsi kings can be drawn with the help of their
copper plates and stone inscriptions. We find 13 rulers of the dynasty from the
inscriptions discovered so far, but we cannot ascertain exactly their relationship
with one another and also the order of succession because in some of their charters
we get only their surnames and we do not hav11 any idea about their real names and
very often one name is borne by more than one kiog 1 and one king is entitled with
more than one name which would lead one to a lot of confusion. Due to this reason
even though a large number of inscriptions were available a scientific genealogy
could not be prepared earlier. But after a deep study of the inscriptions an attempt
has been made to give a complete picture of the genealogy and chronology of the
dynasty,

According to the Narasiri:lhapur plates of Udyotakefari, Janmejaya became

the king first and then his son Yayati was followed by Bhimaratha who again was
succeeded by his .son Dharmaratha. After Dharmaratha, his bhrata (brother)
Nahusha became the overlord of the country. He was succeeded by his anuja
(cousin) Yayati, who was chosen. as the king of the countries of Kosala and Utkala,
Yayati was followed by his son Udyotakesari.

The Brahmesvara temple inscription 2 also gives almost the same genealogy of
the dynasty only omitting the name of Nahusha. The inscription furnishes one
more information regarding Yayati II, the father of Udyotakefari and cousin of
Nahusa and Dharmaratha. Yayati Il is known as Chanef-ihara 8 in this inscription
and is known as the son of Abhimanyu, grandson of Vichitravira and great grandson
of Janmejaya,

1. The name ofYayati is borne by no less two kings of this dynasty. So

also the names of Janmejaya is borne by more than one king. Ratnagiri
plates, El, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 263-64.
2. JBORS, Vol. XVII, pp. 1-15.
3. Chanef-ihara of the Brahmesvara inscription has rightly been identified
with Yayati of the Narasiri:lhapur plates as in both the records he is
mentioned as the father of Udyotake§ari and given credit for having freed
both the countries of UtkaJa and KosaJa from the enemies.
2
JO Somavatnsi Rule in Orissa

There are some inscriptions"' which confirm the genealogical list given by
those records to some extent. But at some other places we do not have any evidence
to prove the succession of some kings as their real names are totally omitted and
only their titles such as Siva.gupta and Bhavagupta which they used alternatively in
addition to their names are given. The Mahako§a}a Historical society plates 5 of
Mahabhavagupta and the Kudopali grant 6 of Mahabhavagupta son of Mahasivagupta
put scholars into great confusion and led them to give different opinions regarding
their genealogy, The KhanQ.apara 7 plates of Dharmartha does not mention his
father's name except Mahabhavagupta so also Jatesinga 8 and Diingri plates of Yayati
Maha§ivagupta do not mention the name of his father except Mahabhavagupta.

The genealogical list of the ministers who served the Somavarilsi kings will
help us to a great extent in preparing the genealogy of the dynasty. From the
charter of Janmejaya I we ·know that one Malla Datta (son of Ohara Datta) was his
Mahasandhivigrahi (Minister of Peace and War). He held the post till the 3lst
regnal year of Janmejaya after which he was succeeded by his son Ohara Datta Ilg
who as we know from the record of Yayati I was in service from the 34th regnal
year of Janmejaya to the 8th regnal year of Yayati's reign. Then in the 28th regnal
year ofYayati's reign we see Simha Datta10 succeeding the post ofDhara Datta II.
He remained the Sandhivigrahi of both Yayati I and his son Bh1maratha which we
know from the Cuttack plates of Mahabhavagupta Bhimaratha's 3rd regnal year.

Then w~ can further establish the link with the help of the Jatesinga Diingri
plates of Yayati II, whose Mahasandhivigrahi was one Rudra Datta11 (the brother's
son of Sirhha Datta and grandson of Harsha Datta). It seems that Sirhha Datta was
in service under Yayati I and his son Bhimaratha and his son Dharmaratha. Then
most probably he was succeeded by his brother (name not known) who remained

4. From the Orissa State Museum plates, Patna Museum plates and other
plates ofYayati I, it is known that he was the son of Janmejaya and from
the Cuttack plates of Bhimaratba it is known that he was the son of
Yayati I. OHRJ, Vol. XII ; JASB, Vol. I (1905), pp. 14-16; El,
Vol. III, pp. 385-89.
5. EI, Vol. XXII, pp. 135-8.
6. Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 254-59.
7. OHRJ, Vol. XII, Nos. 5, 2 and 3.
8. JOBRS, Vol. II (1916), pp. 45-55.
9, Ibid., 34th regnal year.
10. Patna plates of Mahasivagupta Yayati I, JASB, Vol. I (1905), pp. 8-12,
pp. 9-33.
11. JBQRS, Vol. II (1916), pp. 45-55.
 Genealogy and Chronology of the Dynasty 11

the minister during the short rule of Nahusa and Indraratha the brothers of
Dharmaratha. After that he was succeeded by his son Rudra Datta, who served
both ChanQ.ihara Yayati II and his son Udyotake§ari. Thus the identification of
Rudra Datta of the Jatesinga Diingri plates and the Narasirbhapura. plates 12 suggest
that Mahllsivagupta Yayati, son of the Mahabhavagupta of the former record was no
other than Mahasivagupta Yayati or Chanc;lihara Yayati II, father of Udyotake§ari.
The Bal).pur Copper plates 13 of Indraratha further throw much welcome
light on the Somavari:Lsi genealogy. It is known from the inscription that he was· the
son of Bhimaratha and another brother of Dharmaratha, who had appointed him as
Governor qf KaJinga, which he himself had wrested from an OQ.ra king.
The Ratnagiri Copper plates.u of Karl}adeva further carries and completes
the genealogy of the Somavari:Lsis by the mention of three more rulers after
Udyotake§arI.
The donor of the Ratnagiri plates 1 4°', KarJJadeva was the last known ruler of
the Soma dynasty. This Kanpdeva has rightly been identified with Kari;iake§ari of
the Ramachvrita. 15
From Sonepur plates 15 °' we come across one more ruler- of this dynasty

12. Ibid.
13. Previously scholars had given different opm10ns regarding this
lndraratha, the SomavariJ.si king of Yayati nagara, who was defeated by.
the ChoJa king Rajendra ChoJa I (Sastri, N., The Cho[as, pp. 248~9). The
newly discovered copper plate of Jndraratha (JAS, Vol. VII, No. 4, p.
271) has totally disproved the views given by scholars (P. Acharya has
attempted to identify him with Dharmaratha (JIH, Vol. XV, Part I, p. 12),
D. C. Sircar with Nahusa (IHQ, Vol. XX, 1946, 'p; 303). D. C. Ganguli
with lndraratha, a king of Ganjam unknown from any other source
(HCIP, Vol. V, p. 66). However Dr. Panigrahi long before had rightly
pointed out that he was probably another brother of Dharmaratha.
14. EI, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 263-74, Verse 12 : To him was born a son king
Janmejaya (Janmejaya II) whose lotus feet were kissed by the bees that
were the sapphire jewels on the crests of kings bowing down to him.
Verse14 : Then was his son Puranjaya, the best of men and the conqueror
of the cities of enemies, whose feet were worshipped by the bowing
kings. Verse 16 : His younger brother was king Karzj.adeva ... whose foots-
tool was kissed by the mass of jewels embedded in the crest of the kings,
14a. EI, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 263-74.
15. · Ramacharita, ed. by Sastri, H.P., Men, ABS, Vol. III, p. I.
15a. BI, Vol. XII, pp. 237-42.
12 Somavamsi Rule in Orissa

Somesvara who ruled in the kingdom of Ko8ala. It is stated in this record that
Somesvara a member of the Somavamsa a~cended the throne of KosaJa after
Abhimanyudeva who was made king in the country of Kofala by the illustrious
king Udyotake8ari of the Somava.Ib.8a. From this statement it becomes clear that
Somesvara was a member of the colateral branch of the Soma dynasty ruling over
Ko8aJa and he did not bdong to the main line of the kings ruling over UtkaJa. In
the Sonepur plates, Kumara Somesvara describes himself as a member of the
Somakufa, however he does not mention his relationship with any Somava.Ib.si king
or even with Abhimanyu to whom he succeeded. Regarding the identification ·of
Abhimanyu also we do not know whether he was the same of the Brahmesvara
temple inscription where he is referred as the grandfather of UdyotakesarI or he was
another Abhimanyu. In that case he might have been a grandson of the former
Abhimanyu of the Brahmesvara temple inscription. In either case Somesvara16
becomes a cousin of Udyotake8ari.

Some more names into this dynasty :;tre given by some scholars.
Dr. Mahatab 1 'T has shown two more names like Ra:Jfaka Balake8ari and Chandra
Ke8a!i. So also Dr. Sircar 18 has given the names of Viravarake8ari and Rai;iake8ari.
The MadaJapanji19 mentioned· Siivari;iake8ari as the last ruler of the dynasty who
was overthrown by Cho4agangadeva. However we do not find any of these names
in any of the inscriptions or copper plates of our period. It seems that the title
Ke8ari in all these names perhaps led these scholars to take them to be the
Somava.Ib.si rulers. But the use of the word Ke8ari in the name does not mean
that he belonged to Soma dynasty because during the Bbaumakara period also there
was one king known as Unmatto Simha or Unmattake5ari (Sivakara I) but yet they
belonged to the Bhauma dynasty and not the Soma dynasty. This analogy can
easily be applied to the names which are rnpplied by Dr. Sircar. His reference to
the names Viravara ke8ari and Ra:Q.akesari simply indicates that there were some
people having such names yet without any relations with the Somava.Ib.si kings,

The chronology of the dynasty which forms the very basis of its history still
remains controversial and scholars have given different opinions on the matter. In
the medieval period some of the ruling dynasties mentioned the eras in their

16. According to Dr. Sircar the position of Somesvara and Abhimanyu in

the genealogy of the Somavamsis cannot be determined but the later
may have been a grandson of Abhimanyu son of Vichitravira and
brother or cousin of Udyotake8ari. IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 305.
17. Mahatab, H.K., History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 176.
18. 10, Vol. III, p. 122.
19. Madalapanji (Prachi edition), p. 6.
 Genealogy and Chronology of the Dynasty 13

charters, which helped a lot for fixing their dates. The charters of the Somavamsi
kings mention only their regnal years and do not give any specific dates of these
kings.

On palaeographic groupd Fleet 20 has opined that 'the records of the dynasty
can not possibly be placed before A.D. 900 .. ·that the characters are of the llth
century A.D. and the kings mentioned in them are to be placed somewhere between
'1000 & 1100 A D.' However, the chronology of the Soma dynasty can be fixed up
only with the help of some events of their period and also by their relationship with
the contemporary powers. One method of dating the Somavamsi rulers is by
working backwardi:. from Rajendra ChoJa's invasion of Orissa and the mention of
his defeating a ruler named lndraratha of this dynasty at Yayiitinagara. If we will
look further backwards it will be known that the last known ruler of this· dynasty
was the contemporary of Rampi:qa I, the Pala king of Bengal and Ananta Yarman
Cho<;Iagangadeva of the Ganga dynasty.

To begin with it is known from a recently discovered copper plate 111 from
Bolangir that Janmejaya I of the Soma dynasty :flourished in the lOth century A.O.
and that he was the contemporary of the Rashtrakftta king Mugdhagonc;ia}adeva
whose name cannot be traced in the Rashtrakuta genealogy. It seems that he was a
subordinate ruler of the Rashtrakuta dynasty who remained a feudatory under
Janmejaya I.

With the help of this copper plate we can say with certainty that Janmejaya I
flourished in the lOth century A.D. and he cannot be placed before that period as has
been advocated by some scholars. The records of Yayati I contain certain references
relating to contemporary events which will help us to some extent in fixing the
dates of Janmejaya and yayati I. The Patna Museum plates 92 of Yayati I issued in
his Sth regnal year reveals his encounter with the Cbedis or the KaJachuris, who
were their traditional enemy. In this record it is stated that Svabhavatunga by his
own valour became the king and spread the fortunes of KosaJa by defeating the
Ka}achuris. Then his son Yayati defeated the powerful KaJachuri king Yuvaraja and
burnt the Dahala country and captured along with the soldiers, maid-servants and
an elephant troop of the lord of Chedi and brought them to bis kingdom. 118 Prom
the reference of this record it appears that Svabbavatunga was the surname of

20. El, Vol. III, p. 336.

21. Not yet published. Preserved in the Orissa State Museum.
22. JASB, Vol. I (190q), pp. 15-16.
23. Panigrahi, K. C., Chronology of the Bhaumakaras and Somavamsi kings of
Orissa, p. 2.
 l4 Somavarhsi Rule in Orlssa

Janmejaya and the Chedi king Yuvaraja was the contemporary of Janmejaya's son
Yayati2.i..

TP.e Bilhari Stone Inscription 2 5 also reveals that the Kalachuri king
LakshmalJ.araja 25 II after defeating the king of Kosala obtained an effigy of th~
serpent kiiliya from the king of Oc;lra. The Kalachuri king LakshmalJ.araja flourished
in the lOth century A.D. and it seems that Janmejaya of Kosala was defeated by him.
After that Janrnejaya and his son Yayati I again fought against the Chedi king and
burnt the Chedi kingdom. So it becomes clear that Lakshmal).araja being the
contemporary of Janmejaya, his son SankaragalJ.a Ill (970-980 A.D.) and Yuvaraja
1!2 7 (980-990 A.D.) were the contemporaries of Yayati I, the son of Svabhavatunga
alias Janmejaya.

Now with the help of the Tirnmalai Inscription 28 of Rajendra Cho!a, and in
keeping in view the regnal years of the rulers as well as supported by the dates of
SankaragalJ.a III (970-980 A.D.) and Yuvaraja II (980-990 A D.) we can safely fix the
chronology of the Somava.msi kings atleast upto Indraratha. In the Tirumalai
inscription it is stated that Rajendra Chola captured Indraratha of the ancient race
of the Moon with his family in a fight which took place at Adinagara or Yayatinagara.
The defeat of Indraratha has been mentioned in the inscriptions of Rajendra Cho!a.
The earliest mention of this event is made in the 12th regnal year of his reign
corresponding to 1023 A.D. 29 As has been mentioned earlier the last known grant
of lndraratha was issued in his 6th regnal year, which was not far from the date of
the Chola invasion i.e. 1023 A.D. Therefore Indraratha might have ruled only for
6 years. From the Balijhari and the Brahmesvara inscriptions it is known that after
the death of Dharmaratha, who died childless, his brother Nahusha succeeded him
and ruled for a very short period, perhaps not more than one or two years. Then
as we know, Nahusha's another brother. Indraratha became the ruler. Thus the
reigning period of both Nahusa and Indraratha accounts only 7 or 8 years. Before
them Dharmaratha was the ruler who ruled for 11 years i.e. upto 1015 A.D. His

24. JASL, Vol. XIV; No. 2, p. 120.

25. EI, Vol. I, pp. 251-70.
26. Differing from this Dr. Panigrahi held the view that SankaragalJ.a 1 was
the contemporary of Janmejaya (878-916 A.D.) and his son Yuvaraja I
was the contemporary of Yayati I (915-945 AD). To strengthen his
statement be bas put forward some arguments which appears more to be
imagin!l.rY than based on evidence. Panigrahi, op.cit., pp. 3-4.
27. CU, Vol. IV, Part I, pp. LXXXVI, LXXXVII.
28. Sastri, N. K., The Cholas, pp. 248-9.
29. Sil, Vol. III, p. 400.
 Genealogy and Chronology of the Dynasty 15

father Bimaratha reigned not less than 13 years and he must be placed between 991
to 1004 A.D. Thereby the reign period of Yayati I falls between 963 to 991 A.D.
and that of his father Janmejaya commenced in 929 A.D. to 963 A.D. The
chronology of the KaJachuri kings, SankaragaJJ.a III and Yilvaraja II 30 also
corroborates these dates.

To fix. the dates of Janmejaya and Yayati I, some scholars have referred to the
Baud plates of Trbihuvana Mahadevi dated in the Bhauma year 158. However we do
not find any reason to rely upon this year of the Bhauma plate because different
scholars give different views regarding the date of the Bhauma era. According to
Sri Rajaguru 51 the Bhauma era started from 736 A.D. whereas Dr. Sircar 82 has
fixed the starting of the Bhauma era in 831 A.D.

Now to complete the chronol"ogy of the later Somavamsis starting from

Indraratha to KarJJ.ake§ari the last ruler of this dynasty, we can refer to some of the
inscriptions of the Gangas and the Pala kings of Bengal, who were the contempo-
raries of KarJJ.akesarI.

It is known from the commentary of Ramacharita 5 5 that Jayasirhha of

DanQ.akabhukti, the lieutenant of RamapaJadeva lifted with his hand KarlJ.akefari,
the lord of UtkaJa. So it appears that Kan;i.akeSari of KarJJ.adeva was the con-
temporary of RamapaJadeva of Bengal who flourished in 1077 to 1120 A.D. 34
Moreover it is also stated in the Ramacharita that Ramapaladeva did favour to the
vanquished lord of Utkala who was born in the family of Bhavabhusana (Soma). This
definitely proves the reign of the Somavari:J.si kings in Utkala or Orissa during the
time of RamapaJadeva of Bengal.

The Vizagpatnam grant 3 5 dated 1118 A. D. of Anantavarman ChoQ.agangadeva

describes him as decorated with the rank of entire sovereignty of the whole of
Utkala. It seems that Utkala was annexed to the kingdom of the Gangas sometime
before 1118 A.D. The last known ruler of UtkaJa was Kar:r;tadeva who is referred
to as the fallen lord of Utkala replaced by ChoQ.agangadeva in the Kor:r;ti copper
plate 86 dated 1112 A.D. Karl)adeva being a contemporary of both Rampala (!077-

30. OHRJ, Vol. I, No. 3, p. 208.

31. Ibid.
32. EI, Vol. XXIX, p. 191.
33. Ramacharita, p. 36.
34. HCIP, Vol. V, pp. 28-31.
35. IA, Vol. XVII, p. 165.
36. J AHRS, Vol. I, Part III, p. 123.
16 Somavarizsi Rule in Orissa

1020 A.D.) and Choc,lagangadeva (1078-1147 A D.) should be placed somewhere

between the reigning periods of these two rulers. Kaq1adeva had granted his last
known grant in his 7th regnal year 3 'T which he musthave had ma.de before 1112 A.D.
So we may fix the reign of Karl)adeva between 1100 to 1118 A.D.

After the end of the reign of Indraratha in 1023 A.D. till the rule of
Karl)adeva in 1110 A.D. there ruled four kings of the dynasty for near about 87
years. From the Brahmesvara inscription it can be ascertained that Udyotakesar1
might not have ruled less than 25 years. However we do not have any knowledge
from the records about the reign period ofthe other 3 kings, Chanef,ihara Yayati II
and his grandson Janrnejaya II and his great grandson Puranjaya. Though the only
record found so far i.e. the Maranjamura charter of Yayati II Chanc,lihara is granted
in his 3rd regnal year, but it is certain that he reigned for a much longer period
which is revealed from his great achievements. But his grandson and great grandson
Janmejaya II and Puranjaya both were very weak rulers who ruled for a very
short period not more than 25 years. Thus the total reign period of Udyotakeaari
and his successors Janmejaya II and Puranjaya comes to 50 years and the remaining
37 years i.e. from 1023 to 1060 A.D. can be assigned to Yayati II. We can therefore
fix the chronology and genealogy of the Somava:rhsi kings tentatively as follows :

Mahabhavagupta I Janmejaya
929-963 A.D.
I
I I
Yayati Mahasivagupta Vichitravira
I (963-991 A.D.) I
I I
Bhimaratha Abhimanyu
Mahabhavagupta II I
991-1004 A.D. I
I I _. I
I ChanQ.ihara Yayat1 II
I f I Mahasiva-gupta III
Dharmaratha Nahusa Indraratha 1023-1060 A.D.
Mahasiva- Mahabhava 1017-1023 I
gupta gupta A.D. Udyotakefari Mahabhavagupta IV
1004-1015 1015-1017 1060-1085 A.D.
A.D. A.D. I
Janmejaya II 1085-1100 A.D.
I
I I
Puranjaya MahaSivagupta
1100-1110 A.D. Kan;1adeva lllO· ll 18 A.D.

37. JOH, Vol. I, 1980, No. 1, pp. I-6.

 Chapter Three

ESTABLISHMENT OF POWER
As the Kalachuris occupied Sripura, the capital of the SomavamSis, had been
forced to be shifted to the eastern part of KosaJa and thereafter to South Kosa}a
where their power was established. This South Kosata seems to have comprised of
the districts of Sambalpur and Bolanglr.

The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang 1 who visited Kosala in 639 A.D. described
the kingdom as 6000 Ii in circuit and about 1800 Ii away from the capital of Kalinga
to the North West. Qn the basis of this description the boundary of Kofala has
been defined by Cunningham 2 as bounded by Ujjain on the North, by Maharashtra
on the West, by Orissa on the East and by Andhra and Kalinga on the South. It
extended to embrace the hilly districts of MancJ.ala and Bela.ghat on the West upto
the banks of Wen-ganga and the middle valley of the MahanadI on the East down to
Sambalpur and Sonepur. 3 This territorial extent of.Kofala continued to be more
or less the same under the Somava:rhsis except the Sripura region, which they lost to
the Kalachuris. The Sambalpur-Sonepur region known as South Kofala in the
Somava:rhsi charters included in it places like Kosira grama, Satallama, Kosatac;Ia,
TulancJ.a, Vinitapura, Siivar:Q.apura, Murasima, Kisarkella, Arkigrama.4. Places like
VaidyapacJ.raka and Khadirapadraka are also found in the records. 5

From South Kosala the Somava:rhsis moved towards Utkala, which was also
known as ToS::ili and perhaps got possession of it from the insignificant weak rule of
the Bhaumakaras.

1. Beal, Samuel, Travels of Hiuen Tsang, pp. 414-5.

2. Cunningham, A., Ancient Geography of India, p. 603,
3. Archaeological Survey of India, Vol, XVII, pp. 68-9.
4. The places have been identified respectively with modern Kosir in the
Chandrapur tract in Raigarh district, Satalama, KusaracJ.a, TulancJ.i, in
Sambalpur and Binka, Sonepure, Murasima, Kesarkela, Arigan in
Bolangir district. Sahu, N, K,, Utkal University, History of Orissa, Vol. I,
p. 132.
5. Vaidya PacJ.raka and Khadira Padraka have been identified with Vaija-
padar and Khairapadar in the modern Kalahandi district. Misra, B., Orissa
under the Bhaumakaras, p. 8.
18 SoniavarhH Rule in Orissa

The kingdom of Tosiili was divided into two large administrative units viz.
Uttara (Northern) and Daksina (Southern) Tosali. We have several instances
regarding the donation of land grants by the Somava:rb.si kings in these territories
and divisions of the Bhauma:kara kingdom. From the identification of gift villages
mentioned in the Bhaumakara records it appears that Northern and Southern
Tosali under the Bhaumas was much wider than it has been defined by Dr. Sircar. 11
The kingdom of the Bhauma-karas included the modern Midnapore district in the
North, Keonjhar, Jlhenkaniil and Baud-Phulbani in the West, Ganjam in the South
and the districts of Puri, Cuttack, Bala.sore in the East.

The river Mahanadi formed the dividing line between the two divisions of
Tosali. Tpe Somava:rb.si kings penetrated into the kingdom from Kosaia through
Daksina Tosali and first o_ccupied OQ.ra" which formed a buffer state between Daksina
Ko8ala and Tosala.

The country of Utkala was under the rule of Bhaumakaras before it was
merged with Somavarpsi kingdom. The conditions of that period favoured a lot to
Yayati II in occupying the throne of Utkaia. Suvakara V was the last known male
ruler of the Bhaumakara family. 8 He probably died issueless for which the throne
after him passed successively to four queens, Gaun Mahadevi, DanQ.i Mahadevi,
Vakula Mahadevi and Dharma Mahadevi. From the history of the Bhaumakaras it
is known that the downfall of the family was brought about more by the weakness
and inefficiency of the later rulers of the family than by the absence of male issues
in the dynasty. Taking ad vantage of the weak rule of the later Bhaumas, the
feudatory chiefs under them asserted their independence and we notice the emergence
of some autonomous states even within the Bhaumakara kingdom. A feudatory
state known as Khindarasaga 9 man<;la[a came into existence which comprised some

6. According to Sircar, the territory of Northern and Southern Tofala

roughly included modern Bala.sore, Cuttack, Puri and Ganjam districts.
EI, Vol. XXX, 1951-52, p. 85.
7. Dr. Panigrahi has taken Oc;lra and Utkala to be one and the same
country. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 6. But it is not correct. However
epigraphic sources show that OQ.ra country is without doubt distinct
from Utkala. The records of the Bhaumakaras call their dominion as
Tosafi and never mention it by the name of OQ.ra. The Dirghasi inscrip-
tion mention both Utkala and Oc;Ira separately. EI, Vol. IV, p. 316.
8. Das, Bishwarup, Bhaumakaras, the Buddhist kings of Orissa and their times,
p. 190.
9. Ibid., p. 191.
 Establishment of Power 19

portions of Kongoda mancjafu a province under the Bhauma kingdom. Towards the
close of the Bhaumakara rule the Naias who were vas~als of the Bhaumas 10 tried
to obtain their freedom and king Blj.imasena declared himself as 3-faha.rojiidh'iraja in
his Pandiapathara plate 11 . Also most probably the Khijjinga mancjafa cam:e into
existence towards the close of the Bhauma rule as a feudatory state under the
Bhanjas. It comprised portions of Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar districts which w.ere
integral parts of the Bhauma kingdom. i. 2

The extinction of the family of Bhaumakaras was brought about more by the
domestic feuds fanned by external dangers than by the failure of male and female
heirs. It is probable that after the death of Dharma Maha;devi, the last known ruler
of the dynasty there might be in unsettled conditions in Utkala. Taking advantage
of this situation many neighbouring kings tried to capture some portion~ of the
Bhaumakara kingdom. The aggressive policy of the Chalukyas and the Cholas
from the South threatened the internal peace and order of Bhauma country. The
Chalukya king KoHabhiganQ.a Vijayaditya invaded Virajapuri under the Bhauma-
karas18 and Devapala the Pala king of Vanga from the North captured a portion of
Northern Tosali. u No progress of the Bh uamakaras in the cultural field in the
later part of the rule indicates that the country perhaps suffered from internal chaos
and confusion. Very little was contributed by them in the way of architectural
construction at Bhubaneswar. The decoration of the Jagamohana of the Vaital temple
was either interrupted by the enemies or left unfinished perhaps due to all these
disturbances.

Under these unsettled conditions the nobles and warrior chiefs of the kingdom
of Utkala welcomed the Somavari:lsis to take possession of the Bbaumakara kfagdom
and confer an orderly administration to the people. 15 Moreover both the families
were related since the time of Janmejaya. Also Yayati II was related to the
Bhaumakaras through his mother or by marriage.u

Moreover the occupation of the throne of the Bhaumakaras by the Somavari:lsi

kings was a slow and gradual process which took them some years for establishing

10. OHRJ, Vol. XI, p, 101,

11. Ibid, Vol. VI, pp. 99·100.
12. Das, B., op.cit., p. 19 I.
13. IHQ, Vol. XII, p. 489,
14. IO, Vol. IV, p. 316.
15. JBORS, Vol. II (1916), p, 45·55.
16. EI, Vol. xxxm, p. 271.
 SomavarhSi Rule in Orissa

themselv;es in the main lands of Orissa. It was Janmejaya Mahiibhavagupta I who

first came forward from Kofala for preparing the ground for his successors by
Oycupying the OQ.ra country in Daksiua Tosali· Some scholars 17 give credit to
Janmejaya as the real conqueror of Orissa by referring to his conquest of the OQ.ra
country. However we can not agree with the view of these scholars because no
where in his inscriptions Janmejaya has been given credit for conquering the
territories of UtkaJa, Kongoda and Ka}inga and the place names in his inscriptions
found so far have been identified with the places situated in the states of Sonepur
Patna and Sambalpur, Bolangir districts. ·Till his 34th regnal year he was the
ruler of West~rn Orissa only and his victory over the OQ.ra country which was only
a buffer state under the Bhanjas is mentioned in an inscription of his great grandson
Udyotakesari. 18 Some scholars attribute Yayati I, the son of Janmejaya as the real
conqueror of Orissa or Utkala and for this they trace the donation of the villages of
ChanQ.agrama19 in the Marada vishaya of Daksina Tosali in his 9th regnal year to a
Briihmm;a named Sankhapani a resident of Silabhanjapati 20 in the OQ.ra country.
Another inscription of the same king records the grant of a village in the Gandhata-
pati manrjafa 21 (modern GandharaQ.i in the Baud state) ip. the Oc;lra de.fa. The grant
of these villages in the kingdom of the Bhaumakaras by Yayati I led some scholars
to believe that Yayati I had already occupied Daksina To8ala or the coastal regions
of Orissa before making the land grants in a village situated in it. 2 ll Scholars 2 8
differ in their opinions regarding the circumstances under which Yayati had made
these land grants in the Tosali country. In this connection it is interesting to note
that Dr. Panigrahi at once place writes that Yayati I having ousted Satrubhanja

17. (a) Majumdar, B. C., Orissa in the Making, p. 186, 'that Janmejaya became
the overlord of Orissa by conquering Trikalinga comprised of Utkala,
Kongoda and a considerable portion of Kalinga.'
(b) Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 6. 'In plain words Janmejaya assumed
tl+e sovereignty of Orissa after killing its king with his Kunta.'
18. JRASB, Vol. XIII, No. 2, pp, 63-74,
19. EI, Vol. III, p. 352.
20. Silabhanjapati in the OQ.ra country seems to have been founded by
Silabhanja II of the Bhanja dynasty. JBORS, Vol. XV, p. 85.
21. Gandhatapati manrjafa is apparently named after Satrubhanja I Gandhata
of the Bhanja dynasty. EI, Vol. XI, p. 96.
22. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 30.
23. (a) Rajaguru, S. N., 10., Vol. IV, is of the opinion that 'as there was some
internal disturbances and external fear for the invasio:o. ofthe chedis, the
 Estalllishment of Power 21
from the Baud region built up th.e unitad kingdom of Kosala and Utkata and at
another place credits Janmejaya, the father of Yayati as the first sovereign ruler of
Orissa. Moreover regarding the view of Dr. Panigrahi we do not know how it will
be possible for Yayati I, the brother and also the contemporary of Tribhuvana
Mahadevi II the Bhaumakara queen, to annex the kingdom of Utkala with Kosala
when no less than two male and four female rulers though for a short period ruled
over the Bhaumakara kingdom after Tribhuvana Mahadevi 11.2.i.

Neither Janmejaya nor Yayati I can be said as the real conqueror of Utkala
or Orissa. Although there is no doubt as far as inscriptional sources are concerned
that they had some control over some portions of the Bhauma kingdom. There is
nothing to be surprised when Yayati I made land grants in the OQ.ra country, which
had been already occupied during the time of Janmejaya. Yayati I was more
ambitious than his father and he wanted to expand his kingdom to the coastal
regions of Orissa at the cost of the Bhaumakaras. After occupying the Khinjali
rnanefa[a from the Bhanjas the feudatoriei of the Bhaumas, Yayati I occupied ChanQ.i-
grama in Daksina Tosali in his 9th regnal year. But simply because he donated a
small village in a visaya of Daksina Tosali does not mean that Yayati I had
occupied whole of Tosali before that. Even if he bad got control over Daksina
Tosala which is indicated by his land grants there is no evidence to show that
he had under him any part of Uttara TosalI of the Bhauma kingdom.

As far as inscriptional sources are concerned we know that neither Janmejaya

nor Yayati I have been given any credit for the annexation of UtkaJa with Kosala,
though they have been praised in high sounding words in their records for gaining
victory over the countries like Dahala. 25 It was Yayati Chanc;lihara II, the great

Bhaumakara queen Tribhiivan Mahadevi had taken shelter in Ko§ala

under th·e protection of her brother. Therefore there was no need f~r
Yayati 1 to take permission of his sister to grant lands in his sister's
kingdom'.
(b)-Sircar, D, C., HCIP, Vol. IV, p. 149. Tribhuvana Mahadevi succeeded
in occupying the Kara throne with the active help of her father Yayati I
possibly in connection with his victory against his daughter's rival for
the Kara throne, the Somavalhsi monarch granted the village Chanda-
grama in Daksina Tosa1a:.
24. Misra, B., op.cit., p. 65.
25. JASL, Vol. XIX, No. 2, 1953, p. 117.
 22 Somavamsi Rule in Orissa

grandson of Janmejaya who has been eulogised in not less than three records of the
dynasty for becoming the chosen lord of the countries of Utkala and Kosala. 28

The mention of Rudra Datta as minister for both the countries of Utkala and
Kosala in the early ye1us of Udyotake§ari's reign is interesting as the earlier Datta
Ministers were only incharge of the Ko§aia country. From this one can well infer
that the Utkala country formed a part of the Somava:ri:lsi kingdom during the time
of Chanqihara Yayati II, father of Udyotake§ari. 27

By the amalgamation of Utkala with KosaJa, the Somavarilsis became a

formidable power and their prestige increased considerably.

The kingdom of Kongoda is separately mentioned like any other country in

the SomavarilSi charters but Kongoda by that time had no independent status. In
ancient times Kongoda was regarded as the capital of the Sailodbhava kingdom. It
is identified with modern Bal).apur. 20 However Kongoda was~reduced to a mere
province or a manrja[a during the reign of the Bhaumakaras and it roughly comprised
the Northern portion of Ganjam district as well as the Southern portion of
Puri district.

Another country over which the Somavarilsis claimed their sovereignty was
KaJinga. From the accounts of Hiuen Tsang it is known that Kalinga lay at a
distance of 1400 or 1500 Li to the South West of Kongoda. The country was about
8000 Li in circuit while its capital was 20 Li in circumference· .. 2 0 • Scholars 3 0 are

26. (a) The Narasirb.hapur plates of Udyotakesar1 states .that Yayati was
elected as king of the two countries of Utkala and Kosala by the warrior
chiefs. JBORS, Vol. XVU, p. 18.
(b) The Brahamesvara inscription also informs us of the same things.
JRASB, Vol. XIII, No, 2, p. 93.
27. HCIP, Vol. V, p. 211.
28. OHRJ, Vol. XIII, p. 30. We know that the Somava:ri:lsis had full control
over the Bal).apur region. Bal).apur copper plate of Indraratha, JAS,
Vol. VII, p. 267.
29. Beal, S., Hiuen Tsang travels in India, p. 199.
30. (a) Cunningham identified the chief town with Rajamahendri on the
GodavarI or with Koninga on the sea coast. Sircar, D.C., op.cit., p. 516.
(b) Fleet identified the place with modern Kalingapatam on the sea
coast of Ganjam district. EI, Vol. III, p. 355.
(c) Sri G. V. Ramamurty states that the site covered by the villages of
Mukhalingam and Nagarkatakam on the left bank of Vamsadhara river
represents the ancient capital of Kalinga. El, Vol. IV, p. 187.
 Establishment of Power 23

not unanimous regarding the identification of Kalinga, But from the inscription of
Indraratha it is known that he was appointed as the Governor of Kalinga which in
other words mean Kalinga was within the jurisdiction of the Somavarhsis. 81

The Somavarhsi kingdom thus extended from Midniipore district in the North
to portions of Ganjiim and Viziigpiitam district in the South and from the Sambalpur-
Sonepur and Raipur districts in the West to the sea in the East. In the palmy days
of the Somavarhsis their kingdom was fairly extensive and they were the masters of
the entire sea coast territories from Dan<;lakabhukti to Kalinga,

CAPITAL OF THE KINGDOM

From the records of the early Somavarhsi kings or the PanQ.uvarhsi kings of
Kofala it is known that Sripura 8 2 was their capital. But after the occupation of
Sripura by the Kalachuris of Dahala, the Somavarhsis shifted themselves to the
eastern quarter and we know after that they established their political power in the
modern Sambalpur-Sonepur region. Then they gradually extended their sway to
the seashore and in due course of time becam€ the masters of whole of Orissa.

It is evident from the records of the period that they did not have any
permanent capital as their charters were issued from different places like Siivarl).a-
pura, Murasima, Vinitapur, Yayatinagara etc. The earliest known record of the
dynasty was issued by Janmejaya I in his 3rd regnal year from Survarl,lapura,
identified with modern Sonepur. 8 8 From the sixth to the 17th regnal year
Murasimii. 8 "' was the royal residence where from the Kalibhana 55 , Nagpur 56 , and
Patna museum 87 plates were granted. Then we see him issuing his charters from
the 17th to the 3lst regnal year of his reign from a place known as Vijayakataka.
Some scholars 88 were of the opinion that Katak for sometime was the capital of the

31. Most probably Kalinga mentioned in the Somavarhsi charters comprised

the Southern portions of the Ganj am district.
32; Sripura has been identified with modern Sirpur on the bank of the River
Mabanadi, 37 miles Northeast of Raipur about 30 miles off the border
of Sambalpur, Sahu, N. K., op.cit., p. l.35.
33. EI, Vol. XI, pp. 93-95.
34. B. Misra locates the place Murasima at Moorsima on the bank of the ong
in the Patna State. Misra, B., 'Dynasties of Medieval Orissa'; p. 66.
35. IHO, Vol. XX (1944), pp. 238-240.
36. EI, Vol. VIII, p. 133.
37. JASB (1905), Vol. I, pp. 4-6.
38. Ibid, pp. 66-68; El, Vol. III, p, 341.
24 SomavamU Rule in Orissa

Somavalhs'i kings as the word Katak occurs in naming the place from where the
records were issued. However R. D. Banerjee has refuted this view on the ground
that the word Katak is used in the sense of an 'encampment' and not a proper
name. 89 We agree with the opinion of Dr. Banerjee because so far we have no
evidence to show that Katak (now pronounced as Cuttack) was included in the
dominions of Janmejaya I. Moreover another point is that the Kalibhana plate of
Janmejaya (the last known record of his reign) was issued in his 34th regual year
and the place of issue of the grant is mentioned as Suvamapura-Vijayakataka which
clearly indicates that Vijayakataka meant the 'victorious encampment' and it is
wrong to take them to be two different places.

His son Yayati I made Vinitiipura his capital and resided there upto his 15th
regual year. This Vinitapura has been identified by scholars with Binka, a small
town on the Mahauadi river in the old Sonepur State. After this in all the records
of the dynasty except one or two, Yayatinagara figures as the royal residence of the
Somavarilsi kings. From his 15th year Yayati I shifted his capital to a new place
and named it after him as Yayatinagara. This place has been identified with different
places by different scholars. Hiralal 40 and R. D. Banerjee are of the opinion that
Vinit~pura was renamed as Yayatinagara during the reign of Mahasivagupta
Yayati I. But this view cannot be accepted as Vinitapura has already been identified
with Binka. Fleet 41 considers Yayatinagara to be a fanciful name of Cuttack.
B. Misra 42 is of the opinion that Yayatinagara was in the vicinity of Sonepur where
from abundant archaeological materials have been unearthed.. Long ago Cunning-
ham48 held the view that in the early part of the 6th century A.D. R ja Jajati Ke8ari
established a new capital at Jajatipur on the Vaitarani river which still exists under
the abbreviated name of Jajipura. So also Dr. Sircar says 'Jajpur seems to be a
corruption of the name Yayatipura, which is again practically the same as Yayati-
nagar, both meaning the city of Yayati. 44 It is well known that Viraja or modern
Jajpur was the political headquarter of the Bhaumakara kings of Tosali. Therefore
some scholars 45 have presumed that when the Somavari:JSi kings succeeded the
Bhaumakaras they transferred their capital from Vinitapura to Viraja and renamed
it as Yayatinagara after his name.

39. Banerjee, R. D., op.cit., pp. 210-11.

40. EI, Vol. XI, p. 189.
41. Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 355.
42. Misra, B., op.cit., p. 75.
43. Cunningham, A., op.cit., p. 432.
44. Sircar, D. C. Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, p, 147,
45. Panigarhi, K. C., op.cit., p. 14; Das, B., op.cit.; p. 101.
 Establishment of Power 25
As a matter of fact their views have been based on the references from some
Oriya literatures~ 6
as well as from the Muslim chroniclers.4'7

On the basis of inscriptional as well as historical evidences we can certainly

discard the view of scholars who mention Jajpur to be Yayatioagara. Firstly because
the inscription distinctly mentions that Yayatinagar stood on the bank of river
Mahanadiu whereas Jajpur is situated on the Vaitara:i;ii river, a tributary of the
Mahanadi. Secondly because Yayatinagara :figures as the capital of the Somavari:J.sI
kingdom only in the 24th regnal year of Yayati I's reign and at that time the
Bhaumakaras were still ruling there over the kingdom of Tosali with their capital
at Jajpur. No less than 6 rulers of the Kara dynasty ruled after Tribhu.vana
Mahadevi who was the sister and contemporary of Yayati I. Therefore how it will
on the part of the Somavari:J.sis be possible to occupy the capital before the complete
conquest of the kingdom and this was achieved only during the time of Yayati II,
the grandson of Yayati I. Lastly the Yayatipattana of this Oriya work 0 cannot be
identified with Yayatinagara because the meaning of pattana and nagara is quite
different. Moreover Yayatipattana as described in that work was situated on the
bank ofVaitaral).i, whereas Yayatinagara as known was on the Mahanadi. Most
probably Jajpur is taken to be a Yayatipattana or Yayatinagara on account of the
meritorious deeds of Yayati Ke8ari or Yayati II, later on at that place. 00
Some scholars 51 have located Yayatinagara in the South Kofala country of
the Somavari:J.si kings. But the Tirumalai inscription of Rajendra Chola refers that

46. Simha, R., Mahabharata Vanaparva, p. 144. It is stated in this Oriya work
that anybody who visit Yayatipatna gets the same merit as accrue from
the Aswamedha sacrifice.
47. In some Muslim chronicles Yayatinagara was called as Jajnagar, IHQ,
Vol. XXII, p. 307.
48. Mahanadi-tunga-taranga-bhanga-sphar-ochchhah - chikaravadbhir - arat,
yasmin=rat-asaktimad-anganana, (n) Sra (sra) m=a (Pa) nodah, kri
(kri) yate-marudbhih, Tasm.at Sri-Yayatingarat. (Text lines, pp. 10-12,
EI, Vol. III, p. 356).
49. Sim.ha, R., op.cit., p. 144.
50. There is a tradition still current at Jajpur that Yayati brought ten
thousand Brahmins from Kanauj and performed a ten horse sacrifice.
There is still a ghat on the Vaitaral}i river at Jajpur known as Dasaswa-
medha Ghata. The comtruction of the Saptamatrika temple is also
attributed to the rule of the Somavari:J.Si kings. JKHRS, p. 168.
51. (a) Rai Bahadur Hiralal identifies Yayatinagara with Binka in the Old
Sonepur State, EI, Vol.XI, pp. 188-189.
4
26 Somavam.fi Rule in Orissa

the capture of Yayatinagara, the capital of the Somavarilsi kings led to the conquest
of Ocf.rj,avishaya and from Oef(lavishaya he proceeded to Ko8alainadu (Ko§ala). 5 2 Prom
this it becomes clear that Yayatinagara was not situated in Kosala, as Rajendra
Chola moved to KosaJa after the capture of Yayatinagara through 0(1.ra.

In all probability it seems that the extension of the Somavamsi kingdom

during the time of Yayati I as far as the Southern TofaJi in the East necessitated a
more centralised headquarter than Vinitapura. Therefore he must have transferred
his capital to a place within the conquered territories in the Bhaumakara kingdom.
The location of this place 5 8 between the Gandhatapati mancj,a{a and the right bank of
the Mahanadi is not acceptable because even though it was already under the
control of the Somavarilsis since the time of Janmejaya they never made it their
capital. This becomes evident from the mention of Yayatinagara as their capital
only in the 24th regnal year of Yayati I's reign. This shows that Yayati wanted
a much more suitable place than Gandhatapati mancf,a[a in the 0(1.ra country for
making his capital. It is only after he gQt possession of some places in the modern
Cuttack district that he founded there the capital after his name.

In his 9th regnal year Yayati I granted the village Chan(l.agrama in the
Mara(l.a vishaya 54 of Daksina TosaJa. Now we may identify Yayatinagara with
Chaudwar in the Cuttack district. Yayati might have chosen that place because of
its natural situation. Enemies had to reach the capital crossing the Mahanadi which
was a principal natural barrier. Dhoyi, a court poet of king Lakshmat;ta Sena of
Bengal had given a beautiful description of the city ofYayatinagara where tall
Guvaka trees were found entangled by creepers of betel leaves in his kavya,
Pavandutam. 5 5 On the basis of his description also Yayatinagara may be identified
with Chaudwar, a place of strategic and archaeological importance between the rivers
Virupa and Mahanadi, which is still now abounded with gardens of betel leaves. 5 5

(b) Pandit L. P. Pandey a identifies it with the village of Kesarkelii about

six miles to the East of Bolangir in the Sambalpur district, El, Vol. XXII,
pp. 135-138.
52. El, Vol. XI, p. 232.
53. Dr. Sahu, locates Yayatinagara between Gandhatapati mancj,a[a and the
right bank of Mahanadi and has identified it with a village known as
Jaktinagar, Sahu, N. K., op.cit., pp. 137-38.
54 Chan(l.agrama and Marada Vishaya have respectively been identified with
Chan(l.gaon 32 miles South East to Cuttack .and Mara(l.a or Mara(l.a,-
Hariharapur situated in the Cuttack district. Misra, B., op.cit., p. 68,
55. JRASB, Vol. I, p. 41.
56, Das, M. N. (Ed), Sidelights on the history and culture of Orissa, p. 549,
 Ohapte.r Four
THE RULE OF THE DYNASTY AND ITS DOWNFALL
Janmejaya Mahiibhavagupta (929 to 963 A.D. ) :
Janmejaya Mahilbhavagupta I ascended the throne of Daksina Ko8ala after his
father Sri Sivaguptadeva. Janmejaya seems to be the first ruler of the dynasty after
the establishment of an independent kingdom by Mahiisivagupta Balarjuna in the
Eastern part of Daksina Kofala comprising the Sambalpur tract of Western Orissa
with its capital at Sonepur (Suvan;apura) He was also the first ruler of the dynasty,
who assumed the title of Trfkalingadhipati. 1 He is known to us from records
belonging to himself as well as from the records belonging to the other members of
the family. He ruled from 929 to 963 A.D. He got ample time during this long
period to consolidate his power in the kingdom. He defeated his enemies and
extended the Somavarilsi kingdom considerably.
Though from the records left by him we cannot know much about his
political achievements, yet his achievements are known from the inscriptions of his
successors. Janmejaya is credited for defeating the king of OQ.ra 2 in a hotly
contested battle. The place names of OQ.ra desa as mentioned in the charters 3 of

1. Scholars hold divergence of opinion about the country of Trfkafinga.

Besides the later Somavarilsi kings, the Gangas of KaJinga and the Chedis
also took pride in calling themselves the lords of Trikalinga or Trika-
lingadhfpati. However taking into consideration the extent of the empire of
Janmejaya, we may presume that the territory of Trikalinga must be
abutting on the Kosala kingdom on the west and Ka}inga kingdom on
East. JBORS, Vol, XIV, p. 545.
2. Regarding the identification of OQ.ra and its ruler, scholars differ in their
views. Dr. Panigrahi has identified OQ.ra with Utkala or Orissa and its
ruler with the Bhaumakara king Sivakara III who was killed by
Janmejaya for the succession of his daughter Tribhuvana Mahadevi to
the throne of Utkala. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 6. The view of Dr.
Panigrahi is untenable because at first his identification of O<J.ra country
is proved wrong thereby the identification of the king also goes wrong.
See Chapter III, No. 32, JHRJ, Vol. XIII.
3. Orissa State Museum Plates of Yayati I, Cuttack plates of Yayati I. EI,
Vol. III, pp. 351-5.
28 SomavamJi Rule in Orijsa

the Somava:rhsi kings are identified with the villages in the modern Baud region,
which was then under the rule of the Bhanjas.

The Bhanjas were the feudatories of the Bhaumakara kings and were ruling
in Khinjali manrJafa which was very close to the Somava:rhsi kingdom in South
Kosaia. Thus the kingdom of the Bhanjas for.med a buffer State between the
Somava:rhsis and the Bhaumakaras. Janmejaya tried to expand his territory in
Western Orissa towards the East at the cost of the Bhanjas, who became his victims.
The last Bhanja king was Ra:t;tabhanjadeva after whom his descendants were driven
away from Dhritipura to Vanjulvaka in the Ganjam region." After the defeat of
Ra:IJabhanjadeva. by Janmejaya the Baud region was added to the Somavamsi empire
and thus paved the way for the conquest of Utkala. ~
In his 3lst regnal year he issued three plates from a place known as A.rama
Kataka, which B. Misra and Mahatab have identified with Chaudwar Katak. But it
is difficult to say that Cuttack was included in the dominions of Janmejaya I. The
word 'Katak'e used also in other charters of Janmejaya most probably meant an
'encampment' and was not the name of any place.
Janmejaya had also subdued the Chedis or the Kalachuris, who had an
encounter with him. 1 He with the help of his general Lakshmal).a defeated the
Kalachuri lieutenants headed by one Bhatta Pedi, who had carried away a number
of women from the Somavarilsi kingdom. It is already shown that his Kaiachuri
contemporary was Lakshmal).a Raja II. 8

In the Bilhari stone inscription also it is stated thatLakshmaJJ.a Raja II once

defeated Janmejaya, king of Kofala. Janmejaya though defeated was not depressed.
He collected his military forces and again took revenge by invading and defeating
the Chedi king.
In this way annexing the OQ.ra country to his kingdom he proved the way for
his successors to occupy whole of the Bhaumakara kingdom, Tosal'i in due course

4. Sircar, D. C., HCIP, Vol. IV, pp. 71-73.

5. The name of Or/,ra-desa for the first time occurs in the Charter of
Janmejaya in his 8th regnal year. Thus before his 9th regnal year the
Bhanjas were overpowered by Janmejayadeva. Nagpur Museum Plates,
EI, Vol. VIII, pp. 138-43.
6. IHQ, Vol. XX, pp. 245-50.
7. Patna Museum Plates of Yayati I. JASB, Vol. I (1905), New Series,
pp. 14-16.
8. LakshmaJJ.a Raja II flourished in 945-970 A.D. according to the
chronology fixed by Dr. Mirashi. Mirashi, op.cit., p. LXXXVI.
 rl'he Ru~ of the Dyuasty and its Downfall 29
of time. He was a great king of the dynasty who fought with and defeated many
contemporary powerful rulers. That he exercised unlimited powers within his
kingdom and was a mighty ruler is evident from the titles which he assumed like
Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadhiriijll, Trikafi1;1gadhlpati etc. 9 In the records of the
latter member of the family he is given great regard and respect because of his
valuable contributions to the Soma dynasty. He not ·only annexed new territories
but also consolidated them.

Yayiiti Mabffsivagupta I (963 to 991 A.O.)

Yayati Mahasivagupta I ascended the throne of Kosala after his father
Janmejaya I in 963 A.D. and ruled upto 991 A.D. After becoming the king, he
further carried out the expantionist policy of his father.

In the Patna Museum plates 10 of his 8th regnal year he is compared with God
Vish:JJ.U, who killed the epic-chaidya or Sisupala in the Riijasuya Yajfia performed by
Yudhistira. After his father's death the Chedis or the KaJachuris still continued to
be a danger; therefore, he having valued the turbulant Chaidyas nothing more than
a mere straw, burnt that country, ruining it to desolation.

Then he extended his power in the Bast at the cost of the Karas, whose power
was fast declining. In his 9th regnal yeari 1 he donated the village of Chanc;lagrama
in the Marada Vishaya in Daksina Tosala in favour of a BrllhmaJJa, who was a
resident of Silabhanjapati in the O<;lra country. Prom this it becomes clear that by
his 9th regnal year, Yayati had already got control over some portions of Daksina
Tosala, which formed an integral part of the dominions of the Karas.

The Nibina platesH of Yayati I records the grant of a village in the Gandhata-
pati manefa{a which was named after Satrubhanja I Gandhata of the Bhanja dynasty.
The donation of these villages undoubtedly proved that after the oceupation of the
Oc;lra country, Yayati I steadily penetrated into the Kara empire and got success in
occupying some parts of the kingdom due to the weak rule of the later Bhaumakara
rulers.

9. Paramahesvara - paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-somakulatilaka· tri-

kalingadhipati-paramesvara·sri mahabhavagupta-rajadeva : kusali. (IHQ,
Vol. XX, p. 242, Vol. LL, pp. 10-13).
10. JASB, Vol. I (1905), pp. 14-16.
11. Cuttack Plates of Mahasivagupta Yayati I, BI, Vol. Ill, pp. 351-5.
12. BI, Vol. XI, pp. 95-8.
90 SomavarhSi Rule in Orissa

The Patna Museum plate 13 of his 28th regnal year states that he had defeated
one Ajapala in a battle after capturing alive 32 big elephents named Kamadeva etc.
The king Ajapala is not identified with any king of that name but he might be a local
chief or a feudatory ruler like that of the OQ.ra king, who was killed by Janmejaya I.

Yayii.ti I was a great warrior and had many successful encounters with the
Kalachuris and many other rulers. He was responsible for the extension of the
Somava:rhsl power in Orissa. He stands as the head of the dynastic list of the
Somavari:J.si Rajas of Orissa in the Mada[apanji, because the peaceful administration
of the country began with Yayati I and not with Janmejaya, the first ruler. In the
Patna Museum platesi& he is praised as one, 'whose glory was sung in all the three
worlds, who defeated his enemies with contempt as it were and whose sword had its
sharp edge made rugged with the pearls coming out of the foreheads of the
elephants rent asunder by it.'

Bhimaratha Mahiibhavagupta I (991 to 1004 A.D.)

Yayati I Mahasivagupta was succeeded by his son Bhimaratha Mahabhavagutpta

I. The records of his time discovered so far do not give us much information about
his political activities. But in the Kharn;lapara plates 10 of bis son Dharmaratha he

13. JASB, Vol. I (1905), pp. 8-12, 19-23.

14. Ibid., pp. 8-12, 19-23.
15. JASB, Vol. VII, June 1837, pp. 557-562. Dr. Nema (Nema, S. R., op.cit.
See chapter X, p. 210) while writing about the political activities of
Bhimaratha has referred to the Khan<;laparii. plates of his son Dharma-
ratha and has mentioned that the plates refer to the victories of
Bhimaratha over the neighbouring countries of Andhra and GauQ.a and
thereby unnecessarily has explained the political condition prevailing in
those countries. But as a matter of fact the KhanQ.apzi.ra plates no where
do mention anything about any political achievement of Bhimaratha
except these poetic phrases and rather it is very clearly mentioned there
that Dharmaratha, the son and successor of Bhimaratha followed the
principle of truth and fortitude and was consequently not afraid of Kali
and burnt the towns of GauQ.a and Andhra (KhanQ.apara; Plates, OHRJ,
Vol. XII, p. 60). Moreover the editor himself of the plate writes
regarding Bhimaratha that he (Bhimaratha) does not appear to have
made any conquest or undertaken any military campaign. In the
Narasinghpur charter he is said to have built pillars of victory on all
sides beyond that kingdom through frontier guards. His activities were
thus confined to his frontier (Ibid., pp. 60-68). This shows that Dr. Nema
 The Rule of the Dynasty and its Downjall 31

is praised as 'religious, courageous, valorous, who performed wonderful activities

and assumed the status of DevaraJa (indra)'. So also the Brahmeswara inscription
describes him as the 'Kalpa tree of the kali age and crown jewel of the princes, who
was a hero and destroyer of his enemies and who had qualities of a Maharathi.'

Any way Bhimaratha was· also a great king of the dynasty who maintained
the integrity of the kingdom. He ruled for near about 13 years, i.e., from 991 A.D.
to 1004 A.D. and his dominions extended from the South of Raipur district to
Bamra in Orissa.

Dharmaratha (1004 to 1015 A.D.)

After Bhimaratha, his son Dharmaratha became the ruler of the kingdom.
His records also do not throw much light on his career. In his llth regnal year he
granted a village in the Antaruda vishaya which is identified with Antarudra pargana
of the Piiri district which was then under the Bhaumakaras. Therefore it appears
that following the policy of his predecessors, Dharmaratha had also occupied some
territories of the Bhaumakaras.

As had been already menti.oned Dharmaratha took aggressive steps against

the countries of GauQ.a and Andhra. The king of Gauc;Ia or Vanga is identi:fied 16
with VigrahapaJa II, the successor of GopaJa II. It is said that during the calamity,
which caused weakness in the Pala kingdom, Dharmaratha, burnt the city of GauQ.a
and defeated the king of that country. His contemporary rulers in the South are
taken to be the Eastern Chalukyas. KollabhiganQ.a Vijayaditya of the Chalukya
dynasty was the ruler who was defeated by Dharmaratha in Andhra. 1 "
Dharmaratha was a mighty ruler, who is described in the Brahmeswara temple
inscription as the second Parasurama and in the Narasirilhapur charter 18 he is stated

has not properly read the translations of the KhanQ.apara plates. So also
Mr. Rajguru has done the same mistake while translating the Patna
plates of Yayati I he has credited Yayati I for having defeated Ajapala
and when writing the historical note on the Somavarilsi king Bhimaratha,
he refers to the KhanQ.apara plates of Dharmaratha, son of Bhimaratha
and states that in it, it is mentioned that he (Bhimaratha) defeated a king
named AjapaJa from whom he got 32 big elephants including one
Kamadeva. This type of writings would lead one to great confusion.
16. Rajaguru, S. N., op.cit., p. 376.
17. Ibid., p. 178.
18. Set-iipanta-van·antare himavatah paryanta bhusimani prag-ambhodhi-
tati-vanesu katake purvacetaraksma bhrtah yasy = Ottmy adarati (ti)-raja
32 Somavamsi Rule in 'Orissa

'to have driven away the enemies to far off regions and have became the master of
the coastal regions from the Himalayas on the North to the Setubandha in the South
and the sea on the East and hills on the West.' The above statement is confirmed to
some extent because of Dharmaratha's expeditions to the countries of GauQ.a and
Andhra.

Nahusa (1015 to 1017 A.D.)

Dharmaratha died issueless and was succeeded by his younger brother Nahusa
who came to the throne of Kofala in 1015 A.D. So far not a single record of this
ruler has been found and _therefore nothing is known about him except some
references in the records of his successors. The Na:tasirhhapur charter praises him
as 'the overlord of the country and the celebrate ornament of the earth, was as
mighty as the lord of the animate beings···' 19

Indraratha (1017 to 1023 A.D.)

Indraratha, was another brother of Dharmaratha and Nahusa, whose name is
not mentioned in any of the Somavarb.Si records. It is known from his Bal).apur Copper
plate 20 issued in his 6th regnal year that he being the favourite of Dharmaratha was
appointed the Governor of KaJinga which he himself had wrested from a OQ.ra king.
Thus Kalinga for the first time came under the Somavarb.s!s during Indraratha's
time. Verse 13 of indraratha's plate reveals that when Dharmaratha died, Sri
Vatsaraja who was probably a feudatory chief send his servants and oppressed
the people repeatedly and lndraratha having heard this came from Kalinga
and killed Vatsaraja and many other officers in the battle field and with the
approval of the learned Brahma-17.as became the ruler of Kosala. Indraratha was
a very inefficient king of the dynasty. During his time Rajendra Chola 21 invaded

yuvati ni (h) svasa.jhan (jh)-anila vyasanga-s (v) anad-anta-arala-mukha-

rair-ggi (ggi) tarn yasah ki (ki) cakach, (Verse 5, IHQ, Vol. XXXV, No. 2,
pp. 99-108).
19. JBORS, Vol. XVII, pp. 1-15.
20. JAS, Vol. VII (1966), p. 272.
21. SII, IH, No. 51, pp. 105-6. The Chola king Rajaraja's inscription dated
in his 16th regnal year (A.D. 1001-2) includes for the first time Kalinga in
the list of the conquered territories. Therefore most probably Indraratha
had wrested the country of Kalinga from the Chola king Rajaraja had as
a result of which later on to take its revenge Rajendra Cho la invaded the
kingdom of!ndraratha and defeated him at .Adinagara in 1023 A.D.
 The Rule of the Dynasty and its Downjall 33

his kingdom and defeated him at .Adinagara in 1023 A.D. 2 z His reign was uneventful
and he ruled for a very short period, i.e. from 1017 to 1023 A.D. z 8

Chan<}ibara Yayiiti II (1023 to 1060 A.D.)

The defeat of Indraratha by Rajendra Chola at Yayatinagara gave rise to

anarchy and confusion in the Somavams1 kingdom. The Brahmeswara inscription
and the Narasirhhapur charter also reveal this state of affairs in the kingdom.
Ac~ording to the former inscription after the death of Rajamalla or Dharmaratha
without any issue his kingdom was laid waste by various warriors of different
countries and there was a lapse of short and eventless time. Then ChanQ.ihara, son
of Abhimanyu and grandson of Vichitravira a lineal descendant of the celebrated
Janmejaya was made king by the Ministers. The condition of Utkala was also then
deplorable at that time. Dharma Mahadevi was the last ruler of the Bhaumakara
dynasty and after her th~ throne of Utkala fell vacant and anarchy and disorder
prevailed in the country for sometime. Then the Ministers and Warriors of that
country nominated Yayati 1I to rule over Utkala, who was then at Ko§aJa. After
this both the kingdoms of Utkala and Kosala were amalgamated and brought
under the direct rule of the Somavamsi kings. This is revealed from the Maranja-
mura charter as well as the Narasimhapur charter that he was elected as the king of
the two countries of Kofala and Utkala and he effectively repulsed the enemies.

Chanqihara Yayati II issued his Jatesinga and Dungri plates 2 "' in his 3rd
regnal year. In this charter he is praised as exceedingly mighty in his victorious
campaigns whose 'footstool is kissed by the great jewels of the headgears of all the
Narapatis or the subordinate kings, who in character resembled such renowned
kings as Na[a, Nahusa, Mandhata, Dilipa, Bharata and Bhiigiratha.'

The record also eulogises him as one, 'who has conquered Kama.ta, Lata,
Gujrat, who is the conqueror of the DraviQ.a country, who is the paramount of the
world, who had denuded the Kanchi country of its glory, who has raised victorious
assaults against the· noted countries of Gauga and RaQ.ha, who is the full moon in the
sky of Vanga and who has become the lord of Tr'ika[inga by having conquered it

22. Tirumalai Inscription, Sewell-The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India,

pp. 64-65. Moreover the Udaipur Prasasti of the Paramara king Bhoja
informs us that he had defeated one Indraratha, who is generally
identified with the Somava:rhsi king.
23. EI., Vol. I, p. 235.
24. JBORS, Vol. II, pp. 52-53.
5
34 Somavamsf Rule in Orissa

with his own arms and that he is the Maharajadhira,ja and overlord at whose feet
rajanyas worship by bowing themselves down.'
Strangely enough Dahala, the kingdom of the Chedis does not appear in the
list of the enemy territories, mentioned in the Jatesinga Dilngri plates for which
Dr. Panigrahi 25 considers that Yayati II made an alliance with the Dahala king
Gangayodeva ofTripuri. However simply because the name of Dahala was not
mentioned we must not presume that he had made friendly relations with the Chedis,
the traditional and the greatest enemies of the Somavamsi kings,
Regarding his victories over other countries like Karnata, Lata, Gurjara,
Kanchi, Gauc;J.a, Ra<;l.ha etc. scholars like H. C. Ray, R. D. Banerjee 26 etc. are of
opinion that it was poetic exaggeration and imaginary. But their judgements are
incorrect and based on fault ground as they have made the mistake of confusing
Yayati I with Yayati II or in other words have taken Yayati I and Yayati II to be
one and the same person. Krishna III, the Rashtrakuta king was most probably
the contemporary ofYayati l, 27 It seems that there existed some friendly alliance
between them for which reason they fought either independently or jointly against
the aforesaid countries. Because in the inscriptions of Krishna III he is also credited
with the victory over the same countries and he never claimed any victory over
Utkala or Ko8ala although while proceeding from the South towards Gauc;la and
Magadha, he crossed over these two territories.
Yayati II Chan<;l.ihara was the greatest ruler of the dynasty who achieved
great success during his long reign. He consolidated his power and the fame of the
dynasty spreacl far and wide which had considerably decreased after indraratha.
His empire was a vast one which extended from the Bay of Bengal in the East to
Sambalpur in the west and from Dan<;l.akabhukti in the North to Ganjam in
the South.

Udyotakesari Mahabhavagupta II (1060 to 1085 A.D.)

Chanc;lihara Yayati II was succeeded by his son Udyotakesari in 1060 A.D.
Like his father he was also a great conqueror and a powerful ruler. He conquered
Dahala and Gau<;l.a. 2 8

25. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p, 36.

26. Banerjee, R. D., op.cit., p.
27. Rajaguru, S. N., op.cit., pp. 389.
28. The Brahmi':Svara inscriptions credits him with the victory over the
countries of Dahala, O<;l.ra and Gau<;l.a. As O<;l.ra was already under the
Somavarb.sis, it seems that some feudatory . chiefs of the king having
revolted against them was defeated by Udyotakesari.
 i'he Rule of the Dyn,asty and its Downfall 35

According to Dr. Panigrahi2 sa his Katachuri contemporary of Dahala was

Karl)a, who first invaded the Soma kingdom, but could not do any harm. Later
taking advantage of the weak rule of the Kaiachuris during the last years of Karl)a,
Udyotakefari invaded their kingdom and got victory over that.

The enemity of the Soma kings with the PaJas of Gauc.J.a still continued and
during Udyotake§ari's time the Pala king Vigrahapala II, perhaps came into clash
with the Somavarilsi kings and finally was defeated.

The various expeditions of Yayati II might have annoyed the enemy countries
with whom he fought. That is why after his death those countries fought against
his son UdyotakesarI. As a result Udyotakefari had to face encounters from these
kings. Enemies from all quarters attacked bis kingdom and he could not enjoy
peace, more particularly towards the last part of his reign. To safeguard the
country he aivided the kingdom into two parts 29 , the Ko8aJa part was left in the
hands of Abhimanyu, who was perhaps his grandfather and he himself ruled over
the UtkaJa portion of his empire. The Somavamsi power reached its zenith during
the time of UdyotakesarI. His reign was glorious and peaceful which brought
prosperity to the country.

Janmejaya II:

Janmejaya Il 50 was the son and successor of Udyotake8ari. He was extremely

weak. During his time the Soma kingdom was in the process of disintegration. In
Ratnagiri plates of Somavamsi king Kar:Q.a, Janmejaya II has been compared
with the Naga king, who has been identified with the Naga King Somesvara I.
Somesvara I, the Naga king also claims to have waged war against Oc.J.ra. 81

Puranjaya I :

Janmejaya was succeeded by his son Puranjaya I. Nothing is known about this
king, though in the Ratnagiri plates 82 he is praised in very high sounding words.

28a. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 37~

29. Sonepur plates of Kumara Someswar, EI, Vol. XII, pp. 237-42.
30. EI, Vol. XXXIII, p. 205.
31. HCIP, Vol. V, pp. 216-218.
32. Ibid., pp. 263-74. We do not know how far this claim is true because
the contemporary rulers of Gauc;la and Ka}inga were very powerful
kings like RamapaJa and Anantavarman Choc;lagangadeva.
36 Somavamsi Ruie in Orissd

Kar:Qadeva :

Puranjaya was succeeded by his brother Kar:t;i.adeva. Kar:Qadeva is praised

in his records 88 'as brilliant as the Sun, made less luminous the moon like the fame
of his foes, while the jewels shining over the crowns of (his) subordinate kings kissed
his feet .. ·whose glory sweeped being supported by his powerful arms turned to be
an object of picture in all the three worlds.'

However he was not a very powerful king and his reign saw the final downfall
of the dynasty. As has already been mentioned in the 2nd chapter, the Ganga king
Choqagangadeva and the P~qa king Ramapaladeva were his contemporaries. From
the reference in the 'Ramacharita' 84 and the K0r:t;i.i plates 85 of Choqagangadeva.
Dr. Panigrahi 86 infers that while the Pala king ousted Kar1;1a from his throne, the
Ganga king b,eJped him to establish his position in tact. The inference is not correct,
because Jayasi:titha, a lieutenant of Ramapala once fought with Kaq1a and defeated
him. On receipt of this information Ramapala, the Vanga king did favour to the
vanquished Lord of Utkala and thereby helped him in continuing his power. This
help resulted in a friendly alliance with Ramapala. Therefore so long his friendly
relation continued with Ramapala, the Gangas did not dare to invade the Somava:titsi
kingdom. This shows it was not the Ganga king, but Ramapala who in fact helped
Kar:r;ia to consolidate his power against incursions from the Gangas.

Causes of the down fall of the Somavamsi kings :

Several factors were responsible for the down fall of the Somava:titsis. The
disintegration of the empire started more or less from the time of J~nmejaya II, the
son and successor of Udyotakefari. It reached its worst stage during the time of his
successors Puranjaya and KarJJ.adeva. It was further hastened with the rise of
foreign powers like the Gan__gas and the Telugu Choqas in the neighbourhood.

The Somava:titsi kingdom had reached the zenith of its power during the
reign of the early rulers of the dynasty because they were all great warriors and
for the expansion of the kingdom they had adopted the policy of blood and iron.
Also in the field of administration they displayed firmness and of tact. During the
time of Yayati II Chanc;lihara, the Somava:titsi kingdom had extended to a large·
extent comprising the countries of Kofala, Utkala, Kongoda and Kalinga. Though
his successor Udyotakefari did not add any new ter:::itories to his father's kingdom;

33. Ibid., pp. 263-74.

34. Ramacharita, edited by H.P. Sastri, p. 36.
35. JAHRS, Vol. I, Part II, p. 123.
36. Pani~rahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 39.
 The Rule of the Dyndsiy and its Downfall 37
he however could at least maintain it. But his weak successors gradually lost this
kingdom to their enemies. Though Puranjaya is praised in tlie Ratnagiri plates 8 'T
that even the kings of GauQ.a, Dahala and Ka!inga, Vanga were afraid of his powers,
it seems to be a vague claim and the process of disintegration started from his time.
In the medieval period, the continuation of a kingdom depended more upon the
strength and ability of a monarch than anything else specially at that time when the
neighbouring countries were formidable. But unfortunately both these kings lacked
this quality.

Under Yayati II the kitigdom of Utkala and Kofala were united under one
sceptre and thereby it gave a strong resistance to the rival powers. Thus the
kings maintained the independence of their kingdom till the time of Udyotake8arL
From the Sonepur plates 88 of Kumara Somesvaradeva we know that the united
kingdom of the Somavamsi kings was divided into two parts namely Utkala and
Ko8ala during the time of Udyotake5ari. He had appointed Abhimanyu probably
his grandfather to rule over Kosala and he himself ruled over Utkala. This division
of the kingdom also divided the power of the rulers. Thereby taking advantage of
this divided and weak power of the ruler, the Telugu-ChoQ.a ruling family estab-
lished itself in the Ko5ala division (Sambalpur-Sonepur reign) with Sonepur as its
capital in the later half of the eleventh century A.D. 8 9 Thus the Somavamsi king
Kumara Somesvaradeva the successor of Abhimanyu in Kosala was ousted by the
Telugu ChoQ.a king Somesvara II. The successor of Udyotake8ari, Janmejaya II
thus lost the Kosala portion of his vast empire through Kumara Somesvaradeva.

DanQ.akabhukti (The Mednapore region) which formed a part of the Soma

kingdom was also lost during the reign of either Ja:timejaya II or Puranjaya. As we
know from the Rllmacharita that during the reign of Kan;adeva, the last known king
of this dynasty, DanQ.akabhukti was already under Jayasimha, the lieutenant of
Ramapala.4' 0 So when Kari;i.adeva ascended the throne, his territory most probably
was confined only to the Utkala portion, a small area comprising the modern
district of Cuttack, Ganjam, Pur!, Bala.sore. Added to this he could not resist
against the strong aggrandisement of the powerful Ganga king Ananta Varman
ChoQ.agangadeva, who tried to expand his kingdom at the expense of the Somavamsis
and :finally he lost his kingdom to the imperial Gangas. These may be attributed as

37. EI, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 263-74.

38. EI, Vol. XII, pp. 237-42.
39, HCIP, Vol. V, p. 219.
40. Panigrahi~ K. C., 'Chronology of the Bhaumakaras and the SomavamS-i king9
of Orissa, p. 38.
38 Somavamfi Rule in Orissa

the political causes for the downfall of the dynasty. However there were many
other causes also which along with the political causes very rapidly brought about
their downfall. It becomes quite evident from the inscriptional sources that during
the reign of the later rulers after Udyotakefarl there was no peace and order in the
Kingdom. No progress was made at all in the cultural field. Taking advantage of
the inefficiency and inability of Kar:Q.adeva, the officers under him also revolted
against him. It is stated in the Mada[apanji that Vahinipati Ratho, the Commander-
in-Chief of the Soma army invited ChoQ.agangadeva to invade Utkala at a proper
time which best suited his purpose.u

Another factor is the assignment of vast areas of land to Brahmins, officers, etc.
alongwith so many rights and privileges, The surrender of these financial and
administrative rights to the officers and Brahmins made them very powerful and on
the otherhand it gave a serious blow td the power of the king, The pride and power
of the tributary rulers and the rar;akas had increased during this period to such an
extent that they themselves also granted lands" 2 and were entitled to various titles
and privileges. But more important than this was that once these land grants were
made, they often were found to have developed a sense of insubordination and
Iecalcitrancy in the minds of the feudatory chiefs particularly which made some-
times the situation uncontrolable for a weak ruler.

41. Mada[apanji (Prachi edition), p. 22.

42. EI, Vol. IV, pp. 254-9.
 Chapter Five
ADMINISTRATION
The long rule of the Somava:rhsi kings established for the first time a stable
government in Orissa. The administrative system, assumed a definite form during
this period and influenced in the later period the administrative machinery of the
Gangas who succeed them.

Monarchy:
Monarchy was the most common form of Government during this period in
Orissa. Supreme powe,r and authority rested with the king. Kingship was
hereditary. The sucessors were found 'meditating on the feet of their predecessors'.
Usually the king was succeeded by his eldest living son.

Generally we do not come across the election of a king in Orissa during the
medieval period, But during the time of the Somava:rhsi kings we see that the
ministers and warrior chiefs of the countries of Ka.1inga, Utkala and Kongoda had
chosen Yayati II as their ruler. 1 Prom this it appears that sometimes the voice of
the ministers of the kingdom proved a determining factor in the selection of a king.
If the king was a minor, generally one of his relatives acted as his regent. Thus
when Balarjuna Mahasivagupta ascended the throne at a very young age, his mother
acted as his regent."'

Sukranti 8 , Nitivakyamrita4. and other works on polity lay down certain

qualifications of a king : 'That a king should study the art of Government, cultivate
righteousness, protect the subjects. He should be kind hearted and should not
oppress his subjects. He should possess discipline, prowess, strength, valour and
intelligence. Many of the Somava:rhsi kings poi;sessed these qualities. In the Maller
plates, 5 Balarjuna is praised for the study of royal lores, patronage to accomplished
persons, valour, intelligence and majesty. He is described as a 'Dharmavatfira'. ~

1. JBORS, Vol. II, (1916), pp. 45-55.

2. EI, Vol. XI, pp. 184-201.
3. Sukranti, Vol. I, pp. 86-87.
4. Nitivakyamrita, p. 62.
5. El, Vol. XXIII, p. 113.
6. Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 184.
40 SomavamSf Rule in Orissa

Janmejaya is also called 'Dharmakandarpa'" whose prowess, valour, determination

charity, mercy are found mentioned in the records of his son Ya yati I. 8 Bhlm.aratha
is also described as a Maharathi and is known for his modesty, steadiness, depth of
knowledge and wisdom. 9 Dharmaratha is called a second Parafaram and Rajamalla
due to his valour. So also Yayati II is compared with renowned. kings like Na[a,
Nahusa, Mandhata, Dilipa and is described as Ati8ayajitta10 (exceedingly mighty).

The princes were provided with suitable tutors who taught them. the royal
lores, Besides receiving education in theoretical subjects they were also given
training in military sciences such as in archery, horsemanship, elephant riding and
other military tactices. Balarjuna is stated to have been fond of war and foremost
in the knowledge of using the bows. 11 The princes were entrusted with the
administration of some areas and management of military campaigns for receiving
training in practical statecraft. Kumara Somesvaraa and Dharmaratha 15 served
as Governors ofKofala during the reign of their fathers. So also Indraratha 1 "'
served as Governor of the Kalinga region during the reign of his brother
Dharm.aratha.

Powers and Duties of the King :

The king was all powerful in the State. He was the Central figure and
exercised unlimited powers. He was expected to look after everything related to
the welfare of the State and everything needed his sanction. His duties and
responsibilities were varied and manifold.

The king appointed his ministers and other important officers for the State. He
had the right of conferring titles and other distinctions. Ravaka Punja was honoured
with the title Panchamahiifobda 15 by Mahabhavagupta II Bh!maratha. 10 Janmejaya
conferred the title of RmJaka to his Sandhivigrahi Malla Datta in his 8th regnal year. H
In all cases the king's consent was required for the grant of villages.

7. IHQ, Vol. XX, p. 245.

8. OHRJ, Vol. XII, pp, 3-4.
9. JRASB, letters~ Vol. XIII, 1947, pp, 63-74.
10. JBORS, Vol. XXII (1916), pp, 45-55.
11. IA, Vol. XVIII, pp, 179-81.
12. El, Vol. XII, pp. 237-42.
13. Nuapatna plates, not yet published. Preserved in the OSM, Bhubaneswar.
14.. JAS, Vol. VIII, pp. 271-76.
15. Right for the use of five musical instruments.
16. EI, Vol. IV, pp, 254-9.
17. Ibid., Vol. VIII, pp. 138-43.
 Administration 41
The king was the leader of the army. He was assisted by his Sandhivigrahi, or
minister of war and peace and other high military officers of the State. The :final
decision regarding war and peace must have rested with him only. He not only
led the army but also he himself took a leading part in many battles, fought either
for supremacy or for the preservation of the empire. We know it that king
Janmejaya fought with the king of OQ.ra and killed him in the battle.

It seems from the royal titles which the kings assumed like Mahiiriijadhfriija
Paramabhattiil'aka etc. that the Somavamsi kings were very powerful rulers under
whom there were many petty kings and feudatory chiefs. The kings exercised
extraordinary powers in all spheres of administration.

The kings were required to attend to manifold duties. Though the kings
were vested with unlimited powers, they were not autocrats and always looked after
the happiness and welfare of the people. Following the precepts of the Dharma·
sastras they were always conscious of their duties and responsibilities for their
subjects and the kingdom.

For the promotion of trade and commerce the kings gave liberal grants to the
Vaisya community. It is stated in the Sonepur plates 18 of Mahiibhavagupta Janmejaya
that he granted some villages free of taxes to the Kama{avana merchant's association
who had imigrated from Khadirapadra in Suvan).apura. It becomes clear from this
that merchants were encouraged by giving land grants to come and settle in their
kingdom for the promotion of trade and commerce.

To encourage education and learning also they have granted lands to the
learned Brii.hmm:.ias who were to impart education to the people. Janmejaya donated
four villages by 3 charters to Sadharai;ta, who was a great scholar 19 and was his
chief minister.

For the growth and spread of religion they founded a number of temples and
endowed them with large number of land donations. They performed several Vedic
rites and af;wamedh'a sacrifices etc. 2 0

For the general happiness of the people they constructed many bridges, tanks,
wells etc. Yayati Il 21 had caused many men to build many temples, pavilions,

18. El, Vol. XXIII, pp. 248-55.

19. Ibid., Vol. VIII, pp. 138-43.
20. EI, Vol. XXXI, pp. 31·6.
21. JBORS, Vol. II (1916), pp. 45-55.
6
42 Somavamf;i Rule in Orissa

gardens etc. The copper plates of the period 22 refer to the establishment and
maintenance of almhouses or free feeding houses by the kings. The kings maintained
the Vanfasramadharma. Queen Vasata has been called the shelter of the four Var'f.bas
and four .if.sramas. One of the important duties of the king was the protection of the
subjects. Absence of any internal upheaval and any external danger during the
long rule of the Somavamsi kings is a clear testimony of the earnest endeavour of the
monarchs to maintain the territorial integrity of the kingdom and give protection to
the subjects.

Ministers and important officers :

King-in-ministry was the normal form of the government in the empire.
Ministry being the most important wheel of administration since earliest times,
the Somavarilsi administration was no exception to the general rule. The king was
assisted by a group of ministers, who were generally very efficient and influential
members of the State. Though ministry was hereditary during this period, such
principle was not always followed very strictly. It is already stated as to how the
Dattas 28 served the Somavarilsi kings in succession. But in some cases where the
minister's successor was not found suitable for the post some other persons having
the requisite qualifications were taken as ministers. 24

As regard~ the qualification of a minister, he was required to possess certain

qualities. Sadhara:ija, the Chief Minister of Janmejaya 25 was learned and proficient
in Vedic lore and different branches of studies. Military ability may also have been
counted for the qualification of a minister.

However we have very little information regarding the actual strength of the
ministry and the various portfolios of its members. It is not clear from their
inscriptions whether the Somavarhsis had a central council of Ministers or a Mantri
Parishad. Regarding the strength of the ministers, different opinions were given by
the Smritis and the Arthasastras. Smriti works show that there were no hard and fast
rules about the strength of the ministry. The number of ministers according to
Manu should have seven or eight. 2 ~ It is known from inscriptional sources that
the number of the Ganga ministry 27 was sixteen. Kautilya says that the strength of

22. BI, Vol. XXXI, pp. 31-6.

23. See Chapter II.
24. JASB, Vol. VII, June 1837, pp. 557-62.
25. OHRJ, Vol. XI, No. 3, pp. 192-7.
26. Manu Smriti, Vol. VII, V, p, 54.
27. OHRJ, Vol. V, p. 31.
 Adntinistrati/Jh. 43
the ministry should vary with the need of the situation. It seems that the kings of
our period might have followed the principles laid down in the Arthasastra.

From the study of the inscription it seems that there was a post of Chief
Minister. Sadharatfa was the Mantriti[aka which meant the Chief Minister of
Janmejaya Mahabhavagupta I. 28 He was an able minister who shared to a
considerable amount of the heavy burden of administration of his master.

Besides the Mantritifaka there was another minister named as Mahasandhivi-

grahika or the great minister for war and,peace. The title Mahasandhivigrahika or the
Chief foreign minister indicates that there were also some ordinary Sandhivigrahikas
under him. Dhara Datta was the Mahasandhivigrahika under Janmejaya, 29 The
Sandhivigrahika also played a very important role in respect of the preparation of
the copper plate charters. He supervised the charter written by the Kayastha 80
attached to his office and sometimes by the Mahakshapatalika prepared charters but
only with his permission 81 and in a few records he himself is mentioned as the
writer. 82 Thus the grants were actually prepared with his permission or under his
supervision or by himself. It is known from the Patna Museum Plates 88 of Yayati I
th~t his Sandhivigrahi Singha Datta bore with perfect ease the heavy burden of the
State affairs imposed by the king and who had both policy and prowess as his
constant and dear friends.

However no · definite reference is made in the records regarding some other

important members of the ministry like Mahasenapati or the Commander-in-Chief of
the army and Purohit who exercised general superintendence over religion and
morality. H

Though we do not have any direct reference to the minister of Justice in our
period, we have some vague references to it. It is stated . in the Orissa State
Museum Plates 85 of Yayati I that the ministers attained popularity among the
citizens by the award of justice based on sound principles of Dharmasastra and

28. EI, Vol. III, p. 349.

29. IHQ, Vol. XX, p. 250.
30. Vakratentali and Kalibhana plates of Janmejaya. Vakratentali Grantj
EI, Vol. XI, Kalibhana Copper Plate, IHQ, Vol. XX.
31. Nibinna plates of Yayati I, EI, Vol. XI.
32. Mahakosala Historical Society Plates of Mahabhavagupta II, El, Vol. IV.
33. JASB, Vol. I (1905), pp. 8-12.
34. Sii, Vol. VI, pp. 958-960 and IA, Vol. XVIII, p. 169.
35. OHRJ, Vol. XII.
44 SomavarizSi Rule in Orissa

Arthafilstra. It appears that Dan<fanayaka and Mahadan<fanayaka were designations

of the officers of the judicial department. s 6

Whereas some ministers were Brahmm;.as and Kayasthas 8 7 some others

belonged to the feudal chiefs or other castes. The Chief Minister Sadhara11a was a
Brahmarpa and Malla Datta a Kayastha. The Sandhivigrahi of Janmejaya, Dhara
Datta was a Samanta, 88 and· Cham Datta, the minister of Mahasivagupta was a
rarpaka. s 9

The inscriptions of our period give us a list of important royal officers whose
powers and functions has not becm clearly mentioned. However with the help of the
Arthasastra and some other records of the period, to some extent we are able to
explain the nature of their powers and functions.

An important officer known as Samahartri :figures very prominently in the

Somavarilsi inscriptions. The Samahartri is designated as the Collector General of
the revenue by Kautilya. ~ 0 It seems his duties comprised of the general superivision
and collection of revenue as well as its expenditure. In the Arthasastra the police
officers and the spies were also under his jurisdiction. The Samahartri was an
important officer under the rulers of this dynasty which is indicated by the first
position given to him in the official records.

Next to the Samiihartri :figures the Sannidhatri. The second position he

occupies in the 0fficial list shows his importance in the State. He acted as an
assistant to the Samahartri or the collector of dues and probably he acted as the
treasurer. According to Kautilya he received all dues and kept accounts not only
of cash payments but also of the payments of commodities. He was incharge of
building, store houses, granaries, prison houses etc •.1.1

Besides these two officers, the others which are mentioned in the charter of
this period are the Dutaka, Niyuktaka, Adhikarika, Dan<f,apasik, Pisuna-Vertrika,
Mahakashapatala, Mahakshapataladhvaksha, Chattas and Bhattas, Rajavallabha,
Rajaputra, Bhogijana, Av.arodhajana, Rarpaka.

36. JIH, Vol. XXXVIII:. p. 374.

37, EI, Vol. XXIX, Part VI, p. 189.
38. !HQ, Vol. XX, p. 250.
39. EI, Vol. XI, p. 96. Ra1;Jakas served as military vassals under the
Somava:thsi kings.
40. Choudhury, R. K., Kautilya's Political Ideas and Institutions, p. 102.
41. Choudhury, R. K., op,cit., p. 102.
 AJministration 45

Dutaka was an officer who executed the charters ; his duty was to convey the
orders of the king to the local officers to whom the charter was delivered. It is
interesting to note that in the Kamandaka Nitisara 42 Dutakas are regarded as spies.
They were called the 'eyes of the king'.

In the land grants the officers like Nfyuktaka and Adhikarika are placed in the
third and fourth position respectively and we do not find them in any other con-
temporary records. Nothing is known about the duties and functions of these two
officers. D. C. Sircar has defined Niyuktaka as the Governor of a territorial unit such
as 'the Ayuktaka and Adhfkarika was a superintendent. "' 3 Because we do not find the
mention of any territorial unit like Ayuktaka in the records of our period, we cannot
take Niyuktaka as the Governor of an Ayuktaka. The. meaning Niyuktaka literally
meant a person who appoints others. Therefore it seems proper to say that
Niyuktaka was the officer incharge of the employment department.

DanrfapiWk was perhaps the village constable, who seems to have been
incharge of Danrfa or punishment. He is said to be one who holds the felters or
noose of punishment i.e. the policeman. H In the Arthasastra also the law relating
to the suppression of crimes is called Danefapasa. Therefore it seems that the function
of this official was to punish the criminals and maintain law and order in
the villages.

The Pisuna-Vetrika was another member. Literally Pisuna· Vetrika means the
cruel cane-holder and so B. MisraH defines it as a cruel cane-holder or constable,
whereas Dr. Sircar 46 explains Pisuna as the vigilance officer and Vetrika as Watch-
man or the constable. Most probably his function was the collection of revenue and
the maintenance of law and order in the villages with his vetra or cane.

The Mahakshapatala managed the department of the official records of th.e

State. A slight difference in the name i.e. known as Mahiikshapataladhikrita 47 was an
officer under the Bhaumakaras who supervised work in gold and silver and his
subordinate was Maha.kshapatalika. 4. 8

42. Kamandakiya, Nitisara, Vol. XII, pp. 26-27.

43. IHQ, Vol. XX, p. 246.
44. Mornier-William's 'Sanskrit Dictionary'.
45. JBORS, Vol. XVII, p. 17.
46. IHQ, Vol. XX, p. 239.
47. Misra, B., op.cit., p. 198.
48. Ibid.
46 Somavarhsi Rule in Orissd

Another important officer of the Empire was the Mahakshapataladhyaksha. ln

the Arthasastra'° he is defined as the Accountant General whose function was to
submit the accounts of different departments to the Samahartrf. Therefore we may
assume that the Mahfikshapataladhyaksha of the Somavamsi period was the Chief
Accountant General who was assisted in his work by some ordinary
Akshapataladhayakshas.

The Chattas and Bhattas are very frequently mentioned in the charters. They
are generally regarded as soldiers. " 0 H0wever it seems that they were the irregular
and regular troops respectively. 51 They maintained peace and order in the country
as well as participated as soldiers in the wars. But they were forbidden to enter
into the agrahfira villages prnbably because of their hard and exacting nature.

Some of the officer's nature of function cannot be determined. The

rfijavallabha, rajaputra, bhogijana are regarded as the favourites of the king, younger
son of the king and village headman respectively. 52 The term avarodhajana 58 is not
found in any other inscriptions and it is difficult to explain.

Ra7Jakas possibly served as military vassals under the Somavamsi kings. They
were a class of land holders who were granted villages by the kings. Some
Brahmm;.as served as ra7Jakas. Mahabhavagupta II, Bhimaratha had granted a village
to a Brfihma1Ja ra1Jaka. 5 "' Some raf).akfis were granted more than one village either as
a fief or for governing them. They held a high position among the feudatories of
the Soma kings. 50 Some of the important-raf).akas were entitled to the use of five
musical instruments or Panchamaha.§abda. 5 6 The title 'ra1}aka' was also conferred
upon the Sandhivigrahis for their success in battles and wars. 57 The ra'fJakfis enjoyed
an important position and sometimes were empowered to grant villages to donees
and bore titles like Mahamantfa[esvara, Mahamanr;la[ika etc. 5 s

49. Arthasastra, p. 142.

50. JIH, Vol. XXXVIII, p. 37 4.
51. EI, Vol. XXIV, p. 133.
52. IO, Vol. IV, p. 233.
53. According to Sricar, Avarodhaj ana indicated the ladies of the harem,
probably of higher officials and feudatories. IHQ, Vol. XX, p. 239. Any
way they can not be taken as regular officials.
54. EI, Vol. III, pp. 28-42.
55. Ibid.
56. OHRJ, Vol. I, p. 292.
57. EI, Vol. VIII, pp. 138-143.
58. JOH, Vol. I, 1980, No. 1.
 Administration 47
For the purpose of civil administration the wide empire of the Somavarhsi
kings was divided into several smaller administrative units. The land grants of the
period refer to several lower administrative units like manefa[a, vishaya, khantj,a, bhukti
bhoga, pataka, grama etc.

Under the Somava:rh§I kings manefa[a was the largest territorial division
corresponding to a province. Next to manrfa[a was vishaya which corresponded to a
modern district. Under their contemporary rulers, the Rashtrakutas, Riishtra was
the largest administrative unit and vishaya was its subdivision.~ 0 Thus the term
manefafa used at this time denote the territorial unit corresponding to the rashtra,
consisting of about 5 or 6 districts. However the number of manefa{as included in
the empire is not known but to judge from the extent of the empire, it could not
have been less than 20 or so. Some of the manefa[as and vishayas under the Somava:rb.si
kings are Gandhiitapati manefa{a 60 , Sravasti manrfa[a 81 , Sambarabltdi mancja{a 62 and
Antarudra vishayar. s, Nimuna vishayar." etc.

The next territorial division was the bhukti. In the contemporary period it
was a division which consisted of 100 to 500 villages and hamlets. 85 Thus in our
period also it must have included several villages. In the records we come across
the names 0f several bhuktis like Prithuriibhukti 6 6 etc. The terms Bhoga, khancja and
grama were perhaps smaller units which corresponded to a modern taluk or tahsil
and a village respectively. The charters refer to several khanrfas like Abhapara-
khanefa, Devi bhoga and a number of gramas.

Besides these there were nagaras or cities and puras or towns, The suffix
pataka indicates a city or a bigger town than that a nagari or piira. We have some
reference to nagaras like Yayatinagara and puras like Suvan:zapura, Vinitapiira,
Solanapu.ra and also to de3as or countries like Kosa[adesa, Oefradesa, Madhyadesa etc.

Military:

The military administration under the Somava:rb.si kings appea.rs to have been
strong and efficient. From the inscriptions it appears that the kings had maintained

59. Altekar, A. S. 'Rashtrakutas and their times', p. 136.

60. Nibina Charter of Yayati I, El, Vol. XI, pp. 95-98.
61. JASB, Vol. I (1905), p. 78.
62. JBORS, Vol. II (1916 ), pp. 45-55.
63. OHRJ, Vol. XII, p. S.
64. Ibid., Vol. XI, No. 3, pp. 192-7.
65, Altekar, A. S., op,cit., p. 137.
66. Mahakosa1a Historical Society Plates, p. 212.
48 SomavarhSi Rule in Orissa

an efficient army and devoted special attention to the task of developing the strength
of the army which largely accounted for the success of their imperial expansion.

The SomavamS:i kings themselves were great warriors and were the head of
the army. They were assisted as we have already stated by the Mahasandhivigrahis 6 .,.
and a group of Sandhivigrahikas. There might have been many other military
officers. But we do not come across their names in our records. Except the
rm;akas, we do not even find the mention of Mahasenapatie 8 or the Chief of the army
of the Ganga period in our period. It is just possible that the Somavam§i kings
tb.emselves were their own senapatis, Some of the ministers themselves were army
officers. 6 g

Most probably there was no division of the civil and the military jurisdiction.
Because the Sandhivigrahikas also played an important role in respect of the prepara-
tion of copper plate charters. They were expected to have the heavy burden of the
State affairs ..,. 0

There w~s a good standing army drawing regular pay yet there were some
hired soldiers, who were appointed sometimes to meet the special need of the time.
This is clear from the mention ofChattas and Bhattas.,. 1 in the records, which meant
regular and irregular troops. The irregular troops constituted the local militia.
Thus the Chattas and Bhattas performed police duties during peace time and
military duties in war time. The feudatories also besides ruling over their own
principalities were expected to help the king along with their armies during
war time.

The royal army consisted of infantry, cavalry and elephantry . .,.,, We do not
find the mention of charioteers in the Somavarilsi period. It seems that, of the
traditional four wings of the Indian army, the Somavarilsi kings paid much
importance to infantry, cavalry and elephantry.

67. EI, Vol. XI, pp. 93-95.

68. Sii, Vol. VI, No. 958, 960, EI, Vol. IV, p. 316.
69. El, Vol. VIII, pp. 138-43.
70. Mahakosala Historical Plates, El, Vol. IV, p. 212.
71. IRQ, Vol. XX, p. 245.
72. The ceiling courses of the Jagamohana of the Brahmeswara temple are
carved with processions of infantry, cavalry and elephants. The Rajputra
of the records is regarded as the cavalry officer. El, Vol. III,
p. 218.
 Administration 49

Thus the military department was a vital point of the king's administration.
They devoted their energy and resources for the improvement and efficiency of the
army. The army well organised accounted for the great success of Janmejaya,
Yayati, Bhimaratha and other kings of the dynasty.

Economic condition :
The source materials for the study of the ec0nomic condition of the period
are very fragmentary and scattered in character. However a very careful and
painstaking study of all these will give us a broad idea about the subject.

The economic condition of the age seems to have been prosperous, Land was
the most important source of income during this time. The individual enjoyed his
land so long as he paid taxes to the ki~g. 72 a A whole village or a part of it was
found donated for the religious and charitable purposes. After such endowments,
the villagers w@re required to pay their taxes to the donee instead of to the king.
Such donations with such instructions could not have been made had the king not
been regarded as the ultimate owner of the land. This idea is also advocated by
the ancient law givers like Manu, Gautama etc, 78

The king also owned mines and minerals and large tracts of both cultivable
and uncultivable land. In some recordsH of the period we get reference to the
right of the donee over marshy land, plain land, ditches and sterile soil. The Hindu
law givers justified the king's right to the taxes in return for the protection he
provided for his subjects but at the same time they point out that the king should
neither be extortionate in collection of revenue nor be extravagant in his
expenditure.

Most probably the king claimed one-sixth of the produce of the land.
According to Katyayana the king is the lord of the land, but never of other kinds of
wealth. Therefore he should secure one-sixth part of the fruits of land but not
otherwise at all. 7 """' His right in this respect was so widely accepted that we find in
Ka{idasa that he was even entitled to one-sixth of the earning of the hermitages in
return for the protection he gave them. Since the tax was one-sixth of the gross
produce in all probability its amount was not absolutely fixed but varied with the
rise and fall in production.

72a. Manusmriti, Vol. VIII, p. 39; Gautamasmriti, Vol. XI, p. 1.

73. Nivina charter of Yayati I.
74. EI, Vol. XI.
74a, [<.µ,tyayana Dharmasastra, p. 16.
7
Jo Somavamfi Rule in Orissa

The land grants of our period refer to a number of land taxes such a Bhoga-
bhagakara'T 11 , Uparikarau and a number of revenue terms ·such as Hir01;yan, Nidhi-
Upanidhi"8 etc. The frequent reference to the term Bhoga-bhagakara indicates that it
was a regular land tax levied by the Government. We find in the records of the
Rashtrakutas, ehalukyas, Kalachuris, a slightly different term known as Bhaga-bhoga
kara, These terms are interpreted in different ways by different scholars. 7 ~
According to D. e. Sircar Bhoga was the periodical supplies of fruits, :firewood,
fl'owers etc. which the villagers had to furnish to the king. 80 This custom was in
vague even in Harsha's time and it continued till the time of the Rashtrakutas. s i
Then. he interprets Bhaga as the king's share of the produce which seems to be the
correct meaning, Lastly kara indicates a tax in general. It forms a part of the term
Sarvakara 8 2 (all taxes) used in the inscriptions of the Ganga period. The word
Bhoga-bhaga kara may indicate three different taxes.

Some scholars 83 have explained the term Uparikara as an extra cell because
the meaning of Upari in sanskrit is extra and kara is tax. Therefore it was an
additional tax and might have included the miscellaneous taxes in kind which
traders and artisans had to pay. 8 '
Hira1}ya is generally held a tax in cash. 8 5 Sircar takes it to be the royal share
of certain crops paid in cash. 8 6 But according to Beni Prasad 87 it symbolises the
dght of the state to gold and probably other mines as well. Though in its literal
sense hirm;ya means a tax payable in gold coins but since the ordinary peasantry
cannot afford to pay a tax in gold, it probably meant a tax in cash.

The term nidhi-upanidhi as defined by the ancient law givers meant buried
treasures and deposits. This treasure trove or nidhi and deposits or upanidhi
constituted another source of the royal income.

EI, Vol. III, p. 348.

75. ·
76. Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 141.
77. JBORS, Vol. II, p, 53.
78. EI, Vol. VIII, p. 141.
79. Fleet, en, p. 254; Tripathy, R. S., History of Kanauj, p. 348.
80. JAS, Vol. XVIII, No. 2, 1952, p. 79.
81. IA, Vol. XI, p. 111.
82. IO, Vol. II, Part I, p. 25..
83. Sircar, D. C., Select inscriptions, IP 266.
84. Mirashi, en, IV.
85. EI, Vol.VII, p.p and 160.
86. Selected Inscriptions, p.2.
87. Beni Prasad, State in Ancient India, p. 302.
 A.dministr ation 51

The king's right extended over all the sources ef the village with its
boundaries together with the lands, the water, the tanks, various kinds of trees like
mango, Madhuka (Bassia latifolia) sisu and tala, with mines and minerals. 85 Th.e
term g~rttosara 89 probably meant the ditches, drains and trenches and barren land
in a village and Jalasthala 90 to either marshy land or plain land and water reservoir
which probably included Kupa (well), Vap'i (pond) and Tadaga (tank). The king's
right extended over all these things of a village.

Some of the copper plates n of the period refer to some privileges of the king
which are unknown in the grants of other dynasties ofOrissa, These are hastidartrja,
ahidanrja, varabalivarrja, bandhadanda, andharuvll, adatta vandapana, Vijay vandapana,
marga-r;ika, together with the nidhi-upanidhi and sa-pratihara or the· tax for the
maintenance of the gate keepers or the pratiharas.

Rastfdan(l.a has been defined by Sircar 92 and D. Mitra 95 as a tax on the

maintenance of the elephants. But B. Misra 9 & thinks that it meant the right of
killing elephants. The interpretation of Misra seems very impossible and the first
meaning seems to be correct.

Again Sircar and Mitra are of the opinion that Ahfdanefa meant a tax imposed
on the snake charmers and according to B. Misra it meant the right of killing snakes.

Varabalivarda was a tax imposed for the possession of race bullocks. 9 ~

Padatijiva was the tax for the maintenance of the paiks or infantry of the State.

Bandhadanefa meant the power of conviction anrl punishment. The king might
have been earning a lot by this power.

Andhiiruva was probably a levy on the amount lent out by money lenders and
Pratyandharuva on the amount of loan realised by the money lenders. 9 6

88. JBORS, Vol. XVII, Part I, pp. 17-18.

89. Ibid.
90. EI, Vol. XXXIII, Part VI, pp. 269-74.
91. Narasi:Ihhapur charter, Ratnagiri plates, Kelga. plates.
92. Sircar, D. C., Land Lordism and Tenancy in Ancient and Medieval India as
revealed by epigraphical records, p. 78,
93. EI, Vol. XXXIII, Part VI, p. 267.
94. JBORS, Vol. XVII, Part I, pp. 17-18.
95. Sircar, D. C., op.cit., p. 78.
96. Ibid., p. 78.
sz Somavarhfi Rule in Orissa

Adatta was a levy on arrears of taxes or fines and antariiva(li is defined as

pellet for the sick meaning a levy for the treatment of the king when he is sick. This
meaning however seems very inconvenient.

The term Vandiipana and Vijayavandiipana denote· tribute to the king paid after
the king obtained victory 97 or the right of receiving present on the occasion of
welcome. 98 In any case it seems that tribute was another source of royal income.

Miirgal}ika was another tax levied by the king on ceremonial occasions 9 9 and
it is defined as a transit duty .100

Besides this we also find reference to some new fiscal rights in our period.
Somesvaradeva101 granted some plots of land with the rights of enjoyment of tusks
of elephants, the tiger skins and different wild animals as well as different trees such
as a tamarind, and palmyra alongwith forests. Besides this it also mentions go-gaudo
someto (together with cows and milkmen and with taxes on posture land and milk-
men), so·khandapaliya (together with the tax for the maintenance of swordmen) and
other taxes like Suvarl}adan(la (profession tax on gold smiths), tranrJ,aka (ta·x for
grazing and watering cattle), sasan-Cirdhika (levy of an additional share of the produce
from the tenants engaged in cultivating rent free lands) .10 2

The annual re.nt paid by the granted villages to the king also was another
source of income of the State, A copper plate 10 8 charter of Janmejaya Mahabhava-
gupta I records a kara-sasana or a revenue paying grant to a Brahma'IJ-a which was
fixed at five palas of rup ya. 10 "

When a village was donated, the right to receive the proceeds of fines imposed
for the commission of ten offences or dasaparadha was also transferred to the donee
together with all other revenues. According to Ghosal 104 a the term dasaparadha

97. El, Vol. XXXII, Part VI, p. 267.

98. JBORS, Vol. XVII, Part r, pp. 17-18.
99. Ibid.
100. Sircar, D. C., op.cit., p. 78.
101. BI, Vol. XXVIII, Part VII, p. 327.
102. Sircar, D. C. op.cit., p. 79.
103. JASB (New series), Vol. I, p, 13.
104. Rupya meant silver coins. The Arthasastra refers to silver rupakas or coins
as rupyarupa (Arthasastra, II, pp. 86-87).
104a. Ghosal, U. N., Contributions to the history of Hindu Revenue System,
Calcutta, 1929.
 Administration 53

refers to the donee's right to be exempted at least in part from the ordinary
penalties for the commission of some traditional offences by the villagers. This
view does not appear to be correct. However fines, paid by convicted persons was
another source of income of the king.

The income of the king was spent in various ways. We do not have much
knowledge regarding the items of State expenditure, but most probably they were
spent by salary to the officials, donations to temples, Brahma'!JaS and ascetics and
also for the maintenance of the army and other welfare works for the public.
Hiuen Tsangl. 05 had stated that in the 7th century A.D. the income derived from the
royal land was divided into four parts i.e. 'one part was for the expenses of State
and Government worship, one for the endowment of great public servants, one to
reward high intellectual eminerice and one for the gifts to various sects.' This
remained more or less the same practice in our period also.

From the copper plates of this period it is kn.own that the State maintained a
large number of officials.

In our period 106 it is known from epigraphic sources that the State officials
were granted land for their service. Janmejaya Mahabhavagupta I granted four
villages in Kosala by three land charters to his chief minister SadhZiTa'!Ja. 10 "

Various temples and monasteries were constructed which incurred a heavy

expenditure. Vast lands were also granted for the worship of the temple. As a
matter of fact the Somavarilsis were great builders of temples, during whose time
some of the biggest and greatest monuments like Lingaraj were constructed, which
must have cost a lot of .expenditure. The village of Vaidyapadraka was granted for
the offering and worship of lord Isanesvara installed at Pattannii Khadirapadratala
with dance, music and nivedya and for the repair and maintenance of that
structure. 108 So also Queen Vasata 109 had granted a village for the worship of
lord Hari after the construction of the temple.

105. Watters, Thomas, On Yuan Chwan's travels in India, Vol. l, p. 176.

106. Hiuen Tsang describes that Harsha's officials had their appropriate
share of land so that they could rely on it for their support. Watters,
T., Ibid., pp. 176-77. Similarly the Bhaumakara officials also received
land grants as their salaries.
107. EI, Vol. Ill, p. 345.
108. Ibid, Vol. XXVII, Part VII, pp. 323-24.
109. Ibid., Vol. XI, pp. 184-202,
54 Somavamsi 1?..ule in Orissa

A vast amount of wealth was also spent in settling a large number of

Brahmm:zas, who came from different parts of the country. The kings very liberally
granted, villages, to the Brahmar:zas for acquiring religious merit as well as for the
observance of various religious ceremonies and sacrifices. The Brahmar:zas 110
attached to the temple worship were also separately given land grants for their
maintenance.

Mahasivagupta Yayati donated the village of ChancJ_grama in the Miirada

vishaya to the BrahmaJJa Sankhapani. 111 Almost all the kings of the dynasty
donated lands to the Brahmal)as mainly. Generally one village was granted with all
sorts of privileges but some times more than one village was also given. During
the time of Yayati II 112 two villages namely Brihad Bhusayi grarna and Maranjamura
were granted to the Brahmal).a Battaputra sarodayi Sri Yasokara.

Several other religious sects also received land grants for their
maintenance. 113

The Somavamsl kings had maintained a large army which mostly counted for
their greatness. The army consisted of the elephant force, infantry and cavalry for
the maintenance of which the State most probably exhausted a large amount
of wealth.
The kings of this dynasty being very benevolent rulers exhausted the
treasuries of their vast empire for the welfare of the public by building many roads,
bridges, monasteries, alm-houses, gardens, monuments etc. Yayati n 1 u who was
devoted to the works of merit or Dharma caused many men to build many temples
for various Gods and the manefapas in the arama or the park, vihara with the udyanas
etc. Udyotake§ari 115 also had restored the decayed tanks and ruined temples and
excavated one well for the Jaina priests. The kings also established a number of
sattaras 11 e or free feeding houses for the upkeep of which some land were given.

In the Bhaumakara period we notice a tendency for the growth of feudalism

in Orissa because the donees obtained the rights of collecting regular revenues

110. EI, Vol. XI, pp. 184-202.

111. Ibid., pp. 351-354.
112. JBORS, Vol. II, pp. 45-49.
113. EI, Vol. XXIII, p. 113.
114. JBORS, Vol. II, pp, 45-49.
115. EI, Vol. XIII, p. 163.
116. Ibid,, Vol. XXVI, p. 197.
 Administration 55

together with the additional revenues from persons like tantavayas, saundhikas,
goku/as as well as from places like sakheta, gulmaka ghatta etc. 11 "T Thus the rulers
abandoned the right of taxation to the donees, who behaved like semi feudal barons.
That was the reason for which the number of feudatories in Orissa during the
Bhaumakara period was far greater than in the neighbouring regions during the
same period. 118 However we mark a deviation from this system in the Somavarhsi
period. The Soma kings also transferred the various rights to the donees but they
reserved with them s.ome privileges and in some cases the donees were asked to offer
to the king the customary share of income, rent, gold etc.1.u and in some other
cases the grant was made after fixing the yearly revenue as five silver coins. 120 The
amount might have been varied in various kara-sasanas (revenue paying grants).
Thus it becomes clear from this that feudalism was there in our period also but it
existed in a very restricted form.

An elaborate system of land measurement developed during this period.

Great care was taken to maintain proper boundary marks and measures of a village.
According to the Arthasastra the boundary of a village was to be marked by tadaga,
river, mountain, salamali tree etc. 121 This rule was followed by the kings of the
Soma dynasty to some extent. The Senakpat inscription records the boundary of
the tala pataka, possibly a land attached to a temple for its maintenance at the time
of its construction like this-to the north of it lay a pit and to its south the
Sivasamudra probably a tank, and the eastern and western boundaries were formed
by two roads. 122
We do not have much idea regarding the unit of land measurement during
this period except hala 12 3 which seems to have been a popular unit of measurement
of land. This term was frequently used in the Ganga inscription 12 "' which meant
most probably as much of land as could easily be cultivated with one plough
in a day.

Currency:
Much is not known about the medium of exchange in this period. However

117. JBORS, Vol. II, pp. 426-7.

118. Das, B., Bhaumakaras of Orissa, p. 192.
119. EI, Vol. XXIII, pp. 248-55.
120. JASB (NS), Vol. I, p. 13.
121. Sarmasastry, R., Artha$0.stra, p. 117.
122. EI, VoL XXXI, pp. 31-6.
123. Ibid.
124. I.O., Vol. II; Part I, p. 15.
56 Somavarhsi Rule in Orissa

from the records it is known that silver coins were used by the people which was
known as 'rupya' 12 5 during this period. This type of coinage was also used by the
Sulki rulers 126 and the Tunga rulers. 12 'T The frequent mention of hiratJya 126 which
literally means 'gold' proves the prevalence of gold coins also. We do not come
across references to copper- coins in our period, but as copper was very widely
used for the charters etc. there might have been the use of copper also. In the
medieval period cowrie shell 129 constituted the most popular medium of exchange in
Orissa, therefore we may presume that ordinary daily transactions were probably
made by cowries.

Crafts and Industries :

Although agriculture was predominant in the economy of this period a great

variety of crafts and industries were in a flourishing condition which however is
known from the monuments and epigraphic records as well as the literary texts like
Manasollasa and Yuktikalpataru.

A very popular and widely prevalent form of industry was the textile
industry, The name of Kalinga figures in the Manasollasa while referring to a long
list of royal garments. 18 0 The sculptural representations of the period show
different items of dresses like dhotis, sadis, scarf, payajama etc. We get references
to weavers in several charters. Some sculptures on the temple of Lingaraj give the
impression that fine brocaded fabrics were produced in Orissa during this time, 181

There existed huge iron industries, as of all the metals iron was certainly the
most useful one. We :find a number of sculptural and inscriptional references to
weapons and battle ornaments like battle axe, sword, dagger, shield etc. which were
made of iron. Elaborate axes are seen in the hands of a statue of Ganesha in the
great tower. J.s.11 A royal figure in the Brahmeswara temple is seen holding a sword
and a shield. 13 8 Daggers are found in a large number in the Lingaraj temple. Iron

125. J ASB (NS), Vol. I, p. 13. The Arthasilstra also refers to silver rupakas as
rupyarupa (Arthasastra II, pp. 86-87).
126. EI, Vol. XII, No. 20, p. 158.
127. JASB, (NS), Vol. XII, p. 294.
128. JBORS, Vol. II, p. 53.
129. Beal, S., Si-Yu-Ki or Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, p, 207.
130. Manasollasa, III, pp. 17-20.
131. Mitra, R. L., op,cit., p. 80.
132. Mitra, R. L., op.cit., Vol. I, p. 122.
133. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p, 118.
 Administration 57
was also used for building temples and we know that iron beams were used for the
first time in the temples during the Somavamsi period. :1.s4
Articles of different other metals like gold, silver, bronze, copper were also
manufactured. Next to iron copper was possibly the most useful item of that time.
The discovery of a large number of copper plates indicates the existance of copper
industry. Though no statue or coins of copper or bronze have yet been discovered
it seems that the utensils of the common people were made of either copper or
bronze. The profuse use of ornaments by both men and women shows that the
craft of jewellery flourished well in the country. As gold and silver coins 185 were
current in Orissa during this period, we may presume that ornaments were made
both of gold and silver. It is also known that some ornaments were made of pearls
which even the devadasis used. 186
The great temples and stone images of the period testify to the existence of
stone work industry in Orissa. The temple of Rajariini was constructed of reddi~h
granite sand stone locally known as RajaranJ:ii. Thus different types of stones were
used for different temples.
Wood work industry also existed and there are evidences to show that
carpentry flourished during this period. Various figures of wooden furnitures like
bed steads, stools, lamp stands are sculptured on the walls of the temples. A figure
from the Muktesvara temple exhibits a very simple form with a plain boarder and
legs carved like lion's paws 18 'T, and another figure from the Lingaraj exhibih the
richest bead stead in the Orissan sculptures. 18 8 The door in the porch of the great
temple of Lingaraj is made of sandle wood and is carved like the one of the famous
gate of Somanath.
Luxury articles were manufactured from ivory 189 , and the right of the donees
to the enjoyment of the tiger's skin obviously suggests the existence of some sort of
tanning industryuo in Orissa during this period.
Thus the various crafts and industries as existed in Orissa under the
Somavaihsi kings included textiles, metal work, stone work, wood work, ivory and
tanning etc.

134. Ibid.
135. JBORS, Vol. II, p. 53, J ASB (NS), V. p. 113.
136. Brahmesvara temple inscription, JASB letters, Vol. III, p, 72.
137. Mitra, R. L,, op,cit., Wood cut No. 26.
138. Ibid. No. 30.
139. EI, Vol. XXVIII, Part VII, p. 327.
140. Ibid.
8
 Chapter Six
SOCIAL CONDITION
Since very early times caste system has been the most striking feature of the
Indian Social life, the earliest reference to it is mentioned in the famous Purusha-
sukta occurring in the tenth manefafa of the Rg-Veda. 1 This caste system continued to
be the backbone of the society in our period. People were broadly divided into four
groups-the Brahma'l)as or the Priestly class, the Kshatriyas or the knightly order, the
Vaisyas or the hnsbandmen and traders, and the Sudras or the class that served the
others. There is a reference in the Sirpur inscription that queen Va8ata, like the
Vedas was the shelter to the people belonging to the four Van;as (Castes). 2

In the society the Briihma'l)as occupied the highest position and were respected
by all other classes and also enjoyed great honour in the society. They were the
spiritual guides of the kings and crown princes. Great royal patronage was
bestowed upon them in the form of land grants in order to attain spiritual merit for
themselves as well as for their ancestors. During this period many Briihmava
families migrated from different places specially from different parts of Northern
Indfa to Orissa. The donee in the Nagpur Museum plates 8 of Janmejaya was an
immigrant from Purusha mantfapa in the OQ.ra country and the donee in the Gaintala
plates 4 migrated from the village Saluri in Madhyadesa, so also the donees in the
Kalibhana copper plate 5 and Orissa State Museum plates 11 ofYayati were immigrants
from Muktavati and LikhanQ.a villages of Sravasti. Several donees also migrated
from the neighbouring countries like RaQ.ha 7 etc. According to tradition Yaya;ti
had brought ten thousand Brohma1)as well versed in the study of Vedas and Vedangas
from Kanyakubj or modern Kanauj to settle in Orissa. 8 These Brahma'l)as belonged
to different gotras, pravaras and anupravaras. Many of these Briihma'l)as had the
KauncJ,inya gotra, Para/Jara gotra, Gautama gotra, Kaushika gotra etc. and the three Rishi

1. Chattopadhyaya, S., Social Life in Ancient India, p. 7.

2. El, Vol. XI, pp. 184-201.
3. EI, Vol. Vlll, pp. 138-143.
4. OHRJ, Vol. XI, No. 3, pp. 192-7.
5. IHQ, Vol. XX, pp. 245-50.
6. OHRJ, Vol. XII.
7. EI, Vol. XI, pp. 93-95.
8. Panigrahi, K. C., ltihasa o Kimbadanti, p. 1.
 Social Condition 59
pravaras of Gautama, Angirasa and .J.rtathya etc. Moreover some of them belonged to
the Madhyandina branch of the Vlljasenaya school of Yajurveda, Chonefoga kauthuma
sllkhll, Gautama sakhll etc. It seems that during this period the subcastes of the
Brahmal')as had not been formed and the Brahmal')as used different title like. Bhatta,
Sarma etc.
The Brahmal')as followed a number of professions. Though the main function
of the Brahmal')as was the study and teaching of Veda~ and the performance of
religious rites but some of them were famous scholars and some were great
warriors. Purushottama Bhatta was a great scholar, the best of the scholars who
edited the eulogy of Udyotake8ari. He was learned in Grammar, Political Science,
Poetry, Logic besides in the Vedas. 9 Many Brahma'IJ,as were also allowed to follow
the profession of a Kshatriya, Brahmal')as served as Dil.takas. 10 Brahmm}as held
important posts in the State. Sadhara~a 11 , the Chief Minister of Janmejaya I was a
Brahma'IJ,a, who was also a great scholar, Under his instructions the documents
were written. Some Brahmal')as were also astrologers. Bhattaputra Deva was a
Brahmal')a astrologer who was attached to the court of Janmejaya and was granted
some lands by him. 12 Thus the Brahma'IJ,as followed many professions both religious
and secular during this period, They commanded greatest respect in the society.
They enjoyed some privileges and facilities from which the other castes were
deprived of.

Next to the Briihmal')as in importance were the Kshatriyas in the society of our
period. Though we do not have any direct reference regarding the existence of this
caste, but the account of Taranath 18 reveals the existence of this class in the society.
Moreover the reference of Ral')akas, Sa.mantas etc, in the records · also indicates the
existence of the Kshatriya caste during this period. The Somavamsi rulers themselves
were Khatriyas, who belonged to the lunar race. Being Kshatriyas they also
maintained matrimonial relations with the contemporary principal Kshatriya
families. The mother of Udyotakesari was the daughter of the solar raceu and that
of the mother of BaUirjuna was the princess of the Gupta family of Magadha. 15 The

9. JASB, Vol. XIII, p. 70.

10. Diitaka was an officer who executed the charters. His duty was to
convey the orders of the king to the local officers.
11. OHRJ, Vol. XI, No. 3, p. 197.
12. IHQ, Vol. XX, pp. 245-50.
13. IA, Vol. IV, p. 243.
14. JBORS, Vol. VII, pp. 557-62.
15. EI, Vol. Xl, pp. 184-201.
.60 Somavarhlf l?..ule in Orissa

ruler and the members of their family enjoyed the highest status among the
Kshatriyas.
Generally the Kshatriyas were fighters, but all Kshatriyas were not warriors
and some have been found to have followed many other professions, Though we do
not find any reference to Kshatriyas who held the important civil and military offices
in the State, but the officers who held the post of the Sandhivigrahikas under the
Somavarhsi kings must have belonged to this caste. According to Travernier, in the
14th century the Rajputs were the fighters, whereas the remaining Khatris i.e.
Kshatriyas had degenerated from their military profession and taken to trade. 1 ~ This
system might have also prevailed in our period. Though in the medieval period
there was the practice of the marriage of the Kshatriyas with other castes, we do not
have instances. in our period to show the prevalence of this custom.

The Vaisyas were a rich community who seems to have enjoyed some
importance in the society during the medieval period. Nothing is known for certain
about this community, but from the inscriptions of our period, we get some
reference to merchant's associations 1 'T, who certainly belonged to this Vaisya ·
community. Moreover the physicians 18 and the engraver of the charters also might
have formed a part of this community. The engraver of the charter can not be
included in the fourth order because we see in the Gaintal plates of Janmejaya that
Haradasa, the engraver of the charter was the son of Ullasa, who was a T1 a1J,ika or
merchant. 111 That engravers of charters belonged to the Vaisya community is also
proved by the Baud grant 20 of the Bhanja king, Rai;iabhanja which was inscribed by
the Va1J.ika Sl.vanga. In the Ganga period 21 some of the Vai§yas were rich enough
to donate land to Brahma1J.as and temples also.

Besides the Brilhma1J.aS, Kshatriyas and the Vaisyas we also notice the Milfilkaras
(garland makers), Swar1J.akaras (goldsmith), Gauefa (Cowherd) etc. in the inscriptions
of our period. Among them the Swar1J,ak?iras belonged to the Vaisya community.

Our information about the fourth order is very insufficient. However Ibn-
Khurdadhaba22 maintained that .in the medieval period Sanefiliar and Liihud were

16. Travernier's travels in India, p. 337-8.

17. EI, Vol. XXIII, pp, 255.
18. IA, Vol. XVIII, p. 181.
19. OHRJ, Vol. XI, No. 31, p. 197.
20, EI, Vol. XII, p, 328.
21. Ibid., Vol. XXXIII, Part III, pp, 145·46.
22. Elliot, H. M. and Dowson, J., The History of India as told by its own
Historians, Vol. I, pp. 16-17.
 Social Condition 61

regarded as untouchables. Prom the accounts of some foreign travellers 28 also we

know that the Chanrjafas (sarn;Uilia) were regarded as untouchables and were con-
sidered as social outcastes in the Gupta period because of their indescent practices.
This view is supported also by the Smritis and Dharma/;astras. 24 Since that time the
ChanrJaJas occupied the lowest position in the Orissan society, In our period this
community occupied the lowest position in the society and rendered services to the
higher castes. The various tribal castes also most probably belonged to the fourth
order. The Narasirhhapur charter of Udyotakesari refers to the habitation of
Savaras in Orissa during our period 2 5 , who perhaps formed a part of the fourth
order in the society.

The Kayasthas emerged as a new caste in the medieval period. The earliest
reference of this group is found in the Smriti of Yajnavalkya. 26 The Kayasthas were
a professional class doing clerical works, who worked as scribes and wrote charters
and documents during this period. The Patna plate ofMahabhavagupta I, Janmejaya
was written by Kayastha Koi Ghosha. 27 The Cuttack plate of Mahabhavagupta
Bhimaratha was written by Kayastha Mangaladatta. 28 B. C. Majumdar thought that
the title Ghosh a indicates the employment of Bengali Ka,yasthas as court officers. 29
But it has rightly been remarked by Dr. A. P. Shah that this view can be sustained
only if it could be shown that the Kayasthas of Bengal bore the title Ghosha during
this period and it is likely that the Ghosha Kayasthas -migrated from Orissa
to Bengal. 80

Thus in the main there were four castes in our periocl and many subcastes
sprang up subsequently. That the rulers of our period were responsible enough to
uphold the Van;a system is proved by epigraphic records, According to Kautilya
the king being the promulgator of Dharma should protect the four fold caste
system. 81

Position of Women:
Inscriptions of our period show that women enjoyed a position of honour in

23. Ghosh, N. N., Early History of India, p. 269.

24. Kane, P. V., History of the Dharmasastras, II, p. 48.
25. 1.0., IV, p. 308,
26. Kane, P. V., Ibid., II, pp. 75-76.
27. JASB, Vol. I (1905) (NS), pp. 5-6, 12-13.
28. EI, Vol. III, pp. 355-9.
29. Ibid, Vol. XI, p. 103.
30. Shah, A. P., Life in Medieval Orissa, p. 131.
31. Arthasastra, III, p. 1.
62 SomavarhSf Rule in Orissa

the society and they played an important part in the administration of the State also.
The position of women as found in the societies of Manu, Yajnavalkya, Brihaspati
and others is not very fair. 8 2 They are entirely dependent on the husband, parents
and sons. However they recommended punishment, for misbehaviour towards the
female members of the family. 8 8
There are several instances in the Bhaumakara period, to show that queens
occupied the throne several times in the absence of male heirs. This system was not
followed in our period due to the reason that there was no necessity of it, a male
heir always being available for the coronation. However Prithvi Mahadevi II the
daughter of Janmejaya and the wife of Bhaumakara king Subhakara IV assumed the
throne of TosaF at the death of her husband. 8 ... Another Somavarilsi princess
TrikaJingamahadevi, queen of the Bhanja king Vidhyadhara Bhanja of Vanjulvaka
also played an important part in the reign of her husband. 85 During the time of
Balarjuna, his mother queen Vasata had acted as his regent as he was very young at
the time of his coronation. 8 6 Her character and personality as revealed from the
Sirpur Stone Inscription 8 6 °' suggest that training of the princesses was not neglected.
They were well trained in the art of government to cope with the need of time and
occupied a place of honour in the administrative hierarchy.
The female member of the royal families were given some rights and
privileges. They were empowered to register land charters. The queens of our
period were very charitable and religious minded and we know that Vasata 8 .,. the
mother of Balarjuna Mahasivagupta had constructed the temple of Hari at Sirpur
and also had granted some villages for the protection of that. So also queen
Koliivati 88 had constructed the Brahmeswara temple. Thus it seems that the queens
were free to grant villages to the Brahma1Jas, religious institutions as well as to
construct temples also.

Polygamy was known as practised in the Bhaumakara period. 3 Though we

1)

do not have any such example in our period, but it seems that the rulers encouraged

32. Manusmriti, Vol. VII, 22, 3685 ; Yajnavalkyasmriti, p. 66.

33. Ibid., p. 22.
34. EI, Vol. XXIX, pp. 219-20.
35. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 296-98.
36. Ibid., Vol. XI, pp. 184-201.
36a. EI, Vol. XXXI, p.
37. EI, Vol. XI, pp. 184-207.
38. JASB, Vol. VII, pp. 557-62.
39. Subhakara V. married two princesses, Gauri Mahadevi and Vakulamaha-
devJ. Misra, B., op.cit.
 Social Condition 63

polygamy and kept concubines. In the Ratnagiri plates4. 0 of Karjjadeva, the name
of one Karpurasr1 is mentioned who hailed from Solanapura, Some scholars" 1 are
of the opinion that this Karpurasri, a dancing girl ultimately became bis queen,
though we do not have any evidence to prove this. Dr. Sircar is of the opinion the
absence of any reference to Karpurasri's father and grand father and her representa-
tion as the daughter and grand daughter of females appear to suggest that she was
born of a harlot. 4.2 Karpurafo's mother was a Mah~ri, which is an Oriya word and
means dancing girl or devadllsi. 4 5

The practice of dedicating maidens or devada.sis to Gods for services in temples

was prevalent. They served the Gods through dance and music. It is mentioned in
the Brahmeswara temple inscription that Kolavati had dedicated some beautiful
dancing girls to Lord Siva."'"

We do not have much information about the education of women during this
period. But it seems from the activities of the female members of the royal families
that they were educated. Even though not highly educated, it seems that women of
this period were not very illiterate and they were capable of atleast writing a letter.

General Customs and Manners :

Child marriage was practised, which was very popular in the ancient and
medieval period. H The contemporary Smritis" 6 maintain that girls should be
married before they attained puberty. Therefore we may assume that this system
was widely practised in the society. Under the Somavamsi kings Sari system was
not prevalent and we have many instances of widowhood in the society. It is known
that queen Vasata and Kolavati lived as widows after the death of their husbands.
Most probably there was no custom of remarriage. 4.'T From inscriptional references
it appears that purdah system was unknown in the society.

The status of a woman in family and society suffered a sudden setback

immediately after the death of her husband. She had to maintain very strict celibacy,

40. El, Vol. XXXlll, p. 266.

41. Panigrahi, K. C., Chronology of the Bhaumakaras and the Somavamsis of
Orissa, p. 39.
42. Sircar, D. C., Religious Life in Ancient and Medieval India, p. 202.
43. Ibid., p. 203.
44. JASB, Vol. VU.
45. Yajnavalkyllsmriti, Vol. I, p. 64,
46. Brihadyama, Vol. Ill, 22, Samvata, 1, 67.
47. Majumdar, R. C., Ancient India, p. 565.
64 Somavamsi Rule in Orissa

self restraint and a very hard and austere life.

The widow could not use musk
(Kasturika) painting etc. in accordance to a long prevailing custom. 4 8
Even queen
Vasata after the demise of her husband Harshagupta always observed fasts and
austerities . .i.. 9

Gambling and prostitution existed in the society. But they were treated bad
specially for the Brahma~as. Money lending was also regarded as bad practice. 50

Dreas and Ornaments :

From the sculptures of the period we can have a good knowledge about the
dress and ornaments used by the people in the society. GeneraJly men.wore dhoti
and sometimes used a 'chadar or a scarf as the upper garment. Common men used
only dhoti and well to-do persons added one upper garment over the dhoti as a mark
of cla:rn distinction. Several statues on the Mukteswara temple 51 are dressed in
petticoats or kilts, the Indian ghagra held round the waist by a jewelled girdle.
These jewelled girdles were used by the people not only as an ornament but also as
a belt to tie the undergarment round the waist. Women used two pieces of garments,
one upper and the other lower. The lower garment they tied round their waist.
Both male and female dresses have folds in the front and the folds in the female
garments are sometimes gathered and passed between the legs and tucked in behind.
The garments are usually ornamented with embroidery. 52 The dress for the
dancing girls was something quite different from the ordinary women folk. They
were dressed in a close :fitting tunic.

Both men and women wore a variety of ornaments. They were very fond of
ornaments and covered the various parts of the body with different types of
ornaments. Ladies used car:fl.owers, rings, necklaces, long chains, chanQ.raharas,
armlets, wrist and waist ornaments. Both men and women wore a chain with small
bells for the legs. Besides this men also used ornaments for the neck and ear. They
wore kanka~as and kunt;lalas. The ornaments were made of gold_ and we get
references to ornaments of pearls generally used by rich people.

Women dressed their hair in different styles and the most _common style was
the wearing of the chignon 5 s, which style is still now followed by the womenfolk

48. EI, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 269-74.

49. Ibid., Vol. XI, Vr. 17.
50. El, Vol. XI, Vr. 31.
51. Mitra, R. L., Antiquities of Orissa, V0l. I, p. 287.
52. Ibid., p. 80.
53. Mitra, R. L., op,cit., plate XXV,, fig. 95,
 Social Condition 65

of Orissa. Sometimes they used some ornaments for dressing the hairu. Men also
kept long hair and some had the same style of chignon but without the curls.

Food and Drinks :

People used to take various types of food, the commonly used cereal among
them was rice. From the sculpture of the period we can have some idea about the
various kinds of food preparations. In the Mukte~wara temple we can see several
figures in bas relief with cakes of different kinds in their hands. The figure of
Ganesha in the Lingaraj temple is represented as holding a bowl in which are shown
a number of globular lumps, each made up of a collection of small round grains
exactly resembling a kind of sweetmeat prepared now a days.

Fruits like mango, basialatifolia etc. which were grown abundantly were
eaten by the people. 55 Honey (Madhuka) 56 was also one important item among the
food commodities. Though we do not know anything about the use of non-vegetarian
foods, the. grants to hunting rights 5 or suggests that non-vegetarian food also was
taken by the people. Moveover reference to the right of fishing~ 8 is also found in
the inscriptions.

Education and Literature :

A large number of subjects both religious and secular were studied.
Inscriptions of the period mention the proficiency of the scholars in various subjects
like History, Political Science, Logic, Grammar, Poetry, Arthasastra, Pural.1as,
Smritis, Vedas, Vedangas 5 9 , Astrology 60 and Medical Sciences. 61

Of these grammar was the most extensively studied branch being the key
subject to the knowledge of the rest of the sciences. Alberuni informs us that in the
medieval period grammar was held in the highest estimation. The study of logic
was greatly encouraged. A great sanctity was attached to the study of Vedic
literature in the early Dharmasastras which lays down that the whole of the Vedas
was to be studied for 12 years by the first three classes. Thus the Sudras were
entirely excluded from it. The study of Dharmasastra which helped a lot in the

54. Ibid., fig. no. 96.

55. ·El, Vol. XXIll, pp. 248-55.
56. JBORS, Vol. II (1916), pp. 45-55.
57. El, Vol. XII, pp. 237-42.
58. Kelga plates ofKumara Someswaradeva, EI, Vol. XXVIII.
59. JASB, Vol. XIII, p. 70.
60. IHQ, Vol. XX, pp. 245·50.
61. IA, Vol. XVlll, p. 181.
9
66 Somavamsi Rule in Orissa

administration of justice was more popular than the study of the Vedas. Study of
astrology was fairly popular in our period and royal courts used to maintain
astrologers.

As in the society in the education field also the Brahama'IJ.as occupied the
highest position. They seem to be the most educated class in the society and most
probably imparted education to all other classes which was also the practice in the
contemporary period. They were expected to be very proficient in the study of
Vedic literature, Sastras and Smritis. Sadharai;ta, the Brii.hma'IJ.a Chief Minister of
Janmejaya I "Was the great scholar of this period. So also Purushottama Bhatta, the
p9et of Udyotake5ari had also mastered the different branches of knowledge.

Besides the Brii.hamaQfls, Kshatriyas also specially the kings and members of the
royal family seem to have received higher education. In the medieval period
education of a prince comprised a l~rge number of subjects. He was expected to
study the entire range of religious literature including Kavya, Nataka, Itihasa,
Vyl'JkaraQa etc. It is mentioned in the Mallar plates of Mahasivagupta Balarjuna that
'Sivagupta has attained all the accomplishments of a .conqueror through the
perfection of commendable discipline attained by a special study of all the royal
lores···' 62 • So also regarding Yayati II Chanq.ihara it is found in the Narasimhapur
charter of Udyotake8ari that he was the ocean of learning. 68

In very early ages llsramas or the hermitages known as gurukufas were the
seats of learning. Education in that age was most probably organised by Viharas,
ma/has and temples. The agrahii.ra villages whiCh were granted to Brl'JhmaQas for
their maintenance might have served as centres of education. u

A number of Sanskrit scholars well-versed in different branches of study

:flourished in Orissa during this period. We have already stated about Brahma'IJ.a
scholars like SadharaJJa and Purushottama Bhatta, Sadhiiral).a has been compared
with 'Suraguru' or Brihaspati for his mastery in different branches of studies. 65
Simhadatta was also a notable Sanskrit scholar of this period who was the Sandhivi-
graha of Yayati I and his son Bhimaratha. 66 From the Brahmesvara temple
inscription of Udyotake8ari, it is known that Purushottama Bhatta, the author of
the Prasasti was a versatile scholar, who was proficient in Veda, Vyakara'IJ.a, ltihii.sa,

62. BI, Vol. XXIlI, p. 113.

63. JBORS, Vol. XVII, pp. 1-15.
64. Altekar, A. S., Education in Anci~nt lndia, p. 56.
65, OHRJ, Vol. XI, No. 3, p. 197,
66. JASB (NS), Vol. I.
 Social Condition 67

Arthasllstra, Kavita, Tarka and Brahmasutra and was a Kavivara or a great poet. eor
Though we get no information regarding the works of this· Purnshottama Bhatta,
some medieval works on Sanskrit and Prakrit speak of a Buddhist grammarian
named Purushottamadeva. 6 8 Moreover the medieval lexicons like 'Trikanifasesha',
'Haravafi' etc. were also written by one Purushottama. 6 9 As from the records of
Udyotake5ari it is known that Purushottama Bhatta was a great grammarian and
poet, one may assume that the Purushottamadeva and Purushottama might be the
same as Purushottama Bhatta of the S0mava:rhsi period;
.Acharya Subhachandradeva the disciple of Kulachandra and the great saint of
the Digambar Jaina community of the time of Udyotake5ari has been identified with
the Jaina .ii.cha,rya Subhachandra who was the author of 'Gyanarnllva', which extels
the merits of meditation and Yogic observations. 70 In the medieval period we
know that Yoga philosophy was very popular.
It is stated in the Bhakti Bhagavat Mahakavyam that Udayotakesari's guru was
one Bhavadeva who was a Vatsagotri BrfihmmJ.a and devoted to tantric cult: He is
regarded as the author of 'Tantranava'. 71
Gagana Siva or Gagana s·'ambhu an llcharya of the Mattamayura sect, whose
inscription is found at Ranipur Jharial was a profound scholar of this age who wrote
'Vyomavati'. 7 z
A Sanskrit poet nam_ed Narayan Satakaq1i as known from a newly discovered
inscription flourished during the reign of one Somavamsi king, whose name is not
mentioned. He was the author of a work called 'Ramabhiudaya kavyam'. 7 8
The author of the prasasti of Mahasivagupta Balarjuna's Gandhesvara temple
inscription was one Bhusa:gadeva kavi, He is identified with the son of the glorious
poet Ba:t;1.abhattaH, the court poet of Harshavardhan of Kanauj. In the history of

67. JASB, Vol. XIII, p. 70.

68. OHRJ, Vol. I, No. 2, 1952, p. 168.
69. Ibid.
70. Mahapatra, K. N., Descriptive Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts of Orissa,
Vol. II, p. 9.
71. JAS, No. 1, p. 24.
72. OHRJ, Vol. III, No. 2, p. 68.
73. Mahako5ala Historical Society papers, Vol. II, app. p. 69.
74. Rajguru, S. N. 10, Vol. IV, p. 303. According to Sri Rajguru he
(Bhusa:cyabhatta) might have had migrated like many other Brahma"f}.aS
from Northern India to Daksina Kosala and served as the court poet of
Balarjuna.
68 Somavamsi Rule in Orissa

the Sanskrit literature we get the name of Bhusal}a who was the son of Bal;).abhatta.
Bal}abhatta's 'Kadambari' is said to have been left incomplete at the time of his
death. So Bhusal}a, completed the later part of the Kadambari. However some
inscriptions of Balarjuna contain verses composed with anupsara and yamaka which
style was popular in the post B~l}a period and it is not unreasonable to conclude
that the court poets of the Somavamsi kings were influenced by Bal}abhatta's style.
But one cannot say with certainity whether this Bhiisa:i;ta is in any way connected
with the family of the great poet Baijabhatta.

Thus it seems that Sanskrit literature and language made considerable

development during this period. The rulers were great patrons of Sanskrit literature
and the use of Sanskrit language in their copper plates and inscriptions undoubtedly
suggests its popularity in those days in Orissa. Some of the texts are composed
partly in prose and partly in verse. Some of them which sing the glories of the
kings are highly ornamental and reveal to some extent the poetic skill and genius of
the court poets of the time and also the literary style of the period. Some of the
copper plates also suggest that by that time, Oriya language was already in the
process of formation. We can see the use of some Oriya words in some charters.
In the Sonepur plates of Kumiira Somesvaradeva we find the word 'Baghachama' which
is but an Oriya word and like that many other Oriya words can be found in the
charters.
 Chapter Seven
RELIGIOUS CONDITION
The epigraphic records of the period refer to diverse creeds and point out
clearly the catholicity of mind and tolerant policy of the Somavarp.si kings. The
kings were staunch supporters of Saivism, but they held other faiths like
Vaishnavism, Saktism, Buddhism and Jainism also in high esteem. All these
religious cults prospered well and received royal patronage under the tolerant rule
of the Somavamsis.

Saivism:
The Somavarilsi kings were great devotees of Siva and ardent patrons of
Saivism. All the rulers of the dynasty were staunch Saivites, who assumed the
Saivite epithet of Parama Maheswara and some had the Saivite emblem of the bull
on their seals. 1
Before the advent of the Somavarp.si kings during the time of the Bhaumakaras
Saivism had lost much of its popularity due to the lack of royal patronage.
Although Saivism had attained an important position in the 7th and 8th century A.D.
under the Sailodbhavas 2 of Kongoda and the Gangas 5 ofKalinga who were devout
worshippers of Siva and patrons of Saivism, the religion was very much neglected
during the time of the Bhaumakaras. It is well known that the earlier rulers of the
Bhauma dynasty were followers of Buddhism and had extended liberal royal
patronage to it."" They took great care for its expansion in Orissa, Jajpur and its
surroundings were adorned with a large number of Buddhist monasteries during
their period. Thus Saivism was in a non-existing· state when the Somavarilsis
ascended the throne of Utkata. It was left to them to recover the lost glory of
Saivism, the most popular religious faith of ancient Orissa.
All the earlier rulers of the Soma dynasty ruling at Sirpur were Vaishnavites 5
except Mahasivagupta Balarjuna, who was a follower of Saivism. His mother queen
Vasata was also a follower of Vaishnavism, she had constructed the temple of Hari 6
1. El, Vol. XXVII, p. 287.
2. Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 143-6.
3. JAHRS, Vol. 11, p. 275.
4. El, Vol. XXVIll, p. 180.
5. CU, Vol. III, pp. 291-99; EI, Vol. XXXI, pp. 219-22.
6. El, Vol. XI, pp. 184-201.
70 SomavarhSi Rule in Orissa

at Sirpura during her reign. However the successors of Bii.lii.rjuna i.e. the later
Somavarbsi kings became patrons of Saivism. It seems that though the ancestors of
Bii.lii.rjuna were Vaishnavites be accepted Saivism due to the influence of the Saiva
ascetic Sadii.sivii.cbarya, who visited Kosala during his time and converted him into
a Saivite. Thereby he assumed the title of Parama Mahe8wara instead of Parama
Vaishnava. 7 Secondly there is reference to Sankarachii.ry a's visit to Puri, when most
probably his successor Janmejaya Mahabhavagnpta I was ruling over Utkata. He
and his disciples carried on vigorous campaigns against Buddhism and introduced
the Saivite form of worship. His teaching must have stimulated the growth of
Saivism in Orissa. 8 It is also said that he and his disciples defeated many Buddhist
pandits by their vast learning and arguments and converted some of them into their
own faith. 9

The kings of the dynasty took various steps for the rise and spread of Saivism
in Orissa. In order to make it the most popular religion they very liberally granted
villages to the Saivite temples, priests, Brahma7J.s and Saiva ascetics. Balii.rjuna 10
granted a village to Lord Wineswara installed at Khadirapadra village for vali,
charu, sattra, nivedya and for the repair and maintenance of the structure in response
to the request of a Saiva ascetic, a disciple of Pramathacharya, whose preceptor
hailed from the Pancha Yajna topovana in the Dvaitavana forest. 11 The Charity was
endowed through the Briihmal)s of Vaidyapadraka, which was made tax free and
exempted from all sorts of oppressions.

Durgarakshita, a servant of the king Bii.lii.rjuna constructed the temple of

Sambhu and made it over to Sadii.Sivacharya, hailing from the penance grove entitled
Amaradakii.. The ascetic was granted some land in the Kadasima village. In the
Gudasarkarak village were granted some land in favour of God Madanarati (S'iva) by
means of a charter. 111 Special arrangements were made for the worship of Lord
Siva with dance, music as well as offering of flowers. It is recorded in the
Gii.ndhesvara 13 temple inscription that Jejuraka, a subject of Sivagupta made
arrangements for the offering of flowers for the puja of Lord Giindhesvara.
Land donations were given to Brahmal)as very liberally in order to encourage

7. El, Vol. XXXI, pp. 219-22.

8, Mukherjee, P., History of Medieval Vaishnavism in Orissa, pp. 20·21.
9. Ibid.
10. Lodhiii. Plates of Balarjuna, El, Vol. XXVII, pp. 319-25.
11. El, Vol. XXVII, p. 320.
12. Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 31-36.
13. 1.0., Vol. IV, p. 308.
 Religious Condition 71
them to come and settle in Orissa. There is a tradition still current in Orissa that
Yayati Ke.Sari (Yayati II) had performed a ten horse sacrifice near Vaitarani at
Jajpur for which he had invited ten thousand Brahman.s from Kanauj. There is still
a ghat on tbe Vaitarani river at Jiijpur which is known as DaSiiswamedha ghata.

A large number of S''aiva gurus who hailed from far off places flourished
during this period and we have already mentioned about some of them like
Sadasivacharya,u Sadhyasivacharyal. 5 and Prathamacbarya. l.6 These Saiva gurus
preached the Saiva do9trine and philosophy among the people and initiated them
into their own faith. Moreover the ascetic had to arra:qge ·for sacrificial ceremonies
and to run free·feeding establishments every y.ear during the full moon day of
Asllda, Kartika and Pha,lguna. It is also said that during this period A.charya Gagana
S1va 17 also known as Yoma S'iva belonging to the Mattamayura sect came to Orissa.
He received the patron ge of Janmejaya I and built the temple of Someswara at
Ranipur-Jharial of western Orissa which was one of the main centres of the activities
of the Soma kings, when they were at Kosaia.

Out of their religious zeal they constructed many beautiful tern pies dedicated
to Lord S1va, some of which have got a high place in the history of Indian art and
architecture. The temple of Mukteswara was constructed by Jajati I. l.s It was
Jajati II who began the construction of the great temple of Lingaraj, the name of the
temple itself indicates its superiority over all other Slvalinga temples at
Bhubaneswar. His son Udyotake8ar1 built the magnificent temple ofBrahmesvara 19 •
Besides these many more Siva temples were constructed during this period.

Among the _four forms of Saiva sects i.e. S/aiva, Mahe/Mara, Kapafika and
Lakufisa, the last was more popular in Orissa during this time. The form of Saivism
which received its patronage during the time of Balarjuna was the Mattamayura sect,
the impo'rtant centre of which was Central India from where the Saiva acharya hailed
during his time. The Sailodbhavas were also the followers of this sect. 20 But the
activities of this sect seems to have died down in the later period, where the images
of Lakufisa the first Pasupati teacher became more and more prominent. The

14. EI, Vol. XXXI, pp. 31.6.

15. Ibid.
16. El, Vol. XXVII, p. 320.
17. EI, Vol. XXIV, pp. 239-43.
18. Panigrahi, K. C., ARB, p. 159.
19. JASB, Vol. VII, June 1837, pp. 557.
20. El, Vol. III, p. 41. The Symbol of this sect is matted hair, celetial river,
garland of skulls, digits of moon, parvati etc. (JBRS, Vol. XXXIX, p. 6).
72 Somavamsi Rule in Orissa

Laku[isa Pasupata sect found its way to Orissa during the Sailodbhava period but it
seems to have gained ascendency during the time of the Somavamsis. A large
number of figures of Laku[isa are seen in various mudras in the Mukteswara temple.
Laku[isa is further represented in the company of the teachers of the Pasupata sect
on the doorway of the Jagamohana of the Rajarani temple built by the Soma kings. n

During this period S"iva was worshipped under various names and .forms by
the people of Orissa. In the inscriptions and charters we come across different
names of Siva such as Brahmef;wara, Mukteswara, Madanarti lsl!neswara, Gandheswara,
S,,ambhu etc. Images of dancing Nataraj are found in the Brahmeswara temple and
many images of the fighting Siva are found in the Mukteswara temple. In the
Brahme8wara temple Siva appears in various figures such as Ajaikapada Bhairava,
Andhaka-surabadhamuty, Nataraj, Ardhanarisvara and Bhairava in the skeleton form.
In the Lingaraj temple under the huge amalaka are found beautiful four armed
seated figures of Siva.

Though Siva is represented in different human forms, his worship in the

Linga form was widely prevalent in Orissa during this time. In the great Lingaraj
temple Siva is worshipped in the linga form. Scenes of ling a worship are carved in
the Rajarani temple. 22

Thus Saivism received a great impetus under the rulers of this dynasty and
reached the pinnacle of its glory in Orissa. As stated earlier Jajpur, which was
once a great centre of Buddhism during the time of Bhaumakaras became a very
prominent centre of Saivism under the Somavarhs1 kings, where even today the
remnants of a large number of S'ivalingas and images can be found.

vaisbnavism :
Under the tolerant rule of the Somavarhsi kings, Vaishnavism also became a
great force in the religious life of Orissa, though it was not as popular as was
Saivism. The rulers were also the devotees of Vishnu and expressed their reverence
to Lord Vishnu along with other gods and goddesses. Their charterslls contain
their homages to .Aditya, Varw:ia, Soma, Hutasana, SulapilrJi and Vishnu. The seals
attached to their charters have the emblem of Gaja Laxmi 26 , invoke the blessing of
God Nrusimha, an incarnation of Vishnu. 2 6 So also Dharmaratha is compared with

21. Panigrahi, K. C., ARB, Figs. 129-130.

22. Ibid., fig. 63.
23. El, Vol. VIII, p. 142.
24. OHRJ, Vol. I, No. 4, p. 206.
25. EI, Vol. XI, p. 184.
 Religious Condition 73

the Par.SUram incarnation of Vishnu for his great powers." 8 Likewise all most all
the rulers of the dynasty have been compared either with Vishnu or with any of his
incarnations for their greatness of powers in their records. We have already shown
that the early members of the dynasty at Sirpur were Vaishnavities in their faith.
Out of this faith they constructed many temples dedicated to Lord Vishnu and
donated land grants to Brahmm}as for the worship of the God. The Lakshma:ga
temple constructed by Vasata, mother of Balarjuna was dedicated to Lord Vishnu.n
His avataras are carved on the door jambs and there is a figure of Vara.ha on one of
the broken pilasters. The Vishnu temple of Ranipur.Jharial stytistically regarded
the prototype of Lakshmal).a temple is also assigned to this period. 2 e

It is stated in the Ma,da[apanji that Yayati Ke§ari built the former temple of
Jagaimatha, the height of which was 33 cubits or 57 feet and he also built the two
other temples for Vima[a and Mahiilaxm'i the height of each of which was 18 cubits
or 27 feet. Literary evidences 2 9 are also there which prove that the former temple
of Jagannath was constructed by Yayati I.
However, there was harmony between the two sects of Hinduism i.,e. Saivism
and Vaishnavism, which found its expression in the sculptures of the period. Though
the temple of Lingaraj is dedicated to Lord Siva the choice of ornaments is by no
way confined to the emblems of God S1va and we find the Vaishnavite symbols Gada,
Padma, S"'ankha, Chakra. associated with the S,,iva cult. The Vahanastamba infront of
the temple also contains at its top not only the image of Nand'i but also that of Garuefa
pointing out a synthesis of Vaishnavism and Saivism. The front entrance of the
Saiva temple of Mukteswara shows the image of Mahalaxm'i carved on the doorside.

Besides this, the people in Orissa during this period also worshipped other
gods like Ganesha, Karttike,ya, Brahma, Surya, Na.ga, lndra, Agni, Yama etc. The image
of Ganesha and Karttike,ya are seen very often in several temples, which shows that
both these deities were very popular. Though Sun worship was prevalent in Orissa
since earliest times, it could not :flourish well due to the popularity of Buddhism.
However it again became prominent under the Somavamsi kings who speak their
homage to the Sun god and built temples for.the Sun god. 80

Several figures of Navagrahas which are intimately connected with the solar
cult are also found in the temples like Lingaraj, Muktesvara etc.

26. Cunningham, A., ASI, Vol. XIII, plate. IV.

27. Das, M. N. (Ed.), Side lights on the history and Culture of Orissa, p. 578.
28. Madalapanji (Prachi edition), p, .6.
29. OHRJ, Vol. III, no. 1, p. 14.
30. Sonepur plates of Janmejaya, BI, Vol. XXIII; pp. 248-55.
10
74 Somavarhs'i Rule in Orissa

We have a few specimens of Niigas also in these temples. Also the Asta-
dikpiifas81 or the guardian deities of eight corners namely !ndra, Agni, Yama, Nairita,
VarUJ;za, Va;yu, Kubera and !siil;za are found in the Brahmeswara and Rajarani temples.

Some icons of Ganga and Yarnuna appear at the Mukteswara temple in the
door jambs of both the Jagamohana and the sanctuary and the goddess Saraswat'i is
found sitting on a lotus and holding a long Viva in both hands with the women
attendants on both sides, in the same temple.

It seems that the various impressive and interesting stories of the epics and
puriivas inspired the people of that period very much and the sculptors also chose
those subjects to depict them in their own creations. 8 2

Saktism:
Saktism also prevailed in the Somavari:J.si kingdom. It is known from the
inscriptional references to the worship of Sakta divinities that Saktism was very
popular among the people in Orissa. The Maranjamura charter 8 s of Yayati II
entitle Bhagavati Panchambari Bhadrllmbika of plittana Suvar1Japur as their family deity.
Yayati II was also known as Ohanef,ihara which suggests that he was Chanrji (S'akti)
and Hara (Stva). The popularity of the worship of S/akti is further proved by the
fact that queen Vasata, the mother of Balarjuna is compared with Pllrvati and
KoHivan, the mother of Udyota Kefari is compared with Durga in their
inscriptions. 8 "

Numerous sculptural representations of various s·"akta deities seen in different

places also confirm the prevalence of Saktism. The matrika worship received a great
impetus during this period. The concept of matrikas or divine mothers is only one
of the manifestations of Sakti. The matrikas basically represent the embodied energy
and prowess of the seven famous gods, their male counterparts, such as Vishnu,
Kumar a, Varaha, lndra, Brahma, Maheswara and others. 85 Although the matrikas are
connected with the :fierce aspects of killing the demons, they are shown simply
standing or sitting with their respective attributes The Sapta ml1trika images near
the Markanef,eswara tank at Puri are said to have been erected by king Bhimaratha or
Bhimakesari of the Soma dynasty. 3 6 A large number of matrika images found at

31. EI, Vol. XI, p. 97.

32. OHRJ, Vol. X, 1962, no. 4, p. 60.
33. JBORS, Vol. II, (1916), pp. 45-55.
34. El, Vol. XI, pp. 184-202 and JRASB letters, Vol. XIII (1947), pp. 63-74.
35. PIHC, 1977, p. 197.
36. Mada{apilnji (Prachi edition), p, 19.
 Religious Conditioh 75

Jajpur and Ranipur-Jharial have been assigned to this period. The Sapta miltrika
images of Belkharn;li in the Kalahanc;li district now preserved in B5lkhanc;li Museum
alongwith the Chantf,i temple have been ascribed to the reign of the illustrious
Somavamsi kings. 97

We can see the matrika images first in the Para§urameswara and Vaital temples,
but a great deal of change in their presentation is marked in the Mukteswara temple
of this period where they are carved on an eight pettaled lotus carved in the ceiling
of the Jagamohana holding babies in their arms (except Chamunc;la) for the first time.
This new conception was initiated during this period. 8 8 These S"akti images in their
terrific forms were also sculpted on the temple of Brahmeswara.

Another famous cult associated with the S"'akti worship is the Yogini cult.
The Yoginis were attendants on Durga and were considered to be various forms of
the goddess herself. Sanskrit literature mentions yoginis as the various manifestation
of Durga engaged in fighting against the demons S"ambhu and Nisambhu. The yoginis
are 64 in number and the principal seven or eight are regarded as mother
goddesses. 9 9 Although the shrines of 64 yoginis are very few in India, we find their
shrines in Hirapur near Bhubaneswar and Ranipur-Jharial in the Bolangir district.
The latter is assigned to the Somavarilsi period." 0

Jainism:
Though Jainism was a very popular religion since earliest times it could not
maintain its position later. During the time of the Bhaumakaras it had lost its
supremacy due to lack of royal patronage. Very few dynasties in medieval Orissa
patronised Jainism and under the rulers of this dynasty Jainism was not totally
rooted out or neglected rather it survived and prospered due to the royal patronage
extended to it. As far as inscriptional sources are concerned it is known that some
kings of this dynasty were its great patrons and took care for the maintenance of that
religion .. They held Jainism in great respect. Udyotakefari was the last important
king of this dynasty who paid heed to the renovation of religious institutions. H He
was most probably influenced by the Jaina Sramm;a Subhachandra, who visited his
kingdom and stayed there for some time.

37. JKHRS, p. 168.

38. Panigrahi, K. C., ARB, p. 136.
39. Behera, K. S., The Evolution of s""'akti cult in Jajpur, Bhubaneswar and Puri in
S""'akti cult and Tara, p. 82.
40. ASI, Vol. IX, p. 73.
41. EI, Vol. XIII, pp. 165-6.
76 Somavarh~i Rule in Orisscl

It is known from the stone inscription in the Navamuni cave 0 of the

Khang.igiri hill that one A.charyil Kulachandra belonging to the illustrious .Aryasangha
was living in that hill and Subhachandra, his disciple came to the cave on pilgrimage
in the 18th regnal year of Udyotakesar1's reign. Moreover it is recorded in the
LaUitendu Ke§ari cave that Udyotake§ari in his Sth regnal year had restored the
decayed tanks and ruined temple£ and also set up the images of the twenty four
Tirthllnkaras" 8 • The Jaina images belong to the Digambar sect, which indicates that
among the two sects of Jainism, the Digambar sect was more popular then in Orissa.
He excavated one well for the Jain.a priests who used to live there and worship the
Tirthilnkaras. These Jain.a priests were perhaps invited to teach the doctrine and
philosopy of Jainism among the people. We can also see a large number of Jain.a
Tirthankara images in the Mukt~swara temple.

Buddhism:
From the accounts of Hieuntsangu it is known that Buddhism was in a
flourishing condition in certain parts of Orissa. However under the Sailodbhavas
Buddhism had a rival in Brahmanism. It could not prosper till the advent Qf the
Bahumakaras, who as we know were great patrons of Buddhism. Among the
SomavariJ.Si kings, Balarjuna Mahasivagupta, the last great ruler of the early branch
of this dynasty was a great patron ofBuddhismu though he was a Saivite in religion.

He showed great respect to Buddhism and made very liberal land grants to
Buddhist monks, nuns and monasteries. The Sirput stone inscriptionH praises the
'lotus' feet of the S"ugata (Budha) and records the construction of a monastery by a
Bhiksu named Ananda Prabha during the reign of Balarjuna as well as the establish-
ment of a sattara (feeding house) for the monks residing in the monastery and for the
upkeep of that, a white rice field was given together with the supplementary crops
grown in it. The monks were to enjoy it in succession.

Mahasivagupta Balarjuna"" had also donated a Vihara to Buddhist nuns. He

made the grant of the village Kalasapura in the TaraQ.amska bhoga to the community
of the venerable monks, who coming from the four quarters were residing in the
small monastery at TarB.4amska.

42. Ibid.
43. Ibid.
44. Beal, S., op.cit., p. 204.
45. El, Vol. XXXI, pp. 197-8.
46. Ibid.
47. Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 113.
 Religious Condition 77
Many Buddhist monasteries located at Sirpur are said to have been
constructed by Balarjuna and the revival of the Mahayana Buddhism was the most
outstanding feature of his reign,
Gradually with the rise of the later Somavamsls, Buddhism lost much of its
pepularity, yet it existed, in a restricted form due to the predominance of Saivism
under the kings.
During the Bhaumakara period there was revival of Mahayana form of
Buddhism. The Somavamsis also followed a policy of reconciliation towards
Buddhism. Ba:Q.apur has yielded a large number of Buddhist bronze images, where
from the Somavamsl ruler indraratha's copper plateu h,as been discovered.
indraratha had made a land grant to a female Buddhist deity called Khadiravati
Bhattaraka. Moreover their patronage of Buddhism is also known from the gift
of the village by Kar:i;i.adeva" 9 to Rani Karpurasri hailing from Solanapur,
Mahavihara of Utkaladesa. Solanapur which has been identified with a village of the
same name near Jajpur on the bank of the river Vaitara:i;i.i was an important Buddhist
centre since the time of the Bhaumakaras and therefore it is presumed that the
village granted to the lady was apparently a Buddhist in religion. D. Mitra 50 on
the basis of the Bai;iapur plates of fodraratba points out that Tara had an honoured
place here in the first half of the lOth century A.D. A image of Tara is discovered
at Ba:i;i.apur. Some people and places bore the names of this Buddhist deity i.e.
Taradatta 5 1, Taraqamaska 52 etc. during this period.
All these prove the prevalence of Buddhism under the Somavamsi kings, It
received royal patronage for its progress. General sympathy and toleration was
the spirit of the age and that the rulers were antagonistic to Buddhism is not at all
true. 5 8 Rather it has been pointed out that the slow proce:ss of assimilation of
Buddhism into the fold of Hinduism during the period resulted in the acceptance of
Lord Buddha, the founder of Buddhism as the ninth incarnation of Vishnu. Thus
in the field of religion we mark the spirit of catholicity of the Somavam§i kings
whose guiding principle was sympathetic toleration. Under the patronage of the
Somavamsi kings a large number of institutions connected with different religions
flourishecl in Orissa.
48. JAS, Vol. VII.
49. JBORS, Vol. XVI, 1930, pp. 206-210.
50. Mitra, D., Buddhist Monuments, p. 225.
51. El. Vol. XXXI, pp. 31-6.
52. El, Vol. XXIII, p. 113.
53. Mukherjee, P, History of Medieval Vaishnavism in Orissa, p. 53. The
persecution of the Buddhists pointed out in this work is taken from a
later work, which was composed towards the later part of 16th Century
A.D. There is no persecution of the Buddhists in any other contemporary
works. Hence the view of Sri Mukherjee is tenable.
 Chapter Eight
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
The Somavari:tsi period is a great landmark in the history of Orissan as well
as Indian art and architecture. It will not be an exaggeration to say that in the
history of Orissan art since earliest times, it is only in this period that we come
across a large number of monuments of a very high standard. The Somavari:tsis
erected magnificant buildings and temples .;,,hich stand today as the best specimens
of Orissan architecture.

European scholars have divided Indian temples into two broad classes-
~Indo-Aryan' and 'DraviQ.ian'. This classification in a broader sense is no doubt
correct, but later scholars have tried to show that at least four classes of temples
evolved in different parts of India. Prof. R. D. Banerjee has drawn our attention to
an inscription, in the Bellary district in which mention has been made of four classes
of temples in India namely-Nagara, Viisara, Dravief,a and Ka[inga. 1 Of these four
classes of temples, the Nagara type became most prevailing in North India, Vesara
in the West, Draviefa in the South and Ka{inga in Orissa. It is well known that the
ancient name of Orissa was Ka[inga, the region which figured very prominently in
the records of Asoka, the Great. The inscription from Holal 2 proves beyond doubt
that long before the Mohammadan conquest of Northern India, the architects of
Ka[inga had won for themselves a special recognition among the contemporary
architects of India. The Ka/inga, or in other words the Orissan type of architecture,
by reason of its distinct individualities and peculiarities furnishes us with one of the
most forceful architectural movements that was prevalent in Northern India.
Generally the Ka!inga type and the Nagara style of architecture are included in one
group, under the lnd0-Aryan class. Because both have more or Jess the same
characteristics and features. Both possess 'curvilinear spires, square plans, with
projected angles'. 8 Whereas the other regional manifestations of Nagara style
indicate great modification and transformations in course of evolution, that of the
Orissan temples represents the pure form of the original Nagara style. The two
provinces of India where the Indo-Aryan style can be studied with the greatest
advantage are Dharwar on the West and Orissa on the East coast. The former has

1. Kramrisch Stella, The Hindu Temples, Vol. I, p. 5.

2. Banerjee, R. D., History of Orissa, Vol. II, p. 335.
3. Panigrahi, K. C., Archaeological Remains at Bhubaneswar, p. 52.
 Architecture and Sculpture 79

the advantage of being mixed up with the DraviQ.ian style ; in Orissa on the
contrary, the style is perfectly pure being unmixed with any other and thus forms
one of the most compact and homogeneous architectural groups in India. 4.

To view the development of the early Orissan temples we should deal here
with a brief survey of the political history of Orissa, which is rather a confused
history of different ruling dynasties. Though there is evidence that Ka[inga was·
under the rule of the Maurya Emperor Asoka, the Great, we do not have any
archaeological remains of that period except the rock cut inscriptions at Dhauli and
JaugaQ.a. The next landmark is furnished in the history of Ka[inga, by Kharavela of
the Cheta-Varh!:,a. However sufficient materials have not yet been discovered to
study the history of Kafinga after Kharavela till the rise of the Sailodbhavas. The
Sailodbhavas flourished probably in the second quarter of the 6th to the second
half of the 8th century A.D. 5 This intervening period is known as the Blank Period
in history. It is difficult to say at present as to how Orissan architecture evolved
during this period.

The earliest standing temples in Orissa are to be found at Bhubaneswar, the

temple town where alone we can see hundreds of temples in various stages of
preservation. The earliest specimens of the Orissan temples were small structures
consisting of the sanctum, the deity within, and a tiny porch. In Orissa we notice
three types of temples-Rekha deul, Pirfha deul and Khakara deul, the last is associated
with s"akta worship. Rekha de,ul and Pirjhii deul forms two component parts of a
single shrine. The Rekha deul is characterised by curvilinear spire, whereas the
Piefhii deul with pyramidal roof. The main temple or the sanctum also known as
vimana is of a rekha order and preceeded by a porch of Pirjha order called the
Jagamohana or mukhasa[a. The Jagamohana is lower in height than the vimana and
both are linked internally. In the later period two more structures of Pief,hii order,
known as nafamandira and bhogamandira are added to the Jagamohana.

There are three phases in the evolution of the temple architecture of Orissa.
The temples which belonged to the formative or the early phase were of very small
size rising to a height of not more than 50 feet. Some of them were without porches
or mukhasafas and some bad rectangular porches with fiat roof looking like a low
manef,apa with pillars in the hall. The main temple or the vimiina was of three ratha
typ<:l and the piigas were not fully developed. There is no uniform disposition of
doors and windows and the joint between the shrine and mukhasa!a was of a
rudimentary type. The architects were not yet in complete agreement regarding

4, Fergusson, J., History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vol. II, p, 92.
5. PIHC, 1949, p, 74.
80 Somavamsi Rule in Orissa

the decoration of the walls of the mukhasa!ll but in the treatment of the shrine walls
as also of the sikhara they worked according to a set formula. 6 This was the state
of development in the domain of temple architecture during the time of the
Sailodbhava kings. The temples which belonged to this phase are Satrughneswara,
Lakhmaneswara, Bbarateswara and Parasurameswara etc.

In the next stage i.e. in the transitional phase during the reign of the
Bhaumakaras the temples like Vaital, Sisireswara etc. were constructed. Here we
find the evolution of Pancharatha shriae. Though the porches or mukhasalii.s are still
rectangular but are found to be architecturally advanced in as much as they contain
pillars in the hall supporting the roof. Moreover they already began to display a
trend towards the pyramidal roof. The walls of the shrine and the mukhasa!ii. are
decorated in smaller fashion-a characteristic which clearly set these temples apart
from those of the culmination or the last phase. Some of the decorative motifs of
the early phase fade into insignificance and now the doorways and windows are
flanked with serpent pillars which were unknown earlier. 7 Both in the field of
architecture and sculpture these temples show a distinct improvement and a
considerable maturity of technique.

The temple building activity reached its culmination during the time of the
Somava:rhsis, who succeeded the Bhaumakaras. In this phase the temples began to
gain in size, in complexity of architectural design and in increasingly lavish
sculptural ornamentation. The development of Orissan temple architecture reached
its zenith with the construction of not merely Orissa's but India;s best, the Lingaraj,
temple. In this period the temple architecture attained maturity to such an extent
that the later development was concerned merely with elaboration. 8

During this period the Jagamohana or the mukhasiila became an integral part
of the temple. Now the porch or the mukhasa!a makes its appearance as a fullfl.edged
pi(i,ha temple with pyramidal roof instead of being a rectangular structure. These
characteristics of the porch continued to be a leading feature in the subsequent ages.
In the temples of this period iron beams were used for the :first time. The temple
structure became lofty and vast, solid and strong, Moreover in this period all the
four component parts of the temple like the Vimana, Jagamohana, natamandira and
bhogamandira consist of the pishta, bafla, ganfli and mastaka, whereas in the early
group of temples we do not find the pishta. The bafla of early temples consists of
three segments, and now it is divided into five segments. Another feature of the

6. Dehejia, Vidya. Early Stone temples of Orissa, p. 78.

7. Lal, Kanwar, The Temples and Sculptures of Bhubane§war, p. 51.
8. Panigrahi, K. C,, op.cit., p. 156,
 Architecture and Sculpture 81

temples of this period is the soaring height with miniature temples or angaS.ikharas
on the gam;li of the vimllna which is conspicious by its absence in the earlier temples.

The temples which were constructed at Bhubaneswar during this period are
the great Lingaraj, the magnificant Brahmesvara, the beautiful, Rajaranj a~d the
Mukt!swara, Besides these temples many more have been attributed to the. agency
of the Somavarhsi kings due to their architectural and sculptural affinities with the
above mentioned temples. The temple of Kofaleswara at Baidynath in the Sonepur,
subdivision of Bolangir district and the Pancha pan4ava temple at Ganeswarapura
in Cuttack district belong to this period. 9 The Dakra Bhimeswara and the
Bkambareswara temples at Bhubaneswar have been assigned to the last quartrs of
the lOth or beginning of the llth century A.D~ during the Somavarhsi rule in
Orissa. 10 The Gouri temple in the compound of Kedareswara is regarded to have
been built by the same kings. 11 According to tradition the temple of Kufa1e.Swara
at Deogaon in the district of Keonjhar was built by Jajati Kefari, who is also given
credit for constructing the temple of Chandeswara near Chilika. 12 The twin temples
of Sidheswara and Nilamadhava at Gandhara4i, 8 or 9 miles west to Baudh in the
district of Phu1bal).i, and three small temples at the premises of Rameswara temple at
Baud were abo constructed during this period.

It is well known that the Somavarhsi kings were originally the rulers of
Daksina Kosata and while coming from Kosata to Orissa they brought with them the
architectural traditions of that country. In Orissa the new features from the upper
Mahanadi valley are found to have been completely integrated with the indigenous
architectural traditions, in the temple of Muktesvara.

The Muktesvara :
The Muktesvara is a definite land mark, the end of the development of the
early temples and a forerunner to the later style of temples in Orissa, 18 Early
Orissan architecture reached its peak in the exquisite Muktesvara temple situated
close to the Parasurameswara temple in the 'Sidharanya' or the forest of the perfect
at Bhubaneswar. Long years of architectural and sculptural experience found its
expression in this little temple of Mukteswara.

Tradition credits Yayati I or Yayati Ke§ar'i for the construction of the

9. Das, M. N. (Ed.) Side lights on the history and culture of Orissa, p. 495.
10. Ibid., p. 585.
11. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 250.
12. Mahatab, H. K., History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 188.
13. Dehejia, V.; op.cit., p. 78.
11
82 Somavamsi Rule in Orissa

Mukteswara. Scholars have piaced this temple about 950 A.D. nearly two centuries
after the date of Parasurameswara. u This date falls within the reign period of
Yayati I. Moreover the temples at Baud, which were built by the Somavamsi kings,
have identical architectural and sculptural features with that of the Mukteswara,
We ao not find the impact of these temples at Baud on any other temples of
Bhubaneswar before it. This leads us to believe that this temple was a work of the
Somava:rilsis. Also the temple of Mukte5wara is regarded as a grand ancestor of
Brahmeswara, which we know was built by the Somava:rilsi king Udyotake§ari.
Certain architectural and sculptural features which are to be found in a nascent stage
in the Mukteswara have developed into their full-fledged form in the Brahmeswara
temple. Regarding this so many instances can be cited 15 , one being the incomplete
form of the pief,ha temple of the Mukteswara has assumed its ful:fledged type in the
Brahmeswara.

The temple of Mukteswara is one of the most beautiful temples of Orissa

which has been regarded by Fergusson16 as 'a gem of Orissan architecture' and
R L. MitraH calls it, 'a charming epitome ofthe perfection of the Orissan archi-
tecture'. This temple is very similar in its plan and design with the Parasurame-
swara, yet it shows some developments in Orissan temple style by introducing some
new features.

The temple is situated in a quadrangular court enclosed by a low wall on the

eastern side of which is an elegant tora1Ja or gateway, The Mukteswara is a very
small temple, in fact one of the smallest at Bhubaneswar. The temple is barely 35
feet high and the Jagamohana only 25 feet and the sanctum only 7 feet 7 inches
square on the inside. In this regard R. L. Mitra has remarked 'according to
European architects the most important element of beauty of architecture is its size,
but the Oris~an artist in this instance has so ingeniously adopted the ornaments to
the scale of his work that the effect is the most charming and the mind wrapt in
admiration by the beauty of the details fails to detect, the smallness of the structure
on which they are set. ' 18

The Mukteswara temple stands on a low podium like the Parasurameswara

but in plan it is a pancharatha and here we find the porch or thejagamohana that
marks the beginning of a pief,ha temple of typical Orissan form. This pyramidal roof

14. Saraswati, S. K., Struggle for Empire, p. 542.

15. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p, 157.
16. Fergusson, J., op.cit., p, 97.
17. Mitra, R. L., op.cit., p, 156,
18, Ibid.; p. 1$6,
 Architecture dnd Sculpture 83
consists of gradually receeding tiers piled one above the other and is surmounted by
a Ka{asha. This new characteristic becomes typical of the later Orissan temples.
The ganr;li has five storeys and between each two of them a chaitya window serves as
decoration. The barja of the deul is separated by the ganr;li by a richly carved wall
band. The ganr;li takes a convex curve near the beki giving the square tower a
circular form.

The Mukteswara is one of the few temples at Bhubane$wara which represents

the interior decoration of the jagamohana.u The ceiling of the jagamohana is
decorated with sculptures of some cult images, kirtimukhas, figures of Sapta matrikas
etc. It is provided with two beautiful lattice windows on the north and south walls.
The sanctum is also ornamented with various decorative motifs like the flying
Gandharvas, Dikpa{as, full blown lotuses etc.

In this particular temple 'the ornamentation is of the most sumptuous

description, sculptured and finished with the greatest care and taste. The floral
bands are neater and better executed than in most of the temples, the bas-relief
sharp and impressiye the statues vigorous and full of action. 2°

Right in front of the porch is a torm;a or archway of 15 feet high. 21 It

consists of ten pillars rising from a raised pavement, which display a marked
excellence in design and decoration. This is the most unique feature of the
Mukteswara, and was meant for swinging the idol on festive occasions like Doljiitra.
The tora1)a or the gateway is the only one ofits kind in Orissa and we can not find
a specimen of this in any other temple.

To quote Percy Brown 'it is one of the most original conceptions throughout
the entire style and evidently the production of an artist having superior vision
of skill. 22

Thus elegantly decorated from top to bottom this temple marks the culmina-
tion of the temple building activity in Orissa. It reveals some architectural and
sculptural features which with some or no modifications have come to be the
standard of all the other important temples that followed it. In fact Mukteswara
divided the numerous temples of Bhubaneswar into two broad groups- early and
late and any of its innovations can confidently be taken as the basis of such a

19. Brown, P., Indian Architecture (Buddhist and Hindu)., p. 104.

20. Mitra, R. L., op,cit., p. 156.
21. Ganguly, M. M., Orissa and her remains, p. 277.
22. Brown. P., op.cit., p. 104.
84 SomavamU Rule in Otissa
diviSion. 28 Here we find for the first time the typical form of a Orissan pi{l,ha deul
and the five fold divisions of the vase like pada, kumbha, pata, kani and vasanta, which
we cannot :o.otice in the earlier monuments. In the earlier temples all images have
been carved in shallow niches or medallions but here the principles of carving
images in alto-relieve is adopted. 24

The ba{l,a of the temple introduces some of the typical Orissan decorative
motifs like the Afasakanyils, Naga and Nagi column and Gajasimhas. In the cult
images we find here for the first time a cock associated with Karttike,ya and a mouse
as the mount of Ganesha and babies carried in the arms of Sapta matrikils. The
number of planets on the planet slab which was previously eight is now nine, Ketu
being included for the first time ; the cult images are represented without any halos
around their heads.

Thus the Mukte~wara temple represents the early phase of temple archi-
tecture in Orissa at its maturity and sets the stage ready for the construction of such
giants like Brahmeswara, Lingaraj etc. To conclude in the words of Mr. Ganguly,
'the temple of Mukteswara may be styled as the epitome of Orissan architecture
showing all that is best in it. It may approximately by called a dream in sandstone
adopting the immortal phraseology of Colonel Sleeman regarding Taj Mahal. It
seems that the artist must have bestowed all his care and skill to make it a perfect,
well proportioned model of Orissan architecture. 2 5

The Riijariini :
The Rajaranl temple is apparently an exceptional type in Orissa and
represents the pure nagara or the Indo-Aryan 26 type of architecture at its best. It
marks an advance in the art of composition over the earlier temples. By tradition
people of the locality call it a pleasure resort. But the non-installation of the deity
was perhaps due to other reasons, It is said that the dedicator of the temple was
the queen of one of the Ke§ari kings who died before the completion of the work and
left the temple to remain as it was ; it has, since then run into decay ; the people in
the absence of a suitable name call it Rajaranl. ll'T Mr. Ganguly is of the opinion
that the name Rajarani has been derived from a very fine grained yellow standstone
called Rajarani in common parlance. 28

23. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 89.

24. Ibid., p. 90.
25. Ganguly,.M. M., op.cit., p. 275.
26. Banerjee, R. D., op.cit., Vol. II, p, 368.
27. Mitra, R. L., op.cit., p. 154.
28. Ganguly, M. M., op.cit., p. 313.
 Architecture and Sculpture 85

Regarding period in which it was built, it has been pointed out by

Dr. Panigrahi 29 that the Rajarani originally bore the name indresvara and it was a
Saiva shrine of the Somavamsi period. This view appears to be acceptable as from
the architectural point of view, the Rajarani appears to belong to a period
intermediate between the Mukteswara and Brahrne8wara. Due to the boldness of
its conception and the elegance of its decorations, it has to be ascribed to the palmy
days of the Somava:rhsi rule.

Regarding the beauty of this temple Fabri remarks as follows: 'with the
Rajarani temple at Bhubaneswar we are as near to perfect baroque style as possible;
not only in everything superbly organised, consciously aimed at moving you with
its beauty, not only in the design as near perfection as possible but this temple is
fortunately, so isolated in the middle of fields alone that you can quietly commune
with her half hidden beauty'. 8 0

The temple consists of a Vimllna and a Jagamohana, The Vimiina is panchllnga

and the exterior is covered with beautiful human figures, Dikpll[as and other
decorative motifs like the a!asakanyas etc. The Jagamohana of the temple is rather
small and its exterior is devoid of any decorative motifs and therefore it is altogether
plain. Some critics however state that its plainness was deliberately intended. It
possesses a stone window on each side. These two windows along with the front
door are flanked by massive naga pillars of the type of those temples at Baud. It is
also pancharatha in plan and its piefha roof carries a simple kalasha as its :finial.

On the whole the Rajarani like any other fine temple of Orissa is a perfect
monument of its own kind. The temple is famous for the beauty of its decorative
art. Some of the features of this temple have been regarded as the :finest and the
best in the sculpture of India.

Architecturally this temple possesses some exceptional features which though

is not dissimilar altogether from the typical Orissan temple style is more akin to the
Khajtiraho style of temples. One of the chief features in the shape and disposition
are the angaf;ikharas round the exterior of the central parts of the sikhara. Though
we find these angasikharas as decorative motifs in some of the Orissan temples, but
here they become very prominent and the manner in which they have been carved
in this temple as a decorative motif did not seem to have found much favour with
the Orissan artists in general. This new element of the nagara style was then
very popular with the central Indian temple architects. The double llmalaka

29. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 94.

30. Pabri Charles, History of the Art of Orissa, p. 148.
86 Somavamsi Rule in Orissa

characteristing the angaSikharas of Rajarani also indirectly associated this temple

with those of Central India. 81

R. L. Mitra speaks of the temple as follows : 'Suffice it to say that in elegance

beauty, and :finish the temple affords one of the finest specimens of Orissan art and is
worthy of the highest consideration. As an unconsecrated temple, unprotected and
uncared for, it has afforded to travellers a mine of statues and carved stones and they
have not been failed to make the most of it. ' 82

The Brabmeswara :
The temple of Brahmeswara lies east of the temple of Rajarani and Muktes-
wara. We learn from the Ekamra PuralJ,a (Chapter 14) that Sankara after an elaborate
exposition of the merits of BhubaneS-war as his chosen seat and secret retreat on
earth advised to Brahma to erect a temple and Visvakarma accordingly built the
temple. However the Brahmeswara temple inscription of the time ofUdyotake§ari
reveals to us that this temple was built during his reign by his mother Kolavati in
the memory of his father ChanQ.ihara Yayati II. According to the chronology 33
worked out by us the temple should be placed somewhere between 1060 to
1085 A.D.

Like the Mukteswara temple this temple also is situated within an enclosure
and has four subsidiary shrines on the four corners. It thus looks like a regular
panchaylltana temple. Some scholars think this attractive arrangement has been
derived from the vedic altar. s4

The Brahmeswara temple is one of the more :finished examples of the Orissan
temple styles. It consists ·of a vimana and a Jagamohana both being pancharatha in
plan. Among the dated temples it is the earliest one where iron beams have been
used and the porch 0fthe Jagamohana is a full:fledgedpiefha deul. The Jagamohana of
this temple has a more refined and elegant appearance than all the earlier temples,
though it is similar in shape with that of the temples of Muktesvara, Kedaresvara etc.

The Jagamohana has a threefold division in its baefa with five plain mouldings
for the pabhaga. The anurahas and the kanakpagas of its jaligha carry khiikara munefis
and viralas. The niches of the corner khakara mumJ,is contain seated :figures of eight
Dikpa{as. The Jagamohana is provided with two windows on the north and south

~l. Banerjee, J. N., Religion in Art and Architecture, p, 15.

32. Mitra, R. L., op.cit., p. 155.
33. Dr. Panigrahi has assigned this temple to 1060 A.D.
34. Lal Kanwar, op.cit., p, 57.
 Architecture and Sculpture 87

sides consisting of some female figures and, they also depict the scenes of dance and
music performance very nicely.

The baranef.a is a single broad moulding which depicts various animals and
birds. The mastaka contains all the component members of a fullfledged Orissan
Jagamohana i.e. beki, ghanfa, amalaka, amla, khapuri and ka!asha.

The ceiling of the Jagamohan·a is carved elaborately like that of the

Muktesvara. It contains sculptures in several tiers ending with a full-blown lotus in
the centre and with naga figures in the corner.

The height of the vimana or the sanctum is 60 feet high and also has a
panchanga ba,ef.a which gave the structure almost a rounded shape unlike the earliest
temples, which are somewhat square in appearance. 5 5 The moulding of the baranef.a
is richly carved. The upper and the lower janghas are demarcated by a single
moulding. The kanka pilgas and the anuriihas of the lower Jangha, have insets of
khakara mun<fis and some of which are decorated by Dikpa{as in their respective
positions. The spaces of the upper jangha, have pirjha munrjis and are decorated with
a[asakanyils.

The Mastaka has the usual components, the beki, an amla, khapuri, ka{asha and
a trident, the weapon of the deity.

'The Brahmeswara is a fit1.e temple which shows mature workmanship and

advanced architectural features. We find here for the first time, both on the cubical
and curvilinear portions of the main structure, the miniature replicas of both the
pief.ha and the khilkaril temples, some half finished and some fully carved. In no
other temple except this the miniature replicas of the pief.ha temple appear as
decorations 511 one of the decorative motifs, the gajasirhha which is absent in all the
earlier temptes becomes a definite feature in all later important temples. It is
singular too in having its interior as well as its exterior most elaborately carved and
decorated whereas the carvings in all other temples excepting the great tower.
were confined to the exterior walls. 87 Thus as is remarked by S. K. Saraswati, 'in
its characteristic feature and appearance, the Brahmeswara offers us the nearest
approach to the great Lingaraj'. 5 a

35. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 62.

36. Ibid., p. 62.
37. Mitra, R. L., op.cit., p. 150.
38. Saraswati., S. K., op.cit., pp. 546-S47,
88 Somavarhfi Rule in Orissa

The Lingaraj :
The temple of Lingaraj is the biggest and the greatest of all the temples at
Bhubaneswar. It ranks the best of the group belonging to the Indo-Aryan style of
architecture and represents the Orissan type of temples in its full maturity 8 g
Fergusson 40 puts it as 'the best among temples of the Hindus.'
Tradition current at Bhubaneswar credits Yayati Kefari and Lalatendu Ke5ari
with the building of the temple of Lingaraj. The Mada{iipanji also states that its
construction was first started by Yayati Ke8ari and continued by Ananta Ke$ari and
then completed by Lalatendu Kefari. Of these three names of the panji only Yayati
Ke§ari can be identified with Yayati II of the SomavarhSi genealogy and his son was
Udyotake8ari whose another name was most probably Lalatendu Ke§ari, because
the Lalateodu Kesari cave at Udayagiri still bears an inscription of Udyotake$ari.
Therefore we may infer that the construction of Lingaraj was begun by Yayati II
and was completed by his son Udyotakesari who was also known as Lalatendu
Ke8ari. This is corroborated by the fact that there is a large number of affinities as
regarding architectural and sculptural features between the Brahmeswara and the
Lingaraj. The temple may be dated in between 1025 to 1065 A.O.

The Lingaraj or the great temple occupies the centre of a large Quadrangular
enclosure measuring 520 feet by 465 feet, contained within a high and solid wall, on
the inner face of which is a platform so that on occassions it could be patrolled and
defended. The God enshrined in it is Siva, also known as -rribhuvaneswar and
Bhubaneswar from which the city derives its name.

Being a full developed temple of Orissa the majestic Lingaraj consists of four
frontally projecting sections the deul, the Jagamohana natamandira and the bhoga-
mandira all axially joined. The natamandira and the bhogamandira are-undoubtedly
later additions. It has been noticed by scholars they are built of an altogether
different type of sandstone and their sculpture bear the obvious signs of the artistic
development and peculiarities of a later period.

However the vimana and the Jagamohana of the temple are the most
stupendous structures, at present existing in Orissa and their construction provides
a subject of great interest in the history of Indian architecture as to how this huge
structure could be. raised to such a height when modern machinery was unknown.
The height of the vimana is 127 feet and that of the Jagamohana is 89 feet 2
inches high. u

39. Ganguly, M. M., op.cit., p. 342.

40. Fergusson, J,, op.cit., p. 97.
41. Ganguly, M. M., op.cit.
 Architecture and Sculpture 89

The deul of the sanctum being a rekha structure is pancharatha in plan and is
without a pishta or platform and has a panchanga baifa. The pabhaga itself shows the
richness and high quality of the carvings of the monuments. The baranefa consists of
ten mouldings richly carved. The sculptural decoration of the two jafzghas are richer
and more elegant and the lower jangha is ornamented with khakara mundis. On. the
lower jangha there are man-lions and elephant-lions. In tbe niches of the upper
jangha there are deities like Siva depicted as Ardhanarfsvara and his family members.
Parvati, Gane,sha, Kartikeya etc. and the recesses of the jangha display female figures in
various postures.

However the most impressive feature of the temple as Percy Brown 42 remarks
is 'its great tower which dominates not only the entire composition but the whole
town ofBhubaneswar with its height and volume and unquestionably the crowning
achievement of this temple is the grandmass of the tower which as a work of
architecture is not unworthy of any age or people'. The temple rises in a vertical
sweep with miniature sikhara temples forming part of the temple but not dominating
it. The Sikhara is built of several chambers super-imposed over each other, the
excess to which was obtained through a staircase built in the thickness of the walls.

The components of the mast aka, the khapuri and the kafasha are arranged nicely
and the finial is the trisul or the trident, the weapon of the deity.

The Jagamohana is equally a fine structure which is pancharatha in plan and has
apanchangabada. The natamanefapa and the bhogamanefapa are open halls antl are to
some extent of the same style as the Jagamohana.

Regarding the beauty of the deula and the mukhasil[a of the temple, Fergusson
has made the following appreciative remarks-'the outline of this temple in elevation
is not at first sight pleasing to the European eyes, but when once the eye is
accustomed to it, it has a singularly solemn pleasing aspect and a week's study of
the Jagamohana would every hour reveal new beauties."' 8

Architecturally it is the most outstanding monument showing matured

experience in temple building. In its grace strength and stability it is regarded the
most notable monument not only of India but also in Asia. Its size warrants its
inclusion for such ranking and the skill with which this fine monument has been
planned and executed shows that art has spared no effort to produce a truly great

42. Brown, Percy, op.cit., pp. 122-123.

43. Fergusson, J., op.cit,, pp. 101-103.
12
90 Somavarhsl Rule in Orissa

monument. Moreover the plastic embellishment is in perfect concord with the great
height of the temple, which naturally adds to the temple's beauty.

Although the pancharatha plan of the temple evolved during the preceeding
Bhauma period and is found in the early temples of Somava:rhsi period, it reached its
perfection in the Lingaraj. Decorative art also reached its zenith with the construc-
tion of this temple. Lingaraj is regarded as the latest example of the Indo-Aryan
architecture at Bhubaneswar and the architectural features of Mukteswara, which is
regarded as the typical Orissan pidha deul reached its complete form in this temple.
With all these architectural features fully developed, the Lingaraj temple sets the
norm to follow for the later temples like the Ananta Vasudeva, Sari deul, Yames-
wara etc. during the Ganga period. The temple of Lingaraj became a model for the
great temple of Jagannath at Puri in the later period. The Jagannath temple is
saptaratha in plan but basically the plan follows the decorative program of the
Lingaraj temple.

During the declining years of the Somava:ri:J.si period and the opening years of
the Ganga period there were numerous temples built at Bhubaneswar, which were
only partially decorated and lack the strength, vigour and refinement and the
beautiful characteristics of the best examples of the Somava:rb.Si period.

The Lingaraj temple at Bhubaneswar and the Kandariya temple of Khajuraho

in Bundelkand represent respectively the most finished products of the Kalinga and
central Indian types of the nagara style of architecture and were almost
contemporary. H As we know that Yayati I had invited ten thousand Brahmins from
Kanauj and there was contact with it and it is just possible that the Orissan Silpins
were congizent of Chandella architectural tradition. 'The KhajurahoH temple
stands on a higher platform and is supported by a higher basement and the orderly
repetitions of the miniature sikhara became an element of decoration besides being
additional support to the main and central sikhara. On the other hand the Lingaraj
temple has. not these strengthening factors but what has apparently been a loss has
added to its grace and dignity. The temple abruptly rises from the ground level
without a plinth or platform and goes up in vertical sweep with the rows of
miniature sikharas forming part of the wall surface, but not dominating it. Stability
has been secured not with the help of the miniature sikharas but by the intrinsic
strength and unbroken contour of the tower itself.

44. Brown, Percy, op.cit., pp. 122-133.

45. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit,, pp. 52-53.
 Architecture and Sculpture 91

Sculpture:
Medieval sculpture of Orissa is best illustrated in the temples constructed
during the reign of the SomavarhSi kings. A great deal of progress was made in this
field during their regime. The artists had learnt a lot and achieved a great deal
after the construction of the Parasurameswara and other earlier group of temples at
Bhubaneswar. Previously the walls and interiors of most of the temples were left
plain and unadorned but now the Mukteswara, Rajarani and Brahnieswara were
richly carved and the exterior being profusely ornamented. 0 Thus the entire
structure becomes a fully carved monument with huge decorations.

The sculpture of the early temples were not well developed. The sculptures
of these early group of temples were fl.atened and marked with a lack of
originality.

The temples which were built during the last days of the Bhaumakara rule
indicate a sense of decline in their sculptures. Again we mark the indications of a
resurgence movement in the temples built during the early period of the Somavarhsi
rule. 'A considerable advance of technique and maturity is noticed in the temple of
Mukteswara, which with its superb proportions and exquisite finish of the sculptures
and other decorations indicates a resurgent movement with the advent of the
Somavamsi kings. H Here in this period the sculpture is characterised by its
naturalness and roundness. The deities look more refined and elegant with an
expression of grace and beauty. The plastic work shows a greater sensitivity and
delicacy. Orissan sculpture reached its peak in the temples like the Rajarani,
Brahmeswara and Lingaraj~ These temples are regarded as the best specimens of
Orissan plastic art. The sculptures of this period offer far more exquisite and
delicate loveliness than those of both the earlier and later temples. But the
sculptures of the later temples like the Ananta Vasudeva and the ~ari deul etc. are
devoid of any grace and beauty and also lack its originality due to over-
ornamentation.

Temple sculpture is divided into two broad categories namely cult images
and the decorative motifs. The first category represents the gods and godclesses and
different episodes from their lives and the second category includes secular themes
depicting various scenes from the human life, a!asakanyas, mithunas, birds, animals
and vegetal, floral, geometrical or architectural motifs. 0

46, Mitra, R. L., op.cit., p. 150.

47. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit., p. 158.
48. Saraswati, S. K., op.cit., p. 654.
92 Somavam~f Rule in drissa

For the sculpture of the icons and the cult images though each piece is
regarded a masterpiece of art we shall show here the speciality of a few among
them. The Parf;va devatas of the Lingaraj temple are made of Chlorite that is said to
have been imported from a distant place and was used to ensure greater permanency
and to bring out :finer details of artistic designs. In this temple the :figure of Pi:lrvati
with a lion is very natural and charming. It shows the creative genius of the Orissan
artists. In the same temple the :figure of Bhagavat'i which is nearly 7 feet high, is an
excellent example among the numerous. elaborate and carefully carved statues of
the deities. Such images are :fine examples to show the skill of the architects of
the period.

Among the decorative- motifs the female figures, who are known as
A{ilsakanyas in sculptural terminology, figure very prominently in the temples of
this period and are the most beautiful products of Orissan sculpture. They have
been shown in various postures doing various activities and expressing different
moods. They are graceful with their smiling faces and well proportioned figures.
The charming glances of their eyes have added of life to stone.

The Mukte$wara temple illustrates the successful realistic treatment of animal

forms. In the cornices of the Jagamohana of the Brahmeswara and Lingaraj, the
friezes of birds and animals including horses bear the most attractive features. The
Mukteswara and the Rajarani introduce a new motif that is a swan carrying away a
·string of pearls in its bill (Muktlilobhi·rajahansa). 0 The animal motifs of the
Mukteswara temple were adopted in most of the later temples.

In the earlier temples we can see a large num her of royal personages ascetics
etc. However besides the divine figures purely secular figures were hardly seen.
For the first time secular figures and stories are found in the Mukteswara temple.
This motif was followed by most of the later temples. In this temple persons
carrying offerings to gods, disciples with their teachers, dancers and musicians are
carved very beautifully. To quote Banerjee 50 'in the Rajarani temple human figures
used in decoration are the finest specimens of plastic art in Orissa. In chastity of
design, poise, in execution and sense of proportion the Rajarani figures are perhaps
unrivalled.' In case of pure decorative motifs it possesses a distinct advantage over
the Lingaraj or the Ananta Vasudeva.
The Chaitya window is first used as a decorative motif in the Parasurames-
wara temple but the beginning of its stylisation is first marked in the Mukteswara
temple and it occurs in its latest stylised form on the sikhara of the Rajarani temple.
49. Panigrahi, K. C., op.cit,, p. 121.
50. Banerjee, R. D., op.cit., p. 408.
 Architecture and Sculpture 93

·Another beautiful device, the Nag a and Nagi :figures are represented for the
first time as half serpents and half human beings with canopies of serpent hood over
their head in the Mukteswara temple. u Before that the Naga :figures occured rarely
in the temples and that too in the form of human :figures with canopies of serpent
hoods over their heads. More0ver in the earlier temples the Naga was not
accompanied by the Na,gi. This form of representing the Niiga and Niigi :figures as
decorative motifs was followed by all other later temples.

The sculpture during the Somava:rhsi period reveals exquisite beauty of

execution and a high degree of skill possessed by its workman. The artists of the
period have shown their zeal and genius in the sculptures of the above mentioned
temples. Some images of this time are regarded to be the best specimens of
sculpture. Fine scroll works are to be noticed in the images carved on stones, of
which the PGJ'svade,vatas provide the best examples. In the Lingaraj temple, the
balustrades, the windows, the sun god, marriage scenes and various poses of the
female :figures, decorations etc. are the greatest contribution of the artist of this
perird to Orissan sculpture. In short the sculpture of this period exhibit some
pleasing characteristics and the images present charm, dignity, graceful pose and
radiant spiritual expression.

51. Panigrahi; K, C., op,cit., p. 116.

 CONCLUSION

The Somavarb.Si rule was an important epoch in the political and cultural
history of Orissa. Their manifold activities in various :fields ushered in a new era in
the history of Orissa and for that they remained immortal in the minds of the
Orissan people.

As is known from the available sources as many as 13 rulers ruled for nearly
200 years starting from 919 to 1118 A.D. Almost all of them were great warriors
and efficient rulers who ruled over a vast kingdom covering the whole of the districts
of Bolangir, Sambalpur, Ballisore, Cuttack, Puri as well as parts of Oanjam,
Mayurbhanj and Kalahan<;li and the Midnapore districts.

Political unification of Orissa was an important achievement of the Somavarhsi

kings. They were originally the rulers of Ko8ala, but the real founder ofthe
greatness of the dynasty was Janmejaya Mahabhavagupta I who seized and assumed
the sovereignty over 0(1.ra in Toshali or Utkala and thereby he prepared the ground
for his successors to conquer the whole of Utkala or the entire coastal regions of
Orissa. Further extension of the Somavarhsi power took place in the second half of
the lOth century A.D. under Yayati II Cha:ijdihara. He became th.e lord of Kalinga,
Kongoda, Utkala and Ko8ala. Thus the Somava:rhsi kings who followed him united
the upper Mahanadi valley and there by completed the unification of Orissa.

The Somavamsis established the invincibility of the Orissan army in their

many successful expeditions against countries like Kamat.a, Lata, Gurjara, Kanchi,
Gau(la ect. They had many encounters with their traditional enemies, the
Kalachuris. They could maintain the political solidarity and independent status
inspite of the invasions of the Rashtrakutas, Cholas, Nii.gas, Telugu Cho(l.as and
the Ga.ngas.

When the Somavamsi kin_gs ascended the throne of Utkala there was anarchy
as well as misrule prevailing. throughout the country, which was threatened by
external forces and disturbed by internal feuds. There was no progress in the
cultural field. There were neither law and order nor peace and unity in the
kingdom. It was the rulers of this dynasty who brought to an end years of misrule
and anarchy and saved Orissa from internal decay and external dangers, set up an
efficient, strong and well-organised system of government for the welfare of the
people. Concentration of power in the monarchy was the basis of their administra-
tion which however was not of a despotip character. The council of ministers served
 Conclusion 95

as a restraint on the power of the monarchs and welfare of the people was the
guiding principle of administration. Some of the principles of administration as
seen in their copper plates indicates quite advanced type of government systems.
The machinary of administration organised by the Somavarilsis was of a more
elaborate and systematic type than that under tbe Bhaumakaras. This system
provided a pattern for that of the later dynasties of medieval Orissa. The Gangas
who succeeded them followed their examples. They also for sometime made
Yayati nagara their capital. Though the designation of officers was identical in the
records of both the Bhaumakaras and Somavarils1s, some new designations like
Samahartri, Sannidhatri, pisun vetrik, pundarikaksha, niyuktaka, adhikarika etc. are found
for the first time in the Somava:rhsi records.

The peace that prevailed an.d the patronage that the kings provided facilitated
many sided developments of the cultural life. Religion, art architecture and
sculpture flourished well under the fostering care of the rulers.

In the field of religion the period witnessed the climax of Saivism in Orissa.
The revival of the glory of Saivism which had lost much of its popularity in the
previous period was a great achievement of the Somava:rhsi kings. They sought to
give it impetus by building many magnificent Saiva temples, liberally making land
grants, by inviting many saiva ascetics from far off places, by performing orthodex
vedic rites and rituals and sacrifices. It is during this period that the temple
building activity in Orissa reached a high watermark of glory. Many temples
dedicated to Lord Siva headed by the great Lingaraj were b~ought into being in
the hightide of Saivite faith, which flooded Orissa at that time. However in keeping
with the time honoured practice of the rulers of Orissa, they showed tolerance to
other faiths like Buddhism, Jainism, Vaishanavism, Saktism etc. which also
prospered well under their tolerant rule.

The greatest and the most enduring contribution of the Somavari:Jsi kings to
Orissan life and culture was made in the realm of art and architecture. The period
is a great landmark in Orissan as well as in fadia.n art. A large number of
monuments were constructed which represent the finest specimens of Orissan art
and architecture. Advanced techniques were employed in the field of architecture,
which surpassed all other previous ages. From epigraphic and literary sources it
is known that the temple of Brahmeswara, Lingaraj, Rajarani and Mukteswara were
constructed during this period. It has rightly been remarked that an artistic skill
attained after centuries of experiences and liberal incentive given to the artists by
the Somavarilsis provided necessary foundations for raising such magnificent edifices
as Lingaraj, Brahmeswara, Mukteswara and the RajaranI. A considerable progress
was made in the development of temple architecture of Orissa. The :first stage of
96 Somavarhsi Rule in Ori$Sa

development being started in the Sailodbhava period reached its culmination in this
period which introduced almost all the :new architectural features and decorative
motifs to the early Orissan art, Truly has it been remarked that 'the Orissan temple
reached its complete form towards the close of the Somavamsi period. The
architectural activities in the later period though by no means scarce were more
concerned with elaboration than with any introduction of new features or forms
indicating new directions of development.'

The sculptures of the period also received a new treatment and distinguished
themselves by their special features from the art products of the other periods.
Some of the images of the period are regarded as the best specimens of sculpture,
which reveal exquisite beauty and execution and a high degree of skill possessed
by its workmen. The pllrsvadevatas the Chaitya windows and the scroll works used
for the decorative motifs in the temple are the greatest contributions of the artists of
the period to Orissan sculpture.

Like art and architecture which practically reached the zenith of its glory,
Sanskrit literature also developed to a great extent. Some of the great scholars of
the medieval period :flourished in Orissa during this period. Numerous land grants
were made to learned Brahmal)as to encourage the study of Sanskrit literature. These
scholars composed many notable works in Sanskrit. Besides Sanskrit literature,
many other secular subjects were also studied and some of the kings themselves
were great scholars. The age was not only noted for the development of Sanskrit
literature, but also marked the formative epoch for the growth of Oriya literature.
In the inscriptions composed in Sanskrit we come across typical Oriya words like
Khambha, Punya, Miichha etc.

Thus the Somavamsi period forms an important landmark both in the political
and cultural history of Orissa. The rulers were great conquerors who revived the
martial traditions of Qrissa created by Kharavela. They gave Orissa a geographical
unity and a homogeneous culture for the :first time which became a united
centralised and a strong empire under one sceptre. They are regarded as the
makers of modern Orissa or Utkala. Although their political achievements did not
survive their rule, their cultural activity formed a lasting legacy for the people of
Orissa, which will ever remain a golden chapter in the history oflndia.
 GLOSSARY OF SOME ARCHITECTURAL TERMS

aJasa kanya : indolent or playful maiden (nayika) female figures in various

poses decorating the exterior facade of the temple.
amala, amalaka : fluted disc. resembling an amalaka fruit or :flattened melon,
crowning the top of the spire.
anga-sikhara : miniature representation of rekha on the spire of the temple.
anuraha: narrow vertical wall point (recess) between the proj,ectin~
pagas, on later temples fitted with naga stambhas, viralas and
alsa kanyas on the bada, on the gancji it is generally filled with
superimposed miniature shrines.
wall portion of -the temple below the curvilinear spire
consisting of pabhaga,.jangha, bandhana and barancja on later
temples_ the baranda is generally_ incorporated into the_ gan<;li
on the rekha deal.
bandhana: string course, .series of horizontal mouldings along a wall.
baran<;la: a set of mouldings forming the topmost portion of bada.
beki: neck partof temple between the spire and the amalaka.
bhoga mancjapa : the refectory hall- of a temple generaHy added infront of the
nata mandira on the east west axial alignment.
bhumi: storry, plane horizontal divisi0n- of the spire or gaudi.

chaitya: ornamental motif rasembling· the window of a rock cut chaitya

hall in the general shape of a horseshoe.
deul: general name of the temple as a whole 1 when used alone
refers to the -ianctuary as distinguished from the hall or
jagmohana.

gan<;li: curvilinear spire above the bada divided into pagas vertically
and bhumis, horizontally ; sikhara.
ghanta: bell shaped member in the finial of a pi<;lha deul.
jagamohana: rectangular or square hall or proch in front of the sanctum.
jangha: vertical wall portion of the bacja between the mouldings, on
later temples it may be divided into two stories by a string.
course.
kalasa : water jar, crowing element of the temple in form of a stone
vase figuring at the container of the nectar of immortality.
108 SomavamSi Rul~ in Otissa

kanika: corner ventral segment running from the base of the ba<Ja to
the top of the gangi also called kanika, karna.
khakara :· semi cylindrical ·member resembling the kakharu, a local
variety of pumpkin.
khakara deul : temple having a khakhara as the crowning member; ab-long
in shape and in Orissa always dedicated to a form of the
goddess.
khapuri: skull, slightly curved stone slab coveting the roof of the
amalaka ; :kharpara.
man<Japa: hall in front of the main shrine; jagamohana.
mastaka: crowning element above the spire or gan<Ji.
mun<Ji: miniature shrine as decorative motif.
nata mandira: festive hall generally placed in front of jagamohana, dancing
hall.
pabhaga: set of lowermost mouldings at the base of the temple ; panca
karna.
paga: vertical projecting divisions of the wall and spire of the
tern pie ; ratha.
paiQ.ha: downward curving pediment projecting member constituting
the pyramidal roof of a jagamohana.
piQha deul: temple with roof made of pidhas in steps of adminishing size
forming a pyramidal shape with crowning mastaka.
pi<jlia munQ.i : miniature representation of the pidha deul as an ornamental
motif.
pitha: base or platforms of the temple below the pabhaga ; plinth.
rekha deul: order of temple characterised by a curvilinear spire which
presents the appearance of a continuous line.
sikhara: spire of the temple, gangi.
toralJ.a: portal, porch, entrance, arch.