THE 1972 EDUCATIONAL POLICY OF PAKISTAN: AN

HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF ITS MARXIAN CONTENT

Iftikhar Ur Rehman Durrani & Sarfraz Hussain Ansari*

Abstract
After the dismemberment of Pakistan in 1971, the Pakistan People’s Party came
into power and promulgated its education policy in 1972. The party was founded in
1967 and its Foundation Documents contained Marxian phrases like ‘social change
through inexorable process of history’, etc. Though, the 1972 education policy did have
some Marxian content, it was very much diluted. For example, the new policy
contained the milder phrase ‘comprehending nature of technical and social change’.
This paper takes the view that Marxian ideas had to compete with existing more
important modes of culture and politics in Pakistan, particularly the claim that the
country had Islamic origin. The study traces the failure of early efforts at promoting
communist ideas and espousal of such ideas by Pakistan People’s Party in its
Foundation Document in 1967. It then discusses dilution of such ideas by the time they
were incorporated in the National Education Policy 1972-80, highly modified and made
very much palatable to Pakistani population.

Key Words: Pakistan People’s Party, Socialism, Marxian Ideas, Communist

Party of Pakistan

Introduction

R esults of the 1970 elections in Pakistan represented premonition of

ominous events that were going to overtake the country within a period of
one year. The results were that Awami League in the Eastern wing won all
but one of 163 seats allotted to that province for representation in the National
Assembly. The party did not have a single seat in the Western wing. Something
similar took place in the Western wing where the newly formed Pakistan
People’s Party won 89 out of 137 seats allotted to that wing. The PPP as well did
not field any candidate in the Eastern wing.1
The results were an anathema for the Martial Law government under whose
supervision the elections were conducted and who were to induct the incoming
government into office.2 The government represented the country’s military
that entertained some fears against the Awami League whose leadership had
been implicated in a conspiracy against General Ayub Khan, was known to have
connections with Indian intelligence apparatus and, above all, publicly
expressed views considered inimical to the integrity of the country.3 The
Western wing did not present any promising situation either. Here, Z. A.

*
Mr. Iftikhar Ur Rehman Durrani is PhD Scholar of Government and Public Policy at National
Defence University Islamabad and Dr. Sarfraz Hussain Ansari is Assistant Professor of
Government and Public Policy at National Defence University Islamabad.

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Bhutto, who led the PPP, did not want to remain behind in the race and
advocated sharing of power in the federal government.4 Failure of the three
stakeholders to come to an agreement resulted in civil war in which the Eastern
wing, with the help of Indian Army, declared independence with the new
country named Bangladesh. Pakistan retained the name with the reduction in
its size to the area of the Western wing.5 Some military officials with clout
invited Z. A. Bhutto to become president and civil Chief Martial Law
Administrator.
Upon assuming office, Bhutto set himself to devise new policies and
undertake reforms which he had promised during his campaign for the 1970
elections.6 Probably the first and the most important reforms were in the form
of nationalization of schools and colleges announced at the same time as
national education policy, 1972.

Research Problem
“Education and Culture” section of the Foundation Documents of Pakistan
People’s Party in 1967 emphasised that the younger generation of the country
had to be prepared not only to understand the universe but to alter the same.
Such views of Marx were contained in his thesis on Feuerbach when he said:
“The philosophers have only interpreted the world; the point is to change it.”7
Students were further envisaged, under Marxian terms, to have “deep
comprehension of the nature of social change and of inexorable process of
history.” This Marxian view based on Marx’s ‘materialist conception of history’
apparently negated any role of God in the history of mankind.
Such Marxian language/terms were changed when formulating objectives
for the 1972 educational policy. Phrases expressing the two major Marxian views,
i.e. ‘understanding of universe and altering it’ and ‘comprehension of the
inexorable process of history’ were deleted. This paper attempts for analyse as to
how this came about – how ideas with Marxian content contained in the 1967
Foundation Documents of PPP came to be diluted in the education policy
document of 1972.

Significance of the Study

The study is important because Marxian features tended to attract negative
comments regarding the ideology of the PPP, i.e. being labeled as socialist and,
thereby, reprehensible in the eyes of many people in the country. There
occurred an ideological conflict wherein Marxian features could not gain much
support in the system. However, the party still adheres to being socialist in
orientation and can conceivably pursue such a policy in the future. It is
important that those with interest in the country’s education policy gain

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awareness about educational views of a national level party with considerable

political following and influence on the country’s public affairs.

Methods and Resources

This is a qualitative study using historical approach with description and
analysis. The material comes from Government documents, document of the
Pakistan People’s Party. Use is made of books by and on Marx, books relating to
PPP as well as Pakistan’s general history.

Line of Argument
This study posits that Marxian features contained in the PPP’s Foundation
Documents had to compete with other more important modes of culture and
politics existing in the country, namely, the consciousness among many, that
Pakistan’s origin had Islamic basis. Indeed, the recent dismemberment of the
country set people to think deeper about the security of the remaining Pakistan.
In this connection, many came to hold the view that for the safety of the new
Pakistan, there was need to further promote and strengthen the Islamic
character of the country.8 Given this position, the paper discusses the failure of
initial efforts at the promotion of communist ideas in Pakistan from the
inception of the country upto 1954; the post-1954 clandestine work by
communist cadres till the abdication of Ayub Khan in 1969; the dominant role
of J. A. Rahim in the insertion of Communist ideas into the Foundation
Documents and the dilution of such ideas before their incorporation in the 1972
education policy. Finally, the paper assesses the significance of whatever
Marxian notions included in the policy document.

Initial Promotion of Marxian Ideas in Pakistan 1947-1954

Communist ideas spread in British India as a result of some Muslim and
Hindu religio-political activists/individuals who came into contact with Russian
communist leadership seeking help for eradicating the British rule in India.9
Such individuals, particularly Muslims, were struck by the similarities between
Islam and Marxian thought by way of eliminating exploitation and establishing
social justice among people. By 1930s, there was a full-fledged movement
spreading the Marxian ideas, particularly among writers in the field of
literature.10
The process of independence from the British rule ended into the division
of British India into two countries, namely, India containing majority of Hindu
population, and Pakistan containing majority of Muslim population. Pakistan
had two wings separated by Indian territory in between, one lying to the East
and other to the West of India. The division was partly facilitated by the
decision of the Communist Party of India (CPI) in 1944-45 not to oppose the

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creation of a separate country which Muslim leaders were demanding. As a

result, some well known Muslim communists became members of the Muslim
League and played very active role during the 1945-46 elections11 resulting for
the Muslim League in overwhelming majorities in such provinces as Bengal,
Punjab and Sindh.12
The CPI also decided, in 1948, to bifurcate, sending some experienced
Muslim members to organize Communist Party in Pakistan (CPP). The party did
make some progress there, developing some connections with military
personnel and, it seems, that top leadership at that time was not averse to the
idea of coming into power through a coup. The military contacts came to be
uncovered in 1951. Resultantly the party was banned in 1954 and a number of
members and sympathizers were sent to jail under the case known as
‘Rawalpindi Conspiracy.’13
The party, in fact, began to encounter intellectual opposition even before its
being banned in 1951. Sajjad Zaheer, who headed the party till 1954, was keen on
pushing the role of the intelligentsia in society. In his messages, he emphasized
upon writers to have a mastery of Marxist ideology and establish study circles.
In such circles, intellectuals and creative people, especially those linked to the
CPP, were to study the works of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin, as well as relevant
literature from Europe and Britain. The writers were also encouraged to pen
essays, articles, and literary criticism for popular consumption. This was to
counter bourgeois and ‘reactionary’ ideologies that were, according to him,
being propagated then by the state and by class enemies.
The intelligentsia was mainly located in the All Pakistan Progressive
Writers’ Association. Some of the progressive writers accepted the Marxist views
as to how historical events were shaped by social forces and argued for progress
based on objective truths. Response by some writers, however, was ambivalent
in terms of universal truths, about what path history should take and how
change would occur in the foreseeable future. People, like Hassan Askari,14 were
in favour of creating a Muslim National culture. This went against the notion of
the future desired by Zaheer and the CPP.
Sajjad Zaheer’s intellectual encounter with Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi proved
to be quite damaging for the party. Zaheer, criticizing one of Qasmi’s newspaper
articles, urged intellectuals to join the struggle for a socialist transformation
under the leadership of the Communist Party. In his view, attaching themselves
to communist struggle, the intellectuals “could realize the development of
literature, art, and culture.”15
Qasmi came from a respectable household in Punjab, and chose to become
a professional writer. He became the first General Secretary of the All-Pakistan
Progressive Writers’ Association (APPWA) and also editor of the Nuqush, the

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foremost progressive literary journal. He was, for some time, editor of two
dailies, the Imroze and the Pakistan Times. Qasmi was sympathetic to the CPP
but had somewhat different views than those of Zaheer on the issue of Islam in
political life. Qasmi maintained that Islam and communism complemented
each other. In his view, if they were intelligently interpreted, social justice
would be established in Pakistan. The way forward, according to Qasmi, was to
reinstitute the practice of ‘ijtihad’ which should reflect the needs of the
majority. In Qasmi’s view, Islam could help in the eradication of the class
system and, if communism could absorb the spiritual and moral values of Islam,
then both could serve the “same purpose: that of betterment of human life.”16
Communism’s stands for economic welfare could be strengthened by a moral
code, which Islam could provide. Qasmi advised the communist workers not to
criticize the true principles of Islam. That, in his view, would hinder them from
coming closer to the masses. He suggested propagation of the similarities and
let people see that the moral arguments of Islam and communism are the same.
Qasmi’s critique led to many, (including Qasmi himself) becoming dissatisfied
with the CPP’s hard-line politics. There were other severer critiques giving the
Muslim League government pretext to proceed to label the party as anti-state
and, eventually, ban it in 1954.

The Post 1954 Clandestine Work by Communist Cadres

When the government banned the party in 1954, its centre was destroyed.
Sajjad Zaheer was released that year. He left for India, never to return. An
internal report criticized Sajjad Zaheer for “his adventurist position.”17 The party
functioned in various mass fronts (whether in student groups, labour fronts, or
peasant organizations) in different parts of the country without a centralized
structure guiding them. Individual members and leaders entered into alliances
with emerging political formations and political parties known to be nationalist,
secular, and anti-imperialist in orientation. Many joined the Awami League
which was led by the peasant leader Maulana Abdul Hamid. This allowed the
communist elements to continue work in the more rapidly industrializing cities
like Karachi. There, collusion of bureaucracy with industrialists worked to the
suppression of the working class.” Owing to the work of the left activists, worker
unrest increased, giving rise to several labour strikes.
However, by the early 1960s, they split into pro-China and pro-Soviet
groups. The pro-China Left elements started becoming more restrained in their
critique of the government. The Maoist groups with more radical anti-
imperialist slogans (anti-Americanism and support for the people of Vietnam),
their anti-India stand, and call for active (and armed) struggle became quite
popular among the youth and the students. The pro-Chinese Karachi committee
was able to bring some of the most dedicated cadres into its fold, including the

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larger faction of the National Student Federation (NSF) and, thereby, the
famous student leader, Mairaj Mohammad Khan.18
Relations between Ayub Khan’s government and labour went on
deteriorating. His Industrial Dispute Ordinance brought several industries
under the essential services banner prohibiting the formation of unions there.
Strikes were made illegal and the registration of unions bureaucratic and
difficult. Retrenchment and dismissals became common tools for disciplining
workers. An outburst of workers’ accumulated frustrations occurred in the
March 1963 in Karachi’s Sind Industrial Trading Estate (SITE). The strikes led to
police firing on demonstrating labourers, several people were killed and that led
to further strikes.19 Indeed, Ayub Khan’s ‘decade of development’ was seen as
decade of exploitation and deliberate promotion of inequality so that 22 families
came to amass most of the country’s wealth. In the end, intellectuals, the urban
poor, and the working classes participated in a massive civil disobedience
movement against Ayub Khan’s regime.20

J. A. Rahim and Insertion of Communist Ideas into

Foundation Documents of PPP
After Pakistan-India war of 1965, the Soviet Russia mediated between the
two neighbours in an attempt to bring normalcy in their relations. The Indian
Prime Minister died in Moscow without making any concessions to Pakistan on
her vital question, namely, the Kashmir problem. Relations between Ayub Khan
and his foreign minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto became strained.21 The latter
attributed failure on Kashmir issue to leniency on the part of Ayub Khan,
exonerating himself from the perceived failures of the Pakistan delegation on
the discussion table in Moscow. He had to leave the cabinet and was in search
of a new role for which he contacted some Pakistani leaders and parties, without
visible success. He was, however, well received by young and enthusiastic
individuals while on a tour of Europe; they urged him to form a new party.22
During the tour, Bhutto met Jalal ud Din Abdul Rahim (J. A. Rahim), the
then Pakistan’s ambassador in France. They had earlier acquaintance when
Bhutto was foreign minister and Rahim recognized talent in Bhutto. Bhutto has
left a record of high praise for Rahim, which also shows the latter’s role in
founding the PPP. Says Bhutto: “Above all he, more than anyone else, made me
decide to launch a new party. Actually he and I formed it in Paris in 1966. He
worked hard on the foundation papers.”23
Rahim did his BSc in Political Science and Philosophy. He was described as
“a communist and political philosopher.” 24 As Bhutto recognized, he authored
the Foundation Documents, infusing a lot of communist ideas into them. The
section on ‘Education and Culture’ carried the following ideas to be pursued in
the education sector:25

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Educational goals have to be defined afresh. The basic problem of education is that
younger generations have to be prepared not merely to understand the universe
around them but to alter it. They must acquire a deep comprehension of the
nature of social change and of inexorable process of history. Not only that they
must be armed with scientific tools to unravel the mysteries of observable
phenomenon but also they must have intellectual integrity and courage to accept
the truth as it emerges before their eyes.

Two points seem to be particularly important; (1) not only understanding

the universe but also altering the same; (2) comprehension of nature of social
change and the inexorable process of history. In the first point, the words used
are “understanding the universe surrounding the younger generation”. The
word universe seems to carry both the meanings, namely, the physical as well as
the social universe. As such, the education system is called upon to furnish
knowledge both about nature and society. But seeking knowledge about them is
not enough. What is more important is to change both society and the physical
units. Changing the physical universe would require acquisition of scientific
knowledge and use of the same in technology. In the case of society, knowledge
should result in change of social relations, from what are deemed as undesirable
to those that are deemed desirable. This is a clear allusion to Marx’s famous
thesis on Feuerbach. Marx praised Feuerbach as “the only one who has a serious
and critical relation to Hegel’s dialectic, who has made real discoveries in this
field.” However, Marx poured formidable criticism on the otherwise much-
prized Feuerbach understanding of philosophy, and concluded: “The
philosophers have only interpreted the world in different ways; the point is to
change it.”26 This relates to Marx’s theory of praxis.27
The second point emphasizes acquiring deep comprehension of the nature
of social change and the inexorable process of history. The phrase “inexorable
process of history” is particularly Marxian. Marx emphasized that proletarian
revolution against the bourgeois was a historical inevitability. Marx adopted the
dialectical method viewing history to progress from the conflict of opposing
forces. Such conflict was to arise between two classes – the class that owned the
means of production and the class that applied its labour for production. In a
country like Pakistan, such phenomenon would look too materialistic an
interpretation of history, an interpretation that would exclude God’s role in the
history of mankind.

Dilution of Rahim’s Marxian Features

The politico-cultural environment of Pakistan at the end of 1960s and early
1970s was such that Rahim’s communist innovations came to be transformed
when included in the 1972 education policy. The portion that formed the
Marxian content now was related in the third objective of the policy:28

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Building up and nurturing the total personality of the individual, dynamic, creative
and capable of facing the truth as it emerges from the objective study of reality: an
individual able to comprehend fully the nature of technical and social change and
having deep concern for the improvement of society.

The new provisions in the 1972 education policy relating to Marxian content
had been largely softened. Terms perceived by Muslims to be alarming to their
faith such as ‘not only understanding the universe but to alter it’, ‘inexorable
process of history’ and ‘objective truth’ etc, did not find place in the education
policy though they had adorned the Foundation Documents of 1967 and the
Manifesto of the Pakistan People’s Party of 1970. The new formulation of the
Marxian content did contain the phrase ‘the truth as it emerges from the
objective study of reality’ but this could be subsumed under the general
positivist methodology, without raising many fears in the Muslims.
Similarly, ‘building up through education, the total personality of the
individual’ to be dynamic and creative, has a familiar ring in formulating
educational objectives. The previous emphasis on comprehension of ‘inexorable
process of history’ was now deleted, though restated in terms of comprehending
‘nature of technical and social change and having deep concern for the
improvement of society’. The restatement could be taken as a very desirable
objective in a country like Pakistan.
How did this dilution in Marxian feature come about? Answer to this
question has been indicated in stating the line of argument of this paper,
namely, that the efforts to infuse Marxian ideas into Pakistan had to compete
with the existing culture and beliefs among the people of Pakistan.29 For the
Muslim culture, Marxian ideas represented a foreign body and were not able to
effectively penetrate. On the other hand, reaction arose which led to distancing
from ideas which Rahim had injected in the initial documents of the Pakistan
People’s Party. That distancing is discussed in the following pages.

Distancing from Rahim’s Emphasis on Marxian

Terminology
Marxism’s strong antireligious and materialistic biases have always been
embarrassing to socialists in Muslim societies. Bhutto sought to meet this
difficulty by adopting the term “Islamic Socialism,” which Jinnah and, Liaquat
Ali Khan, and others in Pakistan had used before him.30 Those opposing Bhutto
alleged Islamic socialism to be a contradiction in terms. In their view, socialism
was antithetical to God and religious teachings. It, therefore, could not be
Islamic. In response, Bhutto emphasized his personal dedication to Islam,
asserted similarity between Islam and socialism regarding economic matters,
and declared that his espousal of socialism posed no danger to Islam.

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In Bhutto’s view “the first seeds of socialism had flowered under Islam.” 31 He
contended that the Prophet and his successors had organized the polity
observing equality. Bhutto offered a sophisticated version of the above
argument during the 1970 election campaign. He said:32
The roots of socialism lie deep in profoundly ethical view of life. We of the
Pakistan People’s Party earnestly maintain that the high ideals of Islam in relation
to society can be attained only through a socialist system abolishing the
exploitation of man by man. We believe that the nature of justice in the world
demanded by our religion is inherent in the conception of a classless society …
Capitalist society has a class structure which is opposed to the equality and
brotherhood enjoined upon Muslims by Islam. When we call our economic
program Islamic socialism we are … within the moral traditions of Islam. In the
name of justice, the Pakistan People’s Party spells out Islam in concrete terms of
fraternity and friendship.

Bhutto was cautious in his descriptions of both socialism and Islam. The
Foundations documents contained a number of communist terms as – “class
struggle”, “labor theory of value”, “surplus value”, and “functional superfluity of
landlords and industrialists.”33 Bhutto avoided such radical assertions as: “value
systems and creative expressions, including religion, resulted from the
prevailing technology and the relations of production”. In his defence of
socialism, he primarily emphasised the following elements: “egalitarianism in
the area of distribution; public ownership of economic enterprises established
by the government’s own initiative or acquired commercial properties; and
forcible acquisition and redistribution of agricultural land.”34 Thus, Bhutto’s
emphasis on socialism having characteristics akin to Islam, went to dilute the
Marxist content adumbrated by J. A. Rahim in the Foundation Documents.
Even more important in this direction were the ideas of a group, within
PPP, described as Islamic Socialists. They took inspiration from Allama
Muhammad Iqbal, recognized as the poet-philosopher of Pakistan.
Intellectually, they identified themselves Arab world: the Ikhwan Group and
Arab Socialism. The Islamic Socialists agreed on the multiclass character of the
PPP and avoided presenting issues in ways that would create class conflict.
Islamic Socialism, according to Hanif Ramay, was ‘imposed on the PPP, after the
founding convention and in the face of opposition by some of the ‘radical
socialists.’ Among the latter was, of course, J.A. Rahim.35
According to Ramay,36
“Islamic Socialism was something that the people could identify with’; it was a
guarantee ‘that we didn’t want to bring atheistic communism to Pakistan. The
term began to take hold after the People’s Party leaders began to refer to it in the
vernacular as Islami Musawat (Islamic equality) and Musawat-i-Muhammadi,
terms that substantively simplified the original body of thought.”

Many PPP leaders sought to locate the ideology of the party in the historic
traditions of social justice in Islam. According to Mir Rasul Bakhsh Talpur, the

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PPP “believed not in the socialism of Karl Marx, but of Abu Zar Ghaffari, Shah
Wali’ullah and Maulana Hasrat Mohani.”37
The Islamic Socialists had a major role in resolving the fears of many pious
Muslims in Pakistan about the character of the PPP and its leaders. The Urdu
journal, Nusrat, carried media attack on Islamic parties that opposed PPP. It
also disseminated and explicated the PPP programme in terms of Islam.38
However, Islamic Socialism of PPP did not graduate from a slogan within the
wider party to a systemic philosophy that could guide party policy. Many party
leaders and PPP Members of the National and Provincial Assemblies did not go
beyond the view of Islamic Socialism as a propaganda tool to placate public
opinion.

Conclusion
Communist elements, particularly J. A. Rahim, played a crucial part in the
founding of the Pakistan People’s Party and greatly influenced the content of
the Foundation Documents in 1967. The documents contain several Marxian
notions in the chapter on education. Through the use of such notions, the PPP
desired to bring about fundamental changes in the education of the youth. A
glaring Marxian phrase was: “Comprehension of the nature of social change and
of inexorable process of history.” This notion cuts at the roots of revelation and
not acceptable in civilizations based on revelation. Pakistan People’s Party
presented itself to be socialist party, and had to face opposition and criticism on
account of Marxian content of the Foundation documents. The party changed
the terminology to make its program palatable. The paper has traced the efforts
at infusing Marxist ideas aimed at establishing a communist system in the
country, and great resistance they met. When the 1972 education policy came, it
had to be much watered down because of such resistance.

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Endnotes

1
Hamid Yusuf, Pakistan: A Study Of Political Developments 1947-97 (Sang-e-meel
Publications, 1999): 120-122
2
Legal Framework Order, President’s Order No.2 PLD 1970 Central Statutes
(1970).
3
See Chapter 6 titled: “Tripartite Political Negotiations Before Confrontation” in
G.W. Choudhury, The Last Days of United Pakistan. (London: C. Hurst
Company, 1974): 132-160.
4
Yusuf, “Pakistan”, 212.
5
Rounaq Jahan, Pakistan: Failure In National Integration (Columbia University
Press, 1972).
6
Khalid B. Sayeed, Politics in Pakistan: The nature and direction of change.
(New York: Praeger Publishers, 1980) 99-110.
7
Karl Marx, in T. B. Bottomore, and Maximilien Rubel. Karl Marx: Selected
Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy (Harmonds worth: Penguin, 1961):85
8
The importance of the country’s ideology and culture and inculcation in the
younger generation was expressed in the legislation, namely Establishment of
Pakistan Study Centre Act. Such centres were envisaged to carry out research
and teachings that would create and strengthen positive attitude towards the
country.
9
“Of socialism and Islam” Dawn July 08, 2011 URL:
https://www.dawn.com/news/642407
10
Khizar Humayun Ansari, The Emergence of Socialist Thought Among North
Indian Muslims, 1917-1947 (Book Traders, 1990).
11
Habib Manzer, "Communists In The Muslim League." In Proceedings of the
Indian History Congress, vol. 69, pp. 563-573.Indian History Congress, 2008.Also
see his "The Communist Party And The Muslim League, 1937-1947."
In Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol. 64, pp. 1036-1048. Indian
History Congress, 2003.
12
Kamran Asdar Ali, Surkh Salam: Communist Politics and Class Activism in
Pakistan, 1947-1972. (Oxford University Press, 2015): 126.
13
Aqil Shah, The Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan. (London:
Harvard University Press, 2014): 42-46.
14
Hassan Askari was a well known progressive writer in British India, came to
Pakistan after partition.
15
Ali “Surkh Salam”, 126.
16
Ibid; 126-28.
17
Ibid; 202.
18
Ibid; 232-233.
19
Ibid; 243.
20
Sayeed, “Politics in Pakistan”, 88.
21
Stanley A. Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan: His Life And Times (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1993).
22
Philip Edward Jones, The Pakistan People's Party: Rise To Power (USA: Oxford
University Press, 2003).
23
Wallport quoted in Yousuf “Pakistan”, 139.

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24
M. Asghar Khan, We have Learnt Nothing from History (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 2005): 305.
25
Manifesto of Pakistan People’s Party 1970, 29.
26
Marx, “Karl Marx”, 85
27
In the Thesis on Feuerbach Marx detailed the shortcomings that he claimed to
find in the existing materialist doctrine that in his view, overlooked the active
side of man. In so doing, the previous thought ignored human practice. Such
practice in Marx’s view, was world changing activity. See Ernst Fischer, Marx in
his own words. (Harmonds worth: Penguin Books, 1973): 92.
28
Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education, National Education Policy
1972 (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, 1972): 1.
29
Allama Muhammad Iqbal in 1937 described socialism to be something atheistic
See Iqbal’s Letter to Jinnah, (Lahore: M Ashraf Publishers, 1937).
30
Liaqat Ali Khan pronounced in the Constituent Assembly: “It shall be our
endour to continue on these socialist lines, for these are the same as Islam has
taught us” see Leonard Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan (University of
California Press, 1961): 185.
31
Jones “The Pakistan People’s Party”, 118.
32
Ibid; 119.
33
Manifesto of the Pakistan People’s Party 1970.
34
Ibid.
35
Yusuf, “Pakistan”, 138.
36
Jones, “The Pakistan People’s Party”, 222.
37
Ibid; 223.
38
Ibid.

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