Islamic Revolution Era in Indonesia: Universitas Mercu Buana Jakarta Barat

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Islamic Revolution Era in

Indonesia
This report will tell about how struggle Islam to take the Independence of Indonesia through the
Islamic Organization. For more details, please read the continuation.

Islamic Religion Group


Member :
1. Alvin Irwanto
2. Faiz Athalah Wisdi
3. Riska Putri Chubara
4. Riksa Suviana Rochman

Universitas Mercu Buana


Jakarta Barat
[
Islamic Revolution Era in Indonesia

The Dutch entered the region in the 17th century due to its lucrative wealth
established through the region's natural resources and trade. The entering of the Dutch
resulted in a monopoly of the central trading ports. However, this helped the spread of
Islam, as local Muslim traders relocated to the smaller and remoter ports, establishing
Islam into the rural provinces. Towards the beginning of the 20th century "Islam
became a rallying banner to resist colonialism."
During this time the introduction of steam-powered transportation and printing
technology was facilitated by European expansion. As a result, the interaction
between Indonesia and the rest of the Islamic world, in particular the Middle East, had
significantly increased. In Mecca, the number of pilgrims grew exponentially to the
point that Indonesians were markedly referred as "rice of the Hejaz." The exchange of
scholars and students was also increased. Around two hundred Southeast Asian
students, mostly Indonesian, were studying in Cairo during the mid-1920s, and around
two thousand citizens of Saudi Arabia were Indonesian origin. Those who returned
from the Middle East had become the backbone of religious training in pesantrens.
Concurrently, numbers of newly founded religious thoughts and movements in
the Islamic world had inspired the Islamic current in Indonesia as well. In
particular, Islamic Modernism was inspired by the Islamic scholar Muhammad
'Abduh to return to the original scripture of the religion. Modernist movement in
Indonesia had criticized the syncretic nature of Islam in Indonesia and advocated for
the reformism of Islam and the elimination of perceived un-Islamic elements within
the traditions. The movement also aspired for incorporating the modernity into Islam,
and for instance, they "built schools that combined an Islamic and secular curriculum"
and was unique in that it trained women as preachers for women. Through the
activities of the reformers and the reactions of their opponents, Indonesian society
became more firmly structured along communal (aliran) rather than class lines.
Reformist movements had especially taken roots in the Minangkabau area
of West Sumatra, where its ulema played an important role in the early reform

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movement. Renowned Minangkabau imam in Mecca, Ahmad Khatib al-
Minangkabawi had contributed greatly to the reformist training. He was
singlehandedly responsible for educating many of the essential Muslim figures during
this time. In 1906, Tahir bin Jalaluddin, a disciple of al-Minangkabawi, published al-
Iman, the Malay newspaper in Singapore. Five years later followed publication of Al-
Munir magazine by Abdullah Ahmad in Padang. In the first 20th century, Muslim
modernist school arose in West Sumatra, such as Adabiah (1909), Diniyah Putri
(1911), and Sumatera Thawalib (1915). The movement had also attained its supporter
base in Java. In Surakarta, leftist Muslim Haji Misbach published the monthly
paper Medan Moeslimin and the periodical Islam Bergerak. In Jogjakarta, Ahmad
Dahlan, also a disciple of al-Minangkabawi, established Muhammadiyah in 1911,
spearheading the creation of Islamic mass organization. Muhammadiyah rapidly
expanded its influence across the archipelago, with Abdul Karim
Amrullah establishing the West Sumatra chapter in 1925 for instance. Other
modernist organizations include Al-Irshad Al-Islamiya (1914) and PERSIS (1923).
Soon after, traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) was founded in 1926 by Hasyim
Asy'ari, another disciple of al-Minangkabawi, in response to the perceived growing
threat of reformist waves. Other traditionalist organizations include Union for Islamic
Education (PERTI) (1930) and Lombok-based Nahdlatul Wathan (1953).
Combination of reformist thoughts and the growing sense of sovereignty had led
to the brief development of Islam as a vehicle for the political struggle against the
Dutch colonialism. The earliest example is Padri movement from Minangkabau. Padri
movement was inspired by Wahhabism during its inception, and aimed at purification
of Islam in Indonesia reciprocally. The movement eventually turned into a struggle
against Dutch colonialism during the Padri War (1803-1837). One of the
leaders, Tuanku Imam Bonjol, is declared a National Hero of Indonesia. In the early
20th century, Sarekat Islam was developed as the first mass nationalist organization
against colonialism. Sarekat Islam championed Islam as a common identity among
vast and diverse ethnic and cultural compositions throughout the archipelago,
especially against the perceived enemy of the Christian masters. The educational
institutions such as Jamiat Kheir also supported the development. In the process,
Islam gave the sense of identity which contributed to the cultivation of
Indonesian nationalism. Under this circumstance, early Indonesian nationalists were
eager to reflect themselves as a part of the ummah (worldwide Islamic community).
They also had interests in Islamic issues such as re-establishment of Caliphate and the
movements such as pan-Islamism. For these reasons, Dutch colonial administration
saw Islam as a potential threat and treated the returning pilgrims and students from the
Middle East with particular suspicion. Similar Islamic-nationalist organization Union
of Indonesian Muslims (PERMI) faced severe crackdown by the Dutch colonial
government, leading to the arrest of its members including Rasuna Said.
Islam as a vehicle of Indonesian nationalism, however, had gradually waned in
the face of the emergence of secular nationalism and more radical political thoughts
such as communism. The inner struggle among Sarekat Islam between the reformists
and the traditionalists had also contributed to its decline. This had created a vacuum
within the Muslim community for the leadership role, which filled by civil society
organizations such as Muhammadiyah, NU, more puritanical PERSIS and Al-Irshad

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Al-Islamiya. These organizations upheld non-political position and concentrated on
the social reforms and proselytization. This trend persisted during the Japanese
occupation as well, whose occupational administration took the ambivalent stance
toward Islam. Islam was considered both as a potential friend against the Western
imperialism and a potential foe against their vision of Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity
Sphere.
There are several organizations that are active in fighting for Islam and the
independence of Indonesia. There are :

1. Sarekat Islam

At first the Sarekat Islam was an association of merchants called Sarekat Dagang
Islam (SDI). In 1911, SDI was established in the city of Solo by H. Samanhudi as a
cooperative Javanese batik traders. The line taken by SDI is a cooperative, with the
aim of advancing Indonesian trade under the banner of Islam. SDI membership is still
limited to space the scope of the trader, so it doesn't have enough members.
Therefore, in order to have a large and wide range of members, on September 18,
1912, SDI was changed become SI (Sarekat Islam). Actually there are also some
opinions that say that SDI has established in 1905. The aim of SDI was to promote
trade, against the monopoly of traders Chinese and Islamic religion. For this reason,
SDI is called an economic-religious-economic movement. In its development, SDI is
not just an organization engaged in the economic field, but also in the field political.

The struggle in the political field is carried out as a reaction to Christelijke


Zending or Kristening-Politiek on religious teaching in Indonesia. However, the
Dutch actually gave the zending teaching and its strength missie. SDI is a symbol of
resistance to the arbitrariness of the Dutch colonial government. SDI directs its
movements among the common people. One of the reasons for the establishment of
SDI is to fight the nation's trade Chinese, there is often hostility and competition
between Chinese and Islamic (Indonesian) traders. This matter causing tension in both
parties which caused riots.

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The Islamic Trade Association is one of the milestones in the development of
Islam in Indonesia. Through Sarekat Islamic traders who adhere to the religion of
Islam in Indonesia began to dare to show themselves, from before that which was
always suppressed exhausted by the Dutch government. The Islamic Trade
Association experienced a heyday when Tjokroaminoto joined to become its
members.

Under Tjokroaminoto's leadership, SI became the first movement organization


capable of mobilizing mass in a vergering (open meeting) held on January 26, 1913 in
Surabaya. The open meeting attended by 12 afdeling (branches) of the 15 existing
afdeling and successfully attracted mass attention of 80,000 people. On The Second
SI Congress held in Yogyakarta, April 1914, was a very historic moment for
Tjokroaminoto, SI, and for the Indonesian people at that time where Tjokroaminoto
became the highest leader of SI replacing H. Samanhoedi. At the opening of the
congress the Samanhoedi requested that no change in management be rejected by the
participants congress. They want the Samanhoedi to hand over management to the
smarter and younger generation have capacity. To ease the atmosphere and give
appreciation to the Samanhoedi Hasan Djajadiningrat proposed that Samanhoedi be
appointed as Honorary Chair of CSI (Central Sarekat Islam), a position without
power.

Tjokroaminoto's expertise as an excellent negotiator need not be doubted.


Through its lobbies to the government of The Netherlands, SI succeeded in obtaining
legal status and changing the afdeling into local SI. In addition, SI also succeeded got
permission to form a central management which was later named the Central Sarekat
Islam (CSI). Until Congress secondly there were 60 afdeling which were successfully
converted into local SI and later they continued to grow. So, it is very reasonable
influence Tjokroaminoto grew bigger and many branches glanced at him to become a
successor to the Samanhoedi. In hand Tjokroaminoto is SI changing the concept of its
movement from movement in the economic field to movement organization the
social-political-oriented nation and its leadership shifted from the indigenous
bourgeoisie to the intellectuals Western-educated.

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2. Muhammadiyah

Muhammadiyah is a major Islamic non-governmental organization in Indonesia.


The organization was founded in 1912 by Ahmad Dahlan in the city of Yogyakarta as
a reformist socioreligious movement, advocating ijtihad - individual interpretation of
Qur'an and sunnah, as opposed to taqlid - the acceptance of the traditional
interpretations propounded by the ulama. Since its establishment, Muhammadiyah has
adopted a reformist platform mixing religious and secular education, primarily as a
way to promote the upward mobility of Muslims toward a 'modern' community and to
purify Indonesian Islam of local syncretic practices. It continues to support local
culture and promote religious tolerance in Indonesia, while a few of its higher
education institutions are attended mostly by non-Muslims, especially in East Nusa
Tenggara and Papua provinces. The group also runs a large chain of charity
hospitals, and operated 128 universities as of the late 1990s.
At the moment, Muhammadiyah is the second largest Islamic organization in
Indonesia with 29 million members. Although Muhammadiyah leaders and members
are often actively involved in shaping the politics in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah is not
a political party. It has devoted itself to social and educational activities.

a. History
On November 18, 1912, Ahmad Dahlan— a court official of
the kraton of Yogyakarta and an educated Muslim scholar from Mecca—
established Muhammadiyah in Yogyakarta. There were a number of motives
behind the establishment of this movement. Among the important ones are the
backwardness of Muslim society and the penetration of Christianity. Ahmad
Dahlan, much influenced by Egyptian reformist Muhammad 'Abduh, considered
modernization and purification of religion from syncretic practices were very
vital in reforming this religion. Therefore, since its beginning Muhammadiyah
has been very concerned with maintaining tawhid, and refining monotheism in
society.
From 1913 to 1918, Muhammadiyah established five Islamic Schools. In
1919 an Islamic high school, Hooge School Muhammadiyah was established. In
establishing schools, Muhammadiyah received significant help from the Boedi
Oetomo, an important nationalist movement in Indonesia in the first half of the

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twentieth century, such as in the form of providing teachers. Muhammadiyah has
generally avoided politics. Unlike its traditionalist counterpart, the Nahdatul
Ulama, it never formed a political party. Since its establishment, it has devoted
itself to educational and social activities.
In 1925, two years after the death of Dahlan, Muhammadiyah only has 4,000
members, even has built 55 schools and two clinics
in Surabaya and Yogyakarta. After Abdul Karim Amrullah introduced the
organisation to Minangkabau dynamic Moslem community, Muhammadiyah
developed rapidly. In 1938, organisation claimed has 250,000 members, managed
the 834 mosques, 31 libraries, 1,774 schools, and 7,630 ulema. The Minangkabau
Merchants spread organization to the entire of Indonesia.
During the 1965-66 political turbulence and violence, Muhammadiyah
declared the extermination of the "Gestapu/PKI" (the 30 September
Movement and the Indonesian Communist Party) constituted Holy War, a view
endorsed by other Islamic groups. (see also: Indonesian killings of 1965-66).
During the 1998 "Indonesian reformation", some parts of Muhammadiyah urged
the leadership to form a party. Therefore, they - including Muhammadiyah
chairman, Amien Rais, founded the National Mandate Party. Although gaining
large support from Muhammadiyah members, this party has no official
relationship with Muhammadiyah. The leader of Muhammadiyah says the
members of his organisation are free to align themselves with political parties of
their choosing provided such parties have shared values with Muhammadiyah.
Today, with 29 million members Muhammadiyah is the second
largest Muslim organization in Indonesia, after Nahdlatul Ulama.
b. Doctrine
The central doctrine of Muhammadiyah is Sunni Islam. However, it
emphasizes the authority of the Qur’an and the Hadits as supreme Islamic law
that serves as the legimate basis of the interpretation of religius belief and
practices, in contrast to traditional practices where shariah law invested in
religious school by Ulama. The main focus of the Muhammadiyah movement is
to heighten people’s sense of moral responsibility, purifying their faith to true
Islam
Muhammadiyah strongly opposes syncretism, where Islam had coalesced
with animism (spirit worship) and with Hindu-Buddhist elements that were
spread among communities from the pre-Islamic period. Muhammadiyah opposes
the tradition of Sufism that allows Sufi leader (shaykh) as the formal authority of
Muslims. As of 2006, it is said to have "veered sharply toward a more
conservative brand of Islam" under the leadership of Din Syamsuddin the head of
the Indonesian Ulema Council.
c. Activities
Muhammadiyah is noted as a Muslim reformists organization. Its main
activities are religion and education. It has built Islamic schools in modern forms,
aside from traditional pesantren. Some of its schools are also open to non-
Muslims. Currently there are around 5,754 schools owned by Muhammadiyah.
It has also functioned as a charitable organization. Today it owns several
hundred non-profit medical clinics and hospitals across Indonesia. Recently it has

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been active in campaigning about the danger of bird flu in Indonesia.
d. Organization
The national headquarters was originally in Yogyakarta. However, by 1970
the committees dealing with education, economics, health and social welfare had
been relocated to the national capital, Jakarta.
Muhammadiyah is supported by several autonomous organizations:

 Aisyiyah ( Women )
 Pemuda Muhammadiyah ( Youth )
 Nasyiatul Aisyiyah ( Young Women ) (http://nasyiah.or.id)
 Ikatan Pelajar Muhammadiyah ( Student association ) 
 Ikatan Mahasiswa Muhammadiyah (College student ) 
 Tapak Suci Putra Muhammadiyah (Pencak Silat)
 Hisbul Wathan ( Scouting ).
The central committee structure consists of five advisors, a chairman, a vice
chairman, a secretary general and some deputies, a treasurer and some deputies,
as well as several deputies of chairman.

3. Nahdlatul Ulama

Nahdlatul Ulama (literally translated to Ulama's Revival, abbreviated as NU) is


a traditionalist Sunni Islam movement in Indonesia following the Shafi'i school
of jurisprudence. NU was established on January 31, 1926 in Surabaya as a response
to the rise of Wahabism in Saudi Arabia and Islamic modernism in Indonesia. The
NU is the largest independent Islamic organization in the world with membership of
40 million in 2003. NU also is a charitable body funding schools and hospitals as well
as organizing communities to help alleviate poverty.
Some leaders of Nahdlatul Ulama are ardent advocates of Islam Nusantara, a
distinctive brand of Islam that has undergone interaction, contextualization,
indigenization, interpretation and vernacularization according to socio-
cultural conditions in Indonesia. Islam Nusantara promotes moderation, compassion,
anti-radicalism, inclusiveness and tolerance. However, other NU members, leaders,
and religious scholars have rejected Islam Nusantara in favor of a more conservative

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approach.
a. Ideology
Nahdlatul Ulama follows the ideology of Ahl as-Sunna Wa al-Jama'ah,
taking the middle path between extreme aqli (rationalist) and extreme naqli
(scripturalist) tendencies. The organization identifies the Quran, the Sunnah, and
the ability of the mind coupled with empirical reality as the sources of its thought.
It attributes this approach to earlier thinkers, such as Abu al-Hasan al-
Ash'ari and Abu Mansur Al-Maturidi in the field of theology. In the field of
jurisprudence, it recognizes the Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali schools of
law, but relies in practice on Shafi'i teachings. In matters of Sufism, NU follows
the path of Al-Ghazali and Junaid al-Baghdadi. It has been described by western
media as a progressive, liberal and pluralistic Islamic movement, but is a diverse
organization with large conservative factions as well.
b. History
1) Origin
NU was established in 1926 as an organization for orthodox Muslims
opposed to the modernist policies of the Muhammadiyah organization, which
rejected pre-Islamic Javanese traditions. The organization was established
after The Committee of Hijaz had fulfilled its duty and about to be dissolved.
The organization was established by Hasjim Asjari, the head of an Islamic
religious school in East Java. The organization expanded, but the base of its
support remained in East Java. By 1928, the NU was using the Javanese
language in its sermons, alongside Arabic.
In 1937, despite poor relations between the NU and Muhammidayah, the
two organizations established the Supreme Islamic Council of Indonesia
(Indonesian: Majlis Islam A'laa Indonesia, MIAI) as a discussion forum.
They were joined by most of the other Islamic organizations in existence at
the time. In 1942, the Japanese occupied Indonesia and in September a
conference of Islamic leaders was held in Jakarta. The Japanese wanted to
replace the MIAI, but the conference not only decided to maintain the
organization, but also elected political figures belonging to the PSII to the
leadership, rather than members of the non-political NU or Muhammadiyah
as the occupiers had wanted. Just over a year later, the MIAI was dissolved
and replaced by the Japanese-sponsored Masyumi (Consultative Council of
Indonesian Muslims). Hasjim Asjari was the notional chairman, but in
practice the new organization was led by his son, Wahid Hasyim. Other NU
and Muhammadiyah figures held leadership positions.
In 1945, Sukarno and Hatta declared Indonesian independence. During
the Indonesian war of independence, the NU declared that the fight against
the Dutch colonial forces was a holy war, obligatory for all Muslims. Among
the guerrilla groups fighting for independence were Hizbullah and Sabillilah,
which were led by the NU.

2) Transformation into Islamic political party

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Following the recognition of Indonesian independence, a new party
called Masyumi was established with the NU as a component of it. The
NU leadership at the time had no political skills, and was awarded few
influential cabinet positions, with the exception of chairman Wahid
Hasyim, who was appointed religious affairs minister. The NU was
unhappy with its lack of influence within Masyumi, especially after a
decision at the 1949 party conference changed the party's religious council,
on which the NU held several positions, into a powerless advisory body.
Two years later, a dispute over the organization of the Haj pilgrimage led
to Prime Minister Natsir's opposition to the reappointment of Hasyim as
religious affairs minister in the next cabinet. In the ensuing cabinet crisis,
the NU made a series of demands, including the retention of Hasyim, and
threatened to leave Masyumi. On 5 April 1952, a few days after the
announcement of a new cabinet without Hasyim, the NU decided in
principle to leave Masyumi. Three months later it withdrew all its
members from Masyumi councils, and on 30 August it established the
Indonesian League of Muslims, comprising the NU, PSSI and a number of
smaller organizations. It was chaired by Hasyim.
During the liberal democracy era (1950–1957), NU members served
in a number of cabinet posts. In the first Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet, the
NU held three seats, with Zainul Arifin appointed second deputy prime
minister. However, following the fall of this cabinet, some NU members
were opposed to the NU joining the new cabinet, to be formed
by Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet, believing that if he was unable to form
a cabinet, the NU would be invited to try. It was finally pressured into
participating, and was awarded the interior and religious affairs portfolios
in the cabinet, which was sworn in on 12 August 1955.
On 29 September 1955, Indonesia held its first parliamentary
elections. The NU came in third, with almost 7 million votes, 18.4% of the
total, behind the Indonesian National Party and Masyumi. It was awarded
45 seats in the People's Representative Council, up from only eight before
the election. The NU was the largest party in its East Java base, and 85.6%
of its vote came from Java. There was a clear division between Masyumi,
representing outer-island, urban voters and the NU, representing the rural
Javanese constituency. Three months later, elections were held for
the Constitutional Assembly, which was tasked with drawing up a
permanent constitution. The results were very similar, with the NU
winning 91 of the 114 seats.
In the 1950s, the NU still wanted to see Indonesia become an Islamic
state, and expressed its disapproval of a 1953 presidential speech in which
Sukarno rejected this. Three years later, it also argued against Sukarno's
"conception" that would eventually lead to the establishment of guided
democracy, as this would mean PKI members sitting in the cabinet. On 2
March 1957, the Permesta rebellion broke out. Among its demands was
the restoration of Mohammad Hatta to the vice-presidency. The NU
supported these calls. Meanwhile, in the Constitutional Assembly, the NU
joined Masyumi, the Indonesian Islamic Union Party (PSII), the Islamic
Educators Association (Perti) and other parties to form the Islamic Block,
which wanted Indonesian to become an Islamic state. The block made up

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44.8% of total seats. However, with none of the blocks able to command a
majority and push through the constitution it wanted, the assembly failed
to agree and was dissolved by Sukarno in a decree on 5 July 1959 that also
restored the original 1945 Constitution, which declared the state to be
based on the Pancasila philosophy, not Islam.
In 1960, President Sukarno banned Masyumi for alleged involvement
in the Permesta rebellion. However, the fundamentalist and compradore
leadership of NU saw the pro-poor Communist Party of Indonesia, which
was close to Sukarno, as an obstacle to its ambitions, and competed with it
to win support from the poor. Five years later, the coup attempt by the 30
September Movement took place. In 1965, the group took sides with
the General Suharto-led army and was heavily involved in the mass
killings of Indonesian communists. However, the NU later began to
oppose Suharto's regime. In 1984, Abdurrahman Wahid, the grandson of
NU founder Hasyim Asy'ari, inherited the leadership from his father, and
was later elected President of Indonesia in 1999. He formally apologized
for NU's involvement in the events of 1965. He also stated that "Nadhatul
Ulama (NU) is like Shiite minus Imamah; similarly Shiite is NU plus
Imamah." There have been many similarities between the two, such as the
position and role of kyai. The main contrast between them is that in NU,
the concept is visible in the form of accepted culture, while in Shia, it takes
the form of theology.
Following the deposing of Sukarno, the New Order regime under
President Suharto held elections in 1971. Despite manipulation of the NU
by the government, which caused it to lose much credibility, the NU
managed to maintain its 18% share of the vote from the 1955 poll.
However, in 1973, it was obliged to "fuse" into the new United
Development Party (Indonesian: Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, PPP).
The PPP came second, after the government
sponsored Golkar organization in the elections of 1977 and 1982, but in
1984, the new NU chairman Abdurrahman Wahid (also known as Gus
Dur), the son of Wahid Haschim, withdrew the NU from the PPP because
of dissatisfaction with the NU's lack of influence. As a result, in the 1987
election, the PPP vote collapsed from 28% in 1982 to only 16%. From
then on, it was expected that the NU would concentrate on religious and
social activities.
3) Outside politics
In 1984, the New Order government announced that all
organizations would have to accept state ideology Pancasila as their
basis. Once again the NU was accommodating, with Gus Dur calling
Pancasila a "noble compromise"for Muslims. Five years later. Gus Dur
was reelected for a second five-year term as chairman, a position he held
until being elected president in 1999.
In 1990, the NU worked with Bank Summa to establish a system of
rural banks. Suharto did not approve of the NU straying beyond purely
religious activities, and the fact the bank was owned by a Christian
ethnic-Chinese family led to controversy. The bank was eventually shut
down two years later because of financial mismanagement. Gus Dur also

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incurred the disapproval of the regime by holding a mass rally at a
Jakarta stadium three months before the 1992 legislative elections,
ostensibly to express support for Pancasila. This resulted in Gus Dur
being invited to meet Lt. Col. Prabowo Subianto, Suharto's son-in-law at
Jakarta Military Headquarters. At the meeting, Gus Dur was warned to
avoid unacceptable political conduct, and told that if he insisted in
involving himself in politics, rather than confining himself to religious
matters, he should express support for a further presidential term for
Suharto. In response, Gus Dur threatened to leave the NU. This resulted
in the regime backing down, as it could not risk bringing Gus Dur down.
4) Post-New Order Era
During the fall of Suharto, Nahdlatul Ulama members and Islamic
clerics were killed by rioters in Banyuwangi in East Java when a
witchhunt against alleged sorcerers spiralled out of control. Following
the fall of Suharto and his replacement by Vice-president B. J. Habibie,
in July 1998 Gus Dur announced the establishment of the National
Awakening Party (Indonesian: Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, PKB). On 10
November, Gus Dur met with other pro-reform figures Amien
Rais, Megawati Sukarnoputri and Sultan Hamengkubuwono. The so-
called Ciganjur Four, named after the location of Gus Dur's house, issued
a declaration calling the Habibie administration "transitional" and calling
for elections to be brought forward and for the Indonesian Military to
end its political role.
In Indonesia's first free elections since 1955, held on 7 June 1999,
the PKB won 13 percent of the vote. In the ensuing session of the
People's Consultative Assembly, Gus Dur was elected President of
Indonesia, defeating Megawati by 373 votes to 313. However, he was
deposed just two years later. The PKB subsequently split into two
warring factions, one led by Gus Dur's daughter, Yenny Wahid. An
attempt in 2008 by Gus Dur to involve President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono in resolving the dispute failed, and the PKB vote in the 2009
elections was half that of the previous vote in 2004. At its 2010
conference, held in Makassar, the NU decided not to discuss the split,
and passed a resolution banning officials from holding political posts,
seen as a commitment to avoiding future political involvement. After the
conference, concerns about the longer term role of the NU continued to
attract comment in the national media. During 2011, for example, there
was continuing discussion about the national role that the NU should
play and about the close political links between the NU and the National
Awakening Party (PKB). Comments by Gus Dur's daughter, Yenny
Wahid, for example, reflected these concerns when she said that the NU
was fragmenting and "sliding into irrelevance".
c. Aims
The NU exists to spread Islamic teaching. As well as preaching, it
undertakes educational activities through its network of 6,830 Islamic
boarding schools, or pesantren. It also owns 44 universities, and is involved
in economic and agricultural studies, and social activities including family
planning. Its goal is "to spread messages about a tolerant Islam in their

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respective countries to curb radicalism, extremism and terrorism," which, it
claims, "often spring from a misinterpretation of Islamic teachings." In
December 2014, NU have launched a global campaign
against extremism and jihadism. Building a prevention center in Indonesia to
train Arabic-speaking students, alongside NU theologians, to combat
jihadist rhetoric. And it has created a joint program with the University of
Vienna called VORTEX (Vienna Observatory for Applied Research on
Radicalism and Extremism). The project is funded by the Ministry of Internal
Security. It also created an American nonprofit organization called Bayt ar-
Rahmah in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. On the other hand, Nahdlatul
Ulama had given a fatwa in favour of female genital mutilation (FGM).

d. Leader of Organization
The highest body in the NU is Syuriah (Supreme Council). Under this is
Tanfidziyah (Executive Council). Mustasyar (Advisory Council) provides
input to both. At the 2010 NU Conference, Sahal Mahfudz was elected
chairman of the Executive Council, and thus serves as executive chief. At the
same conference, Sahal Mahfudz was elected chair of the Supreme Council for
the 2010-2015 period. Under the Executive Council, there are provincial level
Regional Boards, as well as autonomous bodies, institutes and committees,
with the structure extending down to Sub Branch Representative Council
Boards in villages.
e. Institution
1) Lembaga

a)Lembaga Dakwah Nahdlatul Ulama (LD-NU)


b)Lembaga Pendidikan Ma'arif Nahdlatul Ulama (LP Ma'arif NU)
c)Lembaga Pelayanan Kesehatan Nahdlatul Ulama (LPK-NU)
d)Lembaga Perekonomian Nahdlatul Ulama (LP-NU)
e)Lembaga Pengembangan Pertanian Nahdlatul Ulama (LPP-NU)
f)Rabithah Ma'ahid Islamiyah Nahdlatul Ulama (RMI-NU)*
(Indonesia) Lembaga Asosiasi Pesantren Nahdlatul Ulama
g) Lembaga Kemaslahatan Keluarga Nahdlatul Ulama (LKK-NU)
h) Lembaga Takmir Masjid Nahdlatul Ulama (LTM-NU)
i) Lembaga Kajian dan Pengembangan Sumberdaya Manusia
Nahdlatul Ulama (LAKPESDAM-NU)
j) Lembaga Penyuluhan dan Bantuan Hukum Nahdlatul Ulama
(LPBH-NU)
k) Lembaga Kesehatan Nahdlatul Ulama (LK-NU)
l) Lembaga Badan Halal Nahdlatul Ulama (LBHNU) Sarikat Buruh
Muslimin Indonesia (SARBUMUSI)
2) Lajnah

a) Lajnah Bahtsul Masail Nahdlatul Ulama (LBM-NU)


b) Lajnah Falakiyah Nahdlatul Ulama (LF-NU)
c) Lajnah Ta'lif wan Nasyr Nahdlatul Ulama (LTN-NU)
d) Lajnah Auqaf Nahdlatul Ulama (LA-NU)
e) Lajnah Zakat, Infaq, dan Shadaqah Nahdlatul Ulama (LAZIS-NU)
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3) Badan Otonom

a) Jam'iyyah Ahli Thariqah Al-Mu'tabarah An-Nahdliyah (JATMAN)


b) Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama (Muslimat NU)
c) Gerakan Pemuda Ansor Nahdlatul Ulama (GP Ansor NU)
d) Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama (Fatayat NU)
e) Keluarga Mahasiswa Nahdlatul Ulama (KMNU)
f) Ikatan Pelajar Nahdlatul Ulama (IPNU)
g) Ikatan Pelajar Putri Nahdlatul Ulama (IPPNU)
h) Ikatan Sarjana Nahdlatul Ulama (ISNU)
i) Ikatan Pencak Silat Nahdlatul Ulama Pagar Nusa (IPSNU Pagar Nusa)
j) Jami'iyyatul Qurro wal Huffadz Nahdlatul Ulama (JQH NU)
k) Persatuan Guru Nahdlatul Ulama (PERGUNU)

4. Majelis Islam A’la Indonesia

Majelis Islam A’la Indonesia or MIAI is a federation body for Islamic


organizations formed from the results of the meeting 18-21 September 1937.
Dzulfiqar Ramazan was the originator of this cooperation body, which attracted
the hearts of modernists like Yusuf Andika from Muhammadiyah and
Wondoamiseno from the Islamic Community. MIAI coordinates various activities
and unites Muslims in Indonesia in the face of Dutch politics reject marriage and
draft law for Muslims. KH Hasyim Asy'ari became chairman of the legislative
body with 13 organizations are members of MIAI. MIAI can develop into a large
organization that gets sympathy from all people Indonesian Islam so that Japan
began to oversee its activities. After Japan arrived, MIAI was dissolved and
replaced with Masyumi.

References
 “Islam in Indonesia”. Wikipedia. Last edited on 1 September 2018. Web 7

13
October 2018
<https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islam_in_Indonesia#Early_modern_period_(16
00-1945)>

 “Sarekat Dagang Islam (Sejarah dan Perkembangannya)”. Academia. 31


August 2015. Web 7 October 2018
https://www.academia.edu/15287869/Sarekat_Dagang_Islam_Sejarah_dan_Pe
rkembangannya_

 “Muhammadiyah”. Wikipedia. Last edited on 1 October 2018. Web 7 October


2018 <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhammadiyah>

 “Nahdlatul Ulama”. Wikipedia. Last edited 26 September 2018. Web 7


October 2018. <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nahdlatul_Ulama>

 “Majelis Islam A’la Indonesia”. Wikipedia. Last edited 21 May 2018. Web 7
Oktober 2018. <https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Majelis_Islam_A
%27la_Indonesia>

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