Pearlin The Sociological Study of Stress

The Sociological Study of Stress
Author(s): Leonard I. Pearlin

Source: Journal of Health and Social Behavior, Vol. 30, No. 3 (Sep., 1989), pp. 241-256
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2136956
Accessed: 24-08-2016 09:10 UTC
REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/2136956?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
American Sociological Association, Sage Publications, Inc. are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,
preserve and extend access to Journal of Health and Social Behavior
This content downloaded from 92.241.95.11 on Wed, 24 Aug 2016 09:10:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Sociological Study of Stress*
LEONARD I. PEARLIN
University of California, San Francisco
Journal of Health and Social Behavior 1989, Vol. 30 (September):241-256
This paper presents a critical overview of current concepts and analytic practices
in stress research and considers how they can be changed to make the research
more consistent with core sociological interests. An overarching concern of the
paper is the analytic use of basic information about people's social and
institutional affiliations and statuses. It is important that such information be
treated not simply as data that need to be controlled statistically; we must examine
the bearing of these data on each domain of the stress process: the exposure to and
meaning of stressors, access to stress mediators, and the psychological, physical,
and behavioral manifestations of stress. The conceptualization and measurement of
stressors should move away from their focus on particular events or chronic strains
and should seek instead to observe and assess over time constellations of stressors
made up of both events and strains. Moreover, the effects of the mediators-coping
and social support-are evaluated most fruitfully in terms of their effects in limiting
the number, severity, and diffusion of stressors in these constellations. Finally,
sociological stress researchers should not be bound to outcomes that better serve
the intellectual interests of those who work with biomedical and epidemiological
models of stress, nor should the research be committed exclusively to a single
outcome.
Sociologists have an intellectual stake in field. In this paper I attempt to identify what I
the study of stress. It presents an excellent regard as some of the conceptual and analytic
opportunity to observe how deeply well-being issues that should be considered in bringing
is affected by the structured arrangements of the study of stress closer to sociology.
people's lives and by the repeated experiences Much of the paper is organized around
that stem from these arrangements. Social what have come to be recognized as the
research into stress is entirely consistent with domains of the stress process: stressors, stress
a present-day social psychology that seeks to mediators, and stress outcomes. There is
establish the unities between social structure considerable accumulated evidence that this
and the inner functioning of individuals process and its components largely arise from
(House 1981a). Yet stress is not generally and are influenced by various structural
seen as part of a sociological mainstream, arrangements in which individuals are embed-
partly, I believe, because those of us who are ded. To a large extent these arrangements
engaged in stress research are not consistently determine the stressors to which people are
attentive to the sociological character of the exposed, the mediators they are able to
mobilize, and the manner in which they
experience stress. In view of its importance,
* Direct all correspondence to Leonard I. the structural background of the stress process
Pearlin, Center for Social and Behavioral Sciences,
deserves a closer examination than it usually
237; University of California; 1350 Seventh
receives.
Avenue; San Francisco, CA 94143-0848. Support
for this paper was provided by the National
Institute of Mental Health, Grant MH AG42127; THE STRUCTURAL CONTEXTS OF THE
the Consortium for Research into Stress Processes, STRESS PROCESS
funded by the W.T. Grant Foundation; and the
Network for Health Promotion and Disease Most research into stress starts with an
Prevention, funded by the MacArthur Foundation. experience -an exigency that people confront
241
242 JOURNAL OF HEALTH AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOR
and their perceptions of that exigency as The importance of roles and role sets as
threatening or burdensome. Many stressful sources of stress are elaborated in a later
experiences, it should be recognized, don't discussion of chronic strains. Here I wish to
spring out of a vacuum but typically can be emphasize that interrelated levels of social
traced back to surrounding social structures structure-social stratification, social institu-
and people's locations within them. The most tions, interpersonal relationships-mold and
encompassing of these structures are the structure the experiences of individuals; these
various systems of stratification that cut experiences, in turn, may result in stress.
across societies, such as those based on social Therefore the structural contexts of people's
and economic class, race and ethnicity, lives are not extraneous to the stress process
gender, and age. To the extent that these but are fundamental to that process. They are
systems embody the unequal distribution of the sources of hardship and privilege, threat
resources, opportunities, and self-regard, a and security, conflict and harmony. In
low status within them may itself be a source searching for the origins of stress, we may
of stressful life conditions. Thus it is quite begin fruitfully by scrutinizing the social
understandable that the community studies arrangements of society and the structuring of
conducted in the 1950s and 1960s consis- experience within these arrangements. This
tently revealed powerful associations between search, I believe, will reveal how ordinary
people's statuses in stratified systems and people can be caught up in the disjunctures
indicators of their well-being (e.g., Gurin, and discontinuities of societies, how they can
Veroff, and Feld 1960; Hollingshead and be motivated to adopt socially valued dreams
Redlich 1958; Srole, Langner, Opler, and and yet can find their dreams thwarted by
Rennie 1960). Interest in these statuses socially erected barriers, and how as engaged
continues today, particularly as evidenced by
members of society they come into conflict
the explosion of literature examining gender with others and with themselves.
and stress (e.g., Gore and Mangione 1983; Certainly not all stress researchers are
Kessler and McRae 1981; Thoits 1986). interested in the structural contexts of the
Another important structural context is stress process. As I noted above, most begin
found in social institutions and their arrange- their work by looking directly at potential
ments of statuses and roles. Incumbency in astressors that reside in individuals' experience
major institutionalized role necessarily entailswithout regard to the possible structural
persistent encounters with a host of conditions origins of the stressors. Sociological inquiry,
and expectations that exert a structuring force however, does not have the option of ignoring
on experience. Because the roles themselves these origins. The distinguishing mark of
persist in time, experiences within them tend sociological inquiry is its effort to uncover
to become a repeated feature of their patterns and regularities shared by people
incumbents' lives. When these experiences whose social characteristics and circum-
are threatening and problematic, they may stances are similar. The essential element of
result in stress. There are abundant indica- the sociological study of stress is the presence
tions that such experience is common amongof similar types and levels of stress among
incumbents of occupational (e.g., Kahn 1973) people who are exposed to similar social and
and of family roles (see e.g., Pearlin 1983). economic conditions, who are incumbents in
Moreover, one does not act alone as an similar roles, and who come from similar
incumbent of a role. Instead, one role issituationalpart contexts. There can be little, if
of a larger role set or of a constellation of any, sociological interest in randomly distrib-
complementary roles around which important uted problems or randomly distributed re-
interpersonal relations are structured. Thus sponses to the problems. Such random or
one cannot be a husband without a wife, a idiosyncratic stress is of legitimate interest to
parent without a child, a colleague without a clinicians or biologists, but not to sociolo-
fellow worker. Relationships formed by rolegists. Therefore a salient feature of sociolog-
sets are relatively enduring and stable, and ical stress research is its concern with the
typically are of considerable importance to socially patterned distribution of components
the parties involved. Consequently, when of the stress process: stressors, mediators, and
such relationships are problematic and filled outcomes. Such patterns provide a cue that
with conflict, they can produce considerableindividuals' potentially stressful experiences
stress. and the ways in which they are affected by
SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF STRESS 243
these experiences may originate in the social depressive symptomatology may be a more
orders of which they are a part. typical expression of stress among women,
Much of this discussion might appear to whereas drinking and other behaviors may be
belabor the self-evident, particularly because more typical among men (Aneshensel 1988).
virtually all social inquiry into stress collects The general point to be drawn from these
information about people's backgrounds and examples is that the structural contexts of
situational circumstances that enables these people's lives can affect each major phase of
social patterns to be detected analytically. the stress process. When analytically we
Certainly current research cannot be faulted slight people's social and economic back-
for its failure to assemble basic sociological grounds, we necessarily neglect the sociolog-
data, but it can be faulted for failing to subject ical exploration of links that join broader
the data to sociological scrutiny. All too dimensions of social organization to personal
often, people's background and circumstan- stress.
tial attributes are either overlooked in analy-
ses or receive only scant attention. Thus data
that should be at the heart of sociological SOCIAL STRESSORS
inquiry are frequently treated only as analytic
noise that needs to be controlled statistically. Historically, stress research has been guided
Of course there is nothing wrong with the by two modal concerns: one having a primary
logic of controlling for the effects of social interest in naturalistic stressors and the other
background characteristics; such controls can in the mediation and outcomes of stress. As
reveal whether a statistical relationship be- the preceding discussion suggests, sociolo-
tween other factors is spurious or independent gists have been and should be interested in the
of the possible effects of the social character- former. For other scientists, who are more
istics (Rosenberg 1968). Yet when social concerned with stress outcomes and their
structural and contextual data are collected psychological and biological dimensions, the
only so that they may be controlled, that nature and origins of the stressors are less
treatment precludes the examination of their important. To those researchers it makes little
potentially important roles in the study of difference whether stress is controlled experi-
stress. mentally in the laboratory, is unique to
Information about structural contexts and individuals, or is anchored in highly unusual
people's links to those contexts should be circumstances. From their viewpoint, the
analyzed at virtually every step of the stress response of the organism to stress is legiti-
process. Gender can be taken as an illustra- mately of greater interest than the cause of the
tion because, as I noted earlier, this is a status stress (Pearlin 1982). Sociological attention,
on which a large and burgeoning research by contrast, is more fixed on the stressors and
literature exists (see e.g., Pearlin and Anesh- their naturalistic sources.
ensel 1986). First, gender is a characteristic Stressors, of course, refer to the experien-
that influences the stressors to which people tial circumstances that give rise to stress.
are exposed: women and men often experi- Although virtually all social scientists en-
ence different stressful circumstances (Pearlin gaged in stress research are interested in
and Lieberman 1978). In addition, even stressors, they differ considerably as to how
where exposure to stressors is similar for they conceptualize stressors and as to the
women and for men, the effects of these importance they attach to different types of
stressors on the outcomes may be conditioned stressors. In recent years, attention generally
by gender. Perhaps, for example, equivalent has been divided between life events, on the
occupational hardships have different impacts one hand, and more enduring or recurrent life
on men and on women because of differences problems, sometimes referred to as chronic
in the conditions that men and women face in strains, on the other.
other roles (Pearlin 1975a). Third, the
personal and social mediating resources that
can be mobilized to deal with hardships also Life Events as Stressors
may vary with gender (Pearlin and Schooler
1978). Finally, gender is a characteristic that Life events have occupied by far the most
can affect the ways in which stress outcomes research attention in the past 20 years.
are manifested. Thus, as I shall describe later, Indeed, in some circles life events inappropri-
ately have become a metaphor for stress Readjustment Rating Scale (1967) are simply
research. There are at least three reasons for markers or surrogate indicators of ongoing
the impressive surge of life events research in conditions; they do not represent free-
the past two decades. First, the pioneering standing or discrete life change. The loss of a
work of Hans Selye (1982) provided an home through foreclosure or a jail sentence,
important theoretical foundation for events for example, is not an event that erupts
research. Second, in response to Selye's unexpectedly. More likely, the event is
theoretical inspiration, a method was devel- merely an episodic segment of continuing
oped to assess in seemingly simple and problems. Because the event inventory allows
objective fashion the magnitude of eventful us to see only the segment and not its history,
change experienced by individuals. Third, we ignore the more extended life circum-
interest in research into life events was stances of which the event may be a part.
spurred by its early success in showing Thus questions that presumably are asked
relationships between the scope of eventful about events may in fact elicit information
change and various indicators of health. All in about nonevents. Therefore the tools used to
all, stress researchers who attempted to assess eventful change tend to confuse events
identify and measure stressors found a theory with more enduring stressors.
to stimulate their work, a method by which to This confusion, in turn, brings into ques-
carry it out, and empirical results to reward tion the meaning of past research findings
their efforts. showing relationships between events and
Since the launching of life events research, health, relationships that have provided much
however, its theory, its methods, and its of the empirical support for the interest in life
findings have been called into question. It is events as stressors. To the extent that events
not my purpose here to provide a review of are surrogate indicators of noneventful, ongo-
life events research; others (e.g., Dohren- ing circumstances, empirical relationships
wend and Pearlin 1982; Thoits 1983) have between events and health may be explained
done so. Instead I shall focus on a few of the more accurately by the continuing circum-
more salient problems of this research. stances in which the event is embedded. Thus
With regard to underlying theory, it is now in interpreting events-health relationships we
clear that a key assumption about life events are susceptible to exaggerating the importance
as stressors is untenable. Following from the of eventful change and to minimizing-or
implications of Selye's observations of labo- overlooking altogether-the problematic con-
ratory animals' responses to environmental tinuities of people's lives. The confusion
changes, the theory held that all change is between an event and a more chronic life
potentially harmful because all change re- strain, I submit, impedes a clear understand-
quires readjustment. Sociologists should find ing of the social etiology of ill health and
this notion difficult to accept because change emotional distress.
is a normal and inexorable feature of every In general, the theoretical assumptions, the
level of social life and of aging. At any rate, methods, and the findings that gave life
the weight of current evidence shows that not events research its early impetus have each
change per se but the quality of change is come under critical scrutiny. It is encouraging
potentially damaging to people. Specifically, that current sociological stress research is
changes that are undesired, unscheduled, moving away from some of the early
nonnormative, and uncontrolled are most assumptions and confusions regarding events
harmful (Fairbank and Hough 1979; Gersten, and their stressful impact. It is now common
Langner, Eisenberg, and Simcha-Hogan 1977; practice to distinguish events by their quali-
Thoits 1981; Vinokur and Seltzer 1975). I ties, such as their desirability or their
believe that researchers no longer accept normative character. Even more promising
unquestioningly the assumption that change is and innovative is the work of Avison and
categorically bad for people or that the Turner (1988), which seeks to separate events
magnitude of change is harmful independent from the more enduring stressful circum-
of its quality. stances in which the event may be embedded.
Next, the instruments used to identify life Earlier I emphasized that as sociologists we
events are misleading in crucial respects. are interested in stress as it reveals patterned
Many events that typically appear on invento- differences among groups and collectivities
ries such as the Holmes and Rahe Social differentiated by their social and economic
circumstances. Life events array of potential chronic stressors

research is to focus
generally
has lacked this sociological character, al- their attention on problems that arise within
though the reasons seem to lie more in the the boundaries of major social roles and role
analytic treatment of events than in the sets. As I argued above, problems rooted in
inherent nature of the events. Past research institutionalized social roles are often endur-
tended to treat events as though they occurred ing, for the activities and the interpersonal
willy-nilly, with no consideration of the relationships they entail are enduring. More-
social and economic situations of the people over, when problems-or strains, as I refer to
who experienced the event. Some events, of them-occur within roles, they are likely to
course, create havoc in a contextual vacuum, affect their incumbents, because typically we
such as when one's house is destroyed by attach considerable importance to our major
lightning (although even this random event roles. Difficulties in job, marriage, or parent-
may have nonrandom social and economic hood have important effects because the roles
consequences). From a sociological perspec- themselves are important. Furthermore, the
tive, events that are experienced idiosyncrati- focus on role strains can reinforce the links
cally can be ignored. Often, however, events between the contexts that largely structure
that in fact are rooted in people's social and people's activities, relationships, and experi-
economic circumstances are treated as though ences, and their well-being.
they are unrelated to these circumstances. To Several types of role strain were assessed in
avoid treating these kinds of events as though our earlier work (Pearlin 1983; Pearlin and
they are capricious happenings, we must Schooler 1978); only a brief review of those
reveal their links to people's relevant socialtypes is presented here. One type is role
and economic characteristics. Some events overload, a condition that exists when
under some conditions are powerful stressorsdemands on energy and stamina exceed the
that affect people's lives directly and indi- individual's capacities. Role overload is
rectly; research into these stressors should not found most commonly in occupational and
be abandoned, only rethought. The research homemaker roles as well as in specialized
needs to establish that events in fact are roles, such as among informal caregivers to
events and not proxy indicators of chronic seriously impaired relatives. Interpersonal
hardships. Research also needs to be more conflicts within role sets are the type of
selective in the events it studies, focusing chronic strain reported most often. This type
particularly on those that illuminate the of strain assumes many forms, but they all
connections between social forces and individ-entail problems and difficulties that arise
ual well-being. This approach requires a among those who interact with each other in
sensitivity to events whose occurrence varies sets of complementary roles, such as wife-
with people's key social and economic husband, parent-child, or worker-supervisor.
statuses, such as age and life stage, gender,Still another type of strain, inter-role conflict,
race and ethnicity, occupational status, and is found at the juncture of different roles. It
economic class. The presence of relationshipsentails the incompatible demands of multiple
between these kinds of master statuses and roles, especially demands of work and
potentially stressful events would bespeakfamily.
the Commonly individuals cannot satisfy
social character of eventful stressors. the demands and expectations of one of these
roles without forsaking those of the other. A
different strain involves role captivity, which
Chronic Strains as Stressors exists when one is an unwilling incumbent of
a role. People experiencing this type of strain
The second major type of stressor involves include housewives or retirees who would
the relatively enduring problems, conflicts, prefer outside employment or employed
and threats that many people face in their workers who would prefer to be at home with
daily lives. The very number and diversity of young children. The roles that these people
this type of stressor and the formidable occupy might not be onerous or filled with
measurement problems that they entail are conflict; the people simply prefer to be and to
among the reasons why life event inventories,do things outside the confines of the un-
by comparison, are so inviting a research wanted role.
tool. One way in which sociologists can gain Finally, role restructuring is an important
some conceptual control over the extensive but overlooked type of strain that certainly
deserves more attention. It is virtually inevi- strains are confounded with outcomes. That
table that relationships in role sets undergo is, answers to questions about role strains and
change. Although the actors and the role sets answers to questions about outcomes, such as
remain the same, either the aging process or depression, may be guided by the same
extraneous exigencies force alterations in underlying state of disaffection. Thus we
long-established patterns of expectation and must confront the nagging possibility that the
interaction. This phenomenon can be ob- robust correlations between measures of strain
served in a variety of situations, such as the and measures of psychological distress reflect
rebellious adolescent who complains that he a lack of independence between the indicators
is treated as a baby, the apprentice who growsof these constructs. There is no quick fix to
restless with his mentor as he masters his craft,
this difficulty; obviously one must exercise
or adult children who must assume increasingcare in wording the questions about strain so
responsibility for the care of aged parents. that they contain no language of distress, but
Often the restructuring of entrenched relation- to a large extent the independence of the
ships is not easy; it can result in a sense of measures must be established analytically.
betrayal, status loss, and the violation of This can be done first by identifying people
expectations. These kinds of strains may who are equivalent with regard to strain but
develop insidiously and may persist until who differ in the level of distress they
people readjust to the new expectations and express, and then by determining whether
norms governing the relationships. these differences can be explained systemati-
Not all severe strains are found within cally. For example, we might find that
major roles. Living in or close to poverty, differences in the amount of distress experi-
residing in neighborhoods where there is enced among people who report the same
reason to fear crime or violence, and having strains
a may be explained by variations in
serious chronic illness are among the ambient coping and social support. When uniform
strains that cut across roles and envelop levels of strain joined to varying levels of
people. Still other strains may arise in more distress can be explained in a theoretically
informal and elective roles, such as in meaningful way, the explanation bolsters our
voluntary activities and associations or in confidence in the independence of our
dealing with friends and acquaintances. Thus measures of strain and of distress and in the
the strains that people experience in their significance of the relationships between
institutionalized roles by no means represent them.
all chronic stressors.
Two methodological problems underlie the
identification of chronic strains. One problem The Convergence of Events and
is that the chronicity of these strains is oftenChronic Strains
inferred rather than established empirically.
In my own work I have treated certain Even if it were possible to overcome the
problems as chronic simply because they exist difficulties in measuring and assessing both
within a continuing relationship and are life not events
of and chronic strains, our research
a sort that is likely to vary appreciably within still would be encumbered by conceptual
a relatively short time. The absence of marital blinders. A serious limitation of inquiry into
reciprocity is a case in point (e.g., Pearlin, stressors is the tendency toward "either-or"
1975b). This problem is reflected in situations thinking. In searching for stressors, we
where one member of the marital pair feels usually focus either on life events or on
that the other is not contributing equally to the chronic strains. As a result of this unwitting
relationship. Ideally, the chronicity of this tendency we have missed opportunities to
kind of strain should be evaluated on the basis observe the ways in which events and strains
of information about the length of time for converge in people's lives. There are at least
which the problem has been experienced. Yet three ways in which events and strains come
because problems of this type can have together in stressful experience: 1) events lead
insidious onsets, it may be difficult, if not to chronic strains; 2) chronic strains lead to
impossible, to determine duration with reason- events; and 3) strains and events provide
able confidence. meaning contexts for each other.
The second methodological difficulty con- Consider first the capability of events to
cerns the possibility that measures of role cause strains. Studies of events typically
examine the events as justdirect
as preceding causes
conditions color
ofthe mean-
stress
in individuals. Yet events ing and thealsoimpact of the event, stress
cause consequent in
an indirect manner by conditions also may regulate
altering the impact of the the
adversely
more enveloping and enduring event. Retirement, for example,
life might have a
conditions.
These conditions, in turn, become potent negative effect on well-being if the retirement
sources of stress in their own right-perhapsresults in a loss of status or the atrophying of
more potent than the precipitating event. Thisprized skills; it might have a positive effect if
process, in which events adversely restructureone finds in retirement the opportunity to
social and economic conditions of life, has pursue self-fulfilling passions that previously
been demonstrated empirically for at least had been held in abeyance.
three events: involuntary job loss (Pearlin, Events, then, typically do not stand as
Lieberman, Menagham, and Mullan 1981), stressors separate from the durable stains that
divorce (Pearlin and Johnson 1977), and people experience, nor do the strains neces-
death of spouse (Pearlin and Lieberman sarily persist apart from the events they may
1978). These events commonly result in such precipitate. Events and strains often flow
circumstances as increased economic hard- together in people's experiences, although
ship, heightened interpersonal conflict, or researchers might see them as separate and
greater social isolation. These kinds of unrelated. Events can create stressful strains;
circumstances, in turn, may be stronger strains can precipitate stressful events; and
antecedents of stress than the events that events and strains each constitute the contexts
helped to create the circumstances. that shape the meanings and the stressful
Just as stressful chronic problems may be effects of the other. Merely correlating events
created by events, stressful events can be or strains with health outcomes fails to
triggered by persisting problems. As I argued capture an accurate picture of an antecedent
earlier, research into events usually does not process that often involves a dynamic connec-
separate the events from the strains that might tion between events and relatively durable
have preceded them. Consequently there has strains.
been little study examining how enduring
strains give rise to events. Some scattered
evidence, however, suggests that this situa- Primary and Secondary Stressors
tion occurs. We know, for example, that
continued marital conflict can result in Underlying the above discussion is the
separation and divorce (Menaghan 1982). assumption that significant stressors rarely, if
Indeed, it is reasonable to speculate that in ever, occur singly. If people are exposed to
general, prolonged interpersonal conflict can one serious stressor, it is very likely that they
precipitate events which mark the disruption will be exposed to others as well. One event
of or withdrawal from the troubled relation- leads to another event or triggers chronic
ships. strains; strains, for their part, beget other
In the third way in which events and strainsstrains or events. Thus clusters of stressors
converge in stressful experience, each pro- may develop, each cluster made up of a
vides the meaning context for the other. Thusvariety of events and strains. Furthermore,
the nature of relevant conditions preceding the clustered stressors may be formed by
the event may influence whether or not an problems that originated in different institu-
event is experienced as stressful. It would be tionalized roles (Wheaton in press): job loss
a mistake, for example, to assume that may engender economic strains, occupational
divorce is uniformly stressful without consid- strains may create marital strains, and so on.
ering whether the couple's prior marital life It is reasonable that stressors should prolifer-
was characterized solely by strife and frustra-ate and diffuse within and across institutional
tion or whether it also contained fulfillment lines, because the multiple sectors of people's
and satisfaction. Indeed, Wheaton (1988) lives are interrelated such that disruptions in
shows that the intensity of the strains one sector are likely to cause disruptions in
experienced in roles tends to govern the levelsothers. Moreover, the stressors experienced
of stress that follow transitions out of theby one individual often become problems for
roles. Depending on prior circumstances, the others who share the same role sets. Thus a
same transitional events might be experienced married person who is in a difficult work
either as liberating or as depriving. Moreover,situation probably has a spouse who is under
stress as a consequence (Pearlin and McCall lished relationships, and when impairment is
in press). severe, prolonged, and progressive, the care-
For the sociological stress researcher, the giving comes to dominate the interactions
multiplication and the contagion of stressors between actors whose previous relationships
means that studies must cast a wide net to were organized in a very different way. A
capture the full array of stressors that are number of primary stressors, those involved
present in an individual's life. If we fail to directly in providing care to the impaired
discern all the appreciable stressors that are person, can be observed. They include the
contemporaneous, we also will fail to inter- vigilance that may be required to monitor and
pret correctly the outcomes that we observe. control the patient, the psychological losses
Suppose, for example, we wished to study the that accumulate with the patient's continued
relationship between serious physical injury deterioration, and exhaustion and overload.
and depression. Our inquiry would be incom- Several secondary stressors stem from these
plete, if not misleading, if we assumed that primary problems. For example, increased
the injury was the only stressor present; in
conflict with others is quite common, as when
such a case we would ignore possible
the caregiver feels abandoned by family
concomitant economic, occupational, family,
members. Caregivers holding outside jobs
and social problems. Variations in depression
may find themselves unable to devote them-
thus reflect not only the seriousness of the
selves fully to one activity without neglecting
injury itself but also variations in the
the requirements of the other. Economic
clustering of stressors. It is not an event or a
strain arising from diminished income or
strain that merits the sociologist's attention,
increased expenditure is another frequently
but how the organization of people's lives
observed secondary stressor, as are the losses
may be disrupted in the stress process.
of desired social relationships and activities
One step toward bringing this organization
outside the caregiving situation. Once set in
into view is to distinguish primary and
motion, these secondary stressors produce
secondary stressors. Primary stressors are
their own stressful outcomes.
those which are likely to occur first in
These examples are intended to illuminate
people's experience. The stressor may be an
pivotal point: important life problems, whether
event, especially one that is undesired and
in the form of events or of durable strains, do
eruptive, such as the untimely death of a
not exist in isolation from other problems.
loved one, involuntary job loss, or injury; or
The very integration of individuals' activities
it could be a more enduring or repeated
stressor, such as those experienced in mar-
and relationships means that disruptions in
riage or occupation. Whereas primary stress- one area of their lives serve to create other
disruptions. Therefore sociological stress re-
ors can be conceptualized as occurring first in
experience, secondary stressors come about searchers cannot confine their attention to a
as a consequence of the primary stressors. I single event or to groups of events, nor can
do not refer to them as secondary because they examine only one role strain on the
assumption that it is the only problem or the
they are less potent than the primary stressors.
On the contrary, once established, secondary most important problem faced by the individ-
stressors independently may become capable ual. Instead, the presence and the organiza-
of producing even more intense stress than tion of constellations of stressors need to be
those we consider to be primary. They are discerned and measured independently. The
secondary only on the basis of their presumed discernment of this organization, in turn, may
order in the stress process, not on the basis ofbe enhanced by distinguishing primary and
their importance to the process. secondary stressors. This distinction will help
Examples of secondary stressors resulting to discriminate between people who may be
from more primary stressors may be drawn similar with regard to their exposure to one
from our current studies of specialized stressor but who differ appreciably with
caregiving roles, those involving the care of regard to the array of stressors to which they
impaired relatives or friends (Pearlin, Sem- are exposed. Such discrimination can go far
ple, and Turner 1988; Pearlin, Turner, and in explaining why people who seem to be
Semple 1989). Informal caregiving to im- alike with regard to the problems that they
paired people is an extreme instance of role face differ sharply with regard to the intensity
restructuring: usually it occurs within estab- and range of the stress outcomes that they
manifest. People who are treated analytically productive of stress. We do not yet know,
as similar may, in fact, be different. however, how to look systematically for these
I would like to raise a final issue with combinations. We can only assume that the
regard to the identification and specification kinds of values which will produce stressful
of stressors; this issue concerns values. As I effects must have relevance to the social
have emphasized, a central task of research conditions under study. At this stage of our
into stress is to explain why individuals work, however, sociological researchers must
exposed to stressor conditions that appear to rely on their intuition to identify the stressful
be similar do not necessarily suffer the same mix of circumstances and values, for there is
outcomes. Part of this explanation lies in no established theoretical guide to identifica-
social values. By values I refer to what is tion. At least this much is known: the
defined socially as good, desirable, and relationships of social stressors to individual
prized or as something to be eschewed stress may be seen most clearly when we take
(Williams 1960, pp. 397-470). Although the into account social values that help to shape
importance of values to stress research has the meaning of the stressors. This line of
been recognized (Lazarus and Folkman 1984, inquiry is worth following by sociologists.
pp. 77-81), their part in the stress process has The careful study of stressors, then, should
not yet been examined systematically. Val- provide the researcher with an opportunity to
ues, I believe, regulate the effects of learn something about social life as it bears on
experience by regulating the meaning and individual
the functioning. The sociological study
importance of the experience (Pearlin 1988). of stressors can reveal the connections
To understand the role of values in between social organization and the organiza-
regulating the impact of stressors, one must tion of lives. To find these connections,
understand that conditions are stressful when however, we cannot treat stress as stemming
they are threatening. I use "threat" in the from unconnected happenings. Instead the
broadest sense to include reactions to such antecedents of stress need to be understood in
disparate constructs as loss, unfulfilled needs, terms of process, whereby broad structured
violation of self-image, and blocked aspira- and institutional forces, constellations of
tions. Some conditions may be intrinsically primary and secondary stressors, and widely
threatening, as when one's life is at stake. shared values converge over time to affect
More often, however, the threat that people people's well-being. Most certainly, the
experience from the circumstances they face sociological study of social stress does not
depends to some degree on the values they rely on predictive models. We must guide our
hold-that is, on what they define as effort not simply by identifying and adding
important, desirable, or to be cherished. An together all factors that might contribute to
example can be provided from a study that the variance of an outcome but also by asking
showed that marital partners from unequal how and why these contributions come about.
status backgrounds also tended to have higher Prediction alone does not make us wiser
levels of marital stress (Pearlin 1975b). sociologists; for that purpose we need also to
Further analytic probing revealed that these be good explainers and interpreters.
inequalities were related to stress primarily
among people who held certain status values.
Specifically, hypogamous people-those who THE MEDIATORS AND
"married down"-were particularly vulnera- THEIR INTERVENTIONS
ble to marital stress, but only when they
valued status enhancement and upward mobil- I have already suggested two explanations
ity. Others who also had married down but for the fact that the same stressors do not
who were not status strivers were unaffected necessarily lead to the same stressful outcomes:
by their hypogamous marriage. Thus the different configurations of unobserved stress-
cause of stress was neither a structural ors may surround the observed stressor, or
arrangement alone nor a value alone but a different values may endow the same stressor
particular combination of the two. with different meanings. Yet by far the largest
Although other illustrations also could be responsibility for explaining outcome differ-
mobilized, at this time we possess only scant ences has been placed on constructs that I
evidence that certain values, when combined refer to collectively as mediators. They are
with certain social conditions, are especially mediators in the sense that they have been
shown to govern (or mediate) the effects of and economic circumstances and their coping
stressors on stress outcomes. Coping and repertoires.
social support have received the most atten- Is coping a set of general dispositions
tion in the research literature; for this reason I
activated when one is faced with threatening
shall confine my attention to these mediators. problems, or does it consist of more specific
Other constructs, however, also have been responses invoked selectively in dealing with
cast analytically as mediators; in particular specific kinds of problems? From a personal-
these include the self-concepts of self-esteem ity perspective, coping may be seen as a
and mastery (Pearlin and Schooler 1978). tendency to react in characteristic ways to
These aspects of self represent personal threat, regardless of the nature of the threat or
resources and appear to serve as appreciable the context in which it arises. It is distinctly
barriers to the stressful effects of difficult life
possible that there are general coping disposi-
conditions. In addition, personality constructstions which cut across different situations.
such as Type A, hardiness, and invulnerabil- Perhaps, for example, people who engage in
ity are treated implicitly as mediators. Al- denial in one situation will do the same in a
though such constructs possibly are useful in very different situation. Yet the sociologist
explaining differences among individuals in finds it difficult to accept the notion that
the effects of stressors, their utility in people cope with retirement from the job, for
explaining differences among socially and example, in the same way as with being fired
economically demarcated groups has not yet from the job, or with conflict with one's boss
been demonstrated. For this reason they have in the same way as with conflict with one's
not attracted the attention of sociologists to child. There is simply no reason to assume
the same extent as other types of mediators. that coping will be the same regardless of the
Although coping and social support cer- nature of the impinging stressors, the institu-
tainly intersect, they are quite distinct; each tional contexts in which they occur, or the
has its own conceptual problems. Briefly and relationships they might involve. Individuals
selectively I shall point out some of these have personalities that retain their integrity
problems. Then I shall consider strategies forfrom one situation to another. Yet the coping
evaluating mediating effects within the stress responses that mediate the stressful impact of
process. one situation may be entirely inappropriate to
another. Therefore the researcher who is
sensitive to the social and contextual origins
Coping of stressors also must be sensitive to the
situation-specific character of coping.
Coping refers to the actions that people Even so, the functions of coping are
take in their own behalf as they attempt to essentially the same in all situations, although
avoid or lessen the impact of life problems the forms of coping might vary from one
(Pearlin and Schooler 1978). Although coping situation to another. As we described in detail
refers to individuals' actions and perceptions, elsewhere (Pearlin and Schooler 1978), all
it is of sociological interest because importantcoping-regardless of the nature of the
elements of coping may be learned from one's stressors-serves either to change the situa-
membership and reference groups in the same tion from which the stressors arise, to manage
ways as other behaviors are learned and the meaning of the situation in a manner that
internalized. Because interest in coping was reduces its threat, or to keep the symptoms of
rooted initially in clinical concerns, research- stress within manageable bounds. Therefore
ers tend to think of a person's coping we possess a conceptual framework for the
repertoire as representing a clinical profile study of coping that has general application,
unique to the individual and to ignore the even though the behavioral elements of
shared, normative basis of individual coping. coping are more specific to the particular
Although aspects of one's coping indeed maystressor that is being experienced and vary
be unique, it is likely that people who interactwith that stressor (Pearlin and Aneshensel
with each other and who share important life 1986).
circumstances will also share coping behav-
iors. Consequently part of the sociologists'
Social Support
research agenda should be aimed at identify-
ing the associations between people's social It would appear that among the major
mediating constructs, social support should an individual attribute. When the social and
have the clearest and best established theoret- interactional nature of social support is
ical links to social theory. Somewhat surpris- ignored, we are left with an incomplete, if not
ingly, however, this is not the case. Perhaps distorted, picture of how it functions. The
one reason is that sociologists who are forms of support, its reciprocity, the connec-
interested in social networks tend not to be tions between seeking and receiving support,
the same as those working in stress and social its stability, and even whether or not it is
support. Networks refer more directly than welcomed depend not on the recipient alone
supports to the structure of people's social but on the donor-recipient relationship.
attachments. These attachments, of course, Supporting relationships are found in virtu-
differ in extensiveness and composition for ally all institutional and social contexts:
different groups in the society. As Lin and his religion, occupation, family, neighborhood,
colleagues describe (Lin, Dean, and Ensel voluntary associations, the medical care
1986, pp. 17-30, 53-70), most people's system, and elsewhere. Just as the forms and
attachments include some mix of formal and functions of support may vary with the nature
informal, primary and secondary, and strong of the relationship from which support is
and weak ties; some attachments exist with drawn, there is some evidence (House 198 lb,
friends and others with relatives; some 59-85) that the effect of support is con-
involve frequent face-to-face interaction and strained or enhanced by the context in which
others do not. The organization of one's the relationships exist. Thus we need to learn
social network mirrors the organization of more both about the interactional aspects of
one's engagement with the larger society. support and about the effects of social
Whereas the social network can be re- contexts on its forms, functions, and efficacy.
garded as the totality of the social resources Sociologists should be foremost among the
on which one potentially may draw, social contributors to this research.
support represents the resources that one
actually uses in dealing with life problems
(Pearlin 1985). In most instances, of course, How Do Mediators Mediate?
one's sources of support in dealing with any
given stressor will be much more restricted The very words "coping" and "social
than one's total network. Consequently stress support" contain implicit consequences. Once
researchers tend to ignore network and its a behavior is labeled as coping, we assume
structure and to deal only with support as it isthat it succeeds in relieving stress; if someone
perceived by the individual. Certainly there isis labeled as the recipient of support, he is
nothing wrong with data that bear on perforce supported. These assumed beneficial
perceived support; studies indicate that per- consequences, inherent in the very language
ceived support indeed has a mediating we use to refer to stress mediators, inadvert-
function in the stress process (Turner 1983). ently may have diverted us from asking
Yet, when the study of perceived support is whether in fact the mediators do mediate,
separated from the study of networks, we are and, if so, how. At any rate, insufficient
unable to see how individuals' support is effort has been devoted to evaluating the
associated with their integration into various efficacy of the mediators, especially in the
social institutions and contexts. The identifi- case of coping.
cation of the connections between individu- In raising this issue here, I am concerned
als' social life and their inner well-being less with the methodology of determining
could be enhanced, I submit, by joining the how much difference the mediators make than
study of social support more closely to the with where to look for these differences. In
study of social networks. this regard it is useful to recall that stressful
Aside from its separation from network, situations may contain constellations of pri-
the study of support lacks sociological mary and secondary stressors. Moreover,
substance for still another reason: typicallyeach it type of stressor may contain multiple
considers only the recipient of support and subtypes of stressors. This conceptualization
ignores the donors of support and their of the stress process suggests ways to search
interactions with the recipient (Pearlin 1985; for the effects of coping and social support
Pearlin and McCall in press). A construct that that currently are not recognized. Specifi-
is inherently interactional is treated instead as cally, we should expand our assessments of
efficacy to include the ability ityof the the
between mediators
circumstances of social life
to inhibit the scope and severity both of the and individual functioning.
primary stressors and of the secondary In looking for indicators of individual
stressors that follow. To whatever extent the stress that are sensitive to social circum-
mediators succeed in constraining the inten- stances, one is drawn inevitably to phenom-
sity, number, and diffusion of stressors, theyena that traditionally have been the domain of
also must succeed eventually in constraining biology and medicine. Thus sociologists must
the extent and intensity of stress outcomes. attain some usable knowledge of the research
These indirect effects of the mediators may beconcerns that lie outside their own discipline.
every bit as instrumental in minimizing stress Although this knowledge is both necessary
outcomes as the direct effects to which and desirable, preoccupation with the medical
attention usually is limited. and biological markers of outcomes can come
The evaluation of indirect effects of at the expense of attention to the social
mediators should help further to illuminate antecedents of the outcomes. Indeed, there
the question that now has been raised at are institutional pressures toward such preoc-
several points of this paper: What accounts cupation. Because these pressures arise out of
for variations in the outcomes of stressful life
prevailing economic and institutional condi-
conditions? Our understanding of the variabil- tions, I discuss them largely from a perspec-
ity of stress outcomes will be enhanced by tive of the sociology of knowledge.
observing how coping and social support In selecting the outcomes they will study,
affect each step of the process that precedes sociologists and others may be influenced
the outcomes. If we confine our assessment of subtly by the sources of funding for stress
the mediators solely to their direct effects onresearch. Most agencies that fund research in
outcomes, we will not be able to detect their this area are organized around diseases-
important indirect effects, those which are heart, cancer, mental, and so on-and the
exercised through their regulation of anteced-experts enlisted by these agencies to judge the
ent conditions. merits of proposed research are typically
oriented to biomedical models. Understand-
ably these models place less importance on
the social origins of stress than on the
OUTCOMES
organismic manifestations. Thus in evaluating
the merits of proposed research, the agencies
Outcomes refer to the manifestations of may give more weight to the theoretical and
organismic stress. Many manifestations exist, methodological command of the biomedical
and they are found at multiple levels of outcomes than to that of the antecedent
organismic functioning. Indeed, the multiplic- processes. In attempting to satisfy evaluative
ity of stress indicators has led some research- criteria, the sociologist may be drawn unwit-
ers to question whether the very notion of tingly into clinical, diagnostic, and epidemio-
stress is useful (Elliott and Eisdorfer 1982). Alogical issues beyond the depth necessary to
construct that subsumes such diverse (al- identify the social circumstances that affect
though presumably related) phenomena as the well-being. I do not argue that limits should
immunological and endocrine systems, the be placed on sociologists' expertise with
digestive and cardiovascular systems, anxi- regard to stress outcomes, but I do believe
ety, depression, and mental health-to name that this expertise should serve primarily to
just a few-is bound to create confusion. The illuminate the organization of social life, the
confusion is compounded understandably by structure of experience, and the effects of
the fact that several disciplines have devel- these phenomena on individual health and
oped their own distinctive approaches to the functioning. Sociologists properly may be
study of stress and its indicators. Yet despite health researchers, but they also must be
its ambiguity, the notion of stress provides a social researchers.
framework sufficiently flexible to encompass As Mirowsky and Ross (1989) have
the broad and diverse range of constructs cogently discussed, sociological stress researc
found in sociological studies of stress and ers who are interested primarily in mental
health. Thus for sociologists, an attractive health outcomes are currently encountering a
feature of the stress concept is its ability to special set of institutional constraints on the
absorb the far-reaching notion of inseparabil-selection of outcome criteria. In psychiatry,
attention is focused increasingly on patholo- ships. None of these outcomes has a

gies likely to have a powerful genetic compelling theoretical priority over the oth-
etiology, such as schizophrenia and bipolar ers, but there may be a theoretically compel-
depression. The study of these disorders fits ling reason to avoid reliance on a single
comfortably within the medical model, its outcome in assessing the stressfulness of
orientations to disease, and the identification social conditions.
of cases needing treatment. By contrast, the The observation of multiple outcomes is
social scientist is more likely to be interested highly desirable because people having differ-
in dysfunctions that have a powerful social ent social and economic characteristics also
and experiential etiology, such as anxiety and may have different modes of manifesting
subclinical depressive disorders. Moreover, stress. As a result, we run the risk of seriously
these different orientations to outcomes re- misjudging the effects of difficult life circum-
quire different tools. The medical researchers stances if we judge effect only on the basis of
and the psychiatric epidemiologist need elab- a single outcome. Gender differences again
orate diagnostic instruments that can yield an provide a telling illustration. It has been
accurate count of the prevalence and inci- shown repeatedly that women more than men
dence of various disorders and that can are host to depressive symptoms and emo-
identify cases in need of treatment. The social tional distress. In turn, this finding has led to
scientist, by contrast, needs symptom scales speculation that women may be more vulner-
to rank people according to the intensity of able than men to certain stressful circum-
their distress. Whereas the medical researcher stances, such as network losses (e.g., Kessler
and the epidemiologist are concerned with and McLeod 1984). Yet before we can accept
diagnostic tools that will help reliably in case the assumption of vulnerability, we must be
identification, the sociologist is concerned sure that we have considered a full range of
with measures of distress that are reliably relevant outcomes. Perhaps men and women
sensitive to antecedent processes. do not differ in their overall vulnerability to
These differences are reasonable and legit- stressors, but differ instead with regard to the
imate, and they should be maintained. particular outcomes to which they are vulner-
Sociologists should avoid immersion in the able. This warning emerges from the work of
medical and epidemiological models that Aneshensel (1988), who showed that apparent
emphasize diagnosis and case finding. Such gender differences in vulnerability to the
immersion not only fails to serve the goals of impact of events disappear when excessive
social research; it may even hinder the drinking and other outcomes are considered
achievement of those goals by diverting time along with depression. That is, the stressful
and resources to issues that are extraneous to events are no less harmful for men than for
social inquiry. women, a fact that was obscured when only
What outcomes should be considered in depression was examined. We must keep in
sociological research into stress? Understand- mind that structurally demarcated groups may
ably, the answer to this query is based on the manifest stress in different ways. Unless
kinds of data to which sociologists have ready multiple outcomes are considered, we can
access as well as on their theoretical perspec- mistakenly exaggerate the vulnerability of
tives. For example, sociologists typically do some groups while underestimating at the
not look at endocrine secretions or at the same time the general impact of the stressors
immunological system because they possess under examination.
neither the skills nor the facilities to do so
without the costly collaboration of others.
Instead we usually examine outcomes that can SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION
be assessed through direct observation, medi-
cal records, or self-evaluations and reports. In this paper I have not sought to lay out
Examples of stress indicators found in steps to be followed; rather, I have attempted
sociological studies include health histories, to raise issues to be considered in the
symptoms of physical health, symptom scales sociological study of stress. The overarching
measuring a variety of dimensions of mental strategy of social research into stress is the
health, the abuse of alcohol or of mind- identification of the many links that join
altering drugs, inability to fulfill role obliga- forms of social organization to individual
tions, and the disruption of social relation- stress. I have suggested a number of concep-
tual and analytic perspectives that I believe severity of primary and secondary stressors.
will enable us to advance this agenda. One These are the indirect effects which soften
crucial element is the examination of statuses stress outcomes but which are not in view
and other background circumstances at each when we concern ourselves only with the
step of the stress process. We need to know direct effects of the mediators on outcomes.
how these social factors bear on the kinds of Finally, some of the difficulty encountered
stressors to which people are exposed, the in analytically explaining variations in out-
personal and social resources to which people comes lies with the range of outcomes
have access, and the emotional, behavioral, selected for study. Focusing exclusively on a
and physical disorders through which stress is single outcome, such as depression, may lead
manifested. This proposal contains nothing to the mistaken conclusion that some groups
new; it deserves emphasis only because of people are affected adversely by stressors
researchers tend either to limit the analyses of that leave others unaffected. These putative
social background factors or to relegate them variations in vulnerability, however, may be
to serving as controls through which the an artifact of the ways in which different
independent effects of other conditions are social and economic groups channel and
established. Yet the sociological stake in manifest stress. Consequently the inclusion of
stress research requires the careful and a reasonable range of outcomes should
comprehensive analysis of information about prevent us from making inappropriate assump-
the structural contexts of people's lives. tions of differential vulnerability to common
Many important life experiences, some of stressors.
them stressful, are rooted in these contexts. However one thinks of the stress process, it
Stressful experiences may take on different obviously consists of multiple conceptual
forms and configurations and it is unlikely components; each component potentially has
that they can be fully captured by examining multiple aspects or dimensions. The richness
either life events or life strains separately and and the complexity of the process invite us to
apart from each other. Over time, stressors phrase research questions in very different
typically surface as groups or constellations ways. One study, for example, may be
of stressors, some primary and others secon- concerned mainly with the epidemiological
dary, that blend events with more durable distribution of depression; another may have
strains. This is a useful way to look at the as its central question the buffering effects of
antecedent process, and is consistent with social support on depression; a third might
available empirical evidence. It seeks stress- seek to evaluate the effects of a particular
ors in the organization of lives and in the event or role strain on depression. Each
structure of experience rather than among question places a somewhat different set of
unrelated "risk factors." issues at the center of its interests. Although
One of the analytic tasks of the stress the questions may generate overlapping data,
researcher is to explain variations in stress the data essentially serve different research
outcomes. First, some of the variation in goals.
outcomes is to be found in the constellations When studies start with questions about the
of stressors. When we observe events and parts played across the stress process by the
strains singly while ignoring broader clusters social and economic arrangements in which
of primary and secondary stressors, we may people's lives are embedded, they produce
incorrectly assume more similarity in expo- knowledge that has a distinctive emphasis.
sure to stressful experience than actually Although studies of this type share with other
exists. In other words, part of the unexplained approaches an interest in individuals' well-
variations in outcomes may be due to relevant being, they also help to illuminate those
stressors that are not being observed and aspects of social organization which pertain
whose effects therefore cannot be assessed. particularly to the differential exposure to and
Second, even though we have probably meaning of stressors, to differences in the
relied too heavily on the explanatory power of various kinds of resources that people can
coping and support, nevertheless we may mobilize in responding to stressful circum-
systematically have underestimated their me- stances, and, finally, to differences in the
diating effects. We cannot appreciate the full manifestation of stress. The sociological
capacity of these mediators until we examine study of stress, I believe, can contribute
their effects in limiting the number and uniquely both to an understanding of social
life and to an understanding . 1981b. Work
of Stress
how and Social
theSupport.
fates
of individuals come to be bound to it. Reading, MA: Addision-Wesley.
In emphasizing some of the conceptual Kahn, Robert L. 1973. "Conflict, Ambiguity, and
Overload: Three Elements in Job Stress."
ingredients and analytic strategies of a
Occupational Mental Health 3:2-9.
sociology of stress, I do not wish to wave a
Kessler, Ronald C. and Jane D. McLeod. 1984.
banner of disciplinary parochialism. Yet it is
"Sex Differences in Vulnerability to Undesir-
of considerable importance to study social able Life Events." American Sociological Re-
structures and their effects on individual view 49:620-31.
well-being. If sociologists don't do this and Kessler, Ronald C. and James A. McRae. 1981.
do it well, who will? "Trends in Sex and Psychological Distress."
American Sociological Review 46:443-52.
Lazarus, Richard S. and Susan Folkman. 1984.
REFERENCES
Stress, Appraisal and Coping. New York:
Springer.
Lin, Nan, Alfred Dean, and Walter Ensel. 1986.
Aneshensel, Carol S. 1988. "Disjunctures between
Public Health and Medical Models." Paper Social Support, Life Events, and Depression.
presented at the meetings of the American Orlando, FL: Orlando Academic Press.
Public Health Association, Boston. Menaghan, Elizabeth G. 1982. "Assessing the
Avison, William R. and R. Jay Turner. 1988. Impact of Family Transition on Marital Experi-
"Stressful Life Events and Depressive Symptoms: ence." Pp. 90-108 in Family Stress, Coping and
Disaggregating the Effects of Acute Stressors Social Support, edited by H.I. McCubbin, A.E.
and Chronic Strains." Journal of Health and Cauble, and J.M. Patterson. Springfield, IL:
Social Behavior 29:253-64. Thomas.
Dohrenwend, Bruce and Leonard I. Pearlin. 1982.
Mirowsky, John and Catherine E. Ross, 1989.
"Report on Stress and Life Events." Stress and"Psychiatric Diagnosis as Reified Measure-
Human Health, edited by G. Elliott and C. ment." Journal of Health and Social Behavior
Eisdorfer. New York: Springer. 30:11-25.
Elliott, Glenn R. and Carl Eisdorfer. 1982. Pearlin, Leonard I. 1975a. "Sex Roles and
"Conceptual Issues in Stress Research." Pp. Depression." Pp. 191-207 in Life-Span Devel-
11-45 in Stress and Human Health, edited by opmental Psychology: Normative Life Crises,
G.R. Elliott and C. Eisdorfer. New York: edited by N. Dalton and L. Ginsberg. New
Springer. York: Academic Press.
Fairbank, Dianne T. and Richard L. Hough. 1979. . 1975b. "Status Inequality and Stress in
"Life Events Classification and the Event-IllnessMarriage." American Sociological Review 40:
Relationship." Journal of Health and Social 344-57.
Behavior 19:41-47.
. 1982. "The Social Contexts of Stress."
Gersten, Joanne C., Thomas S. Langner, Jeanne
Pp. 367-79 in Handbook of Stress, edited by L.
G. Eisenberg, and Ora Simcha-Hogan. 1977.
Goldberger and S. Breznitz. New York: Free
"An Evaluation of the Etiologic Role of
Press.
Stressful Life-Change Events in Psychological
. 1983. "Role Strains and Personal Stress."
Disorders." Journal of Health and Social
Pp. 3-32 in Psychosocial Stress: Trends in
Behavior 18:228-44.
Theory and Research, edited by Howard B.
Gore, Susan L. and Thomas W. Mangione. 1983.
Kaplan. New York: Academic Press.
"Social Roles, Sex Roles, and Psychological
. 1985. "Social Process and Social Sup-
Distress: Additive and Interactive Models of Sex
ports." Pp. 43-60 in Social Support and Health,
Differences." Journal of Health and Social
edited by Sheldon Cohen and Leonard Syme.
Behavior 24:300-12.
Gurin, Gerald, Joseph Veroff, and Sheila Feld. New York: Academic Press.
. 1988. "Social Structure and Social
1960. Americans View Their Mental Health.
New York: Basic Books. Values; The Regulation of Structural Effects."
Hollingshead, August B. and Fredrick C. Redlich.Pp. 252-64 in Surveying Social Life, edited by
1958. Social Class and Mental Illness: A Hubert O'Gorman. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan
Community Study. New York: Wiley. University Press.
Holmes, Thomas H. and Richard H. Rahe. 1967. Pearlin, Leonard I. and Carol Aneshensel. 1986.
"The Social Readjustment Rating Scale." Jour- "Coping and Social Supports: Their Functions
nal of Psychosomatic Research 11:213-18. and Applications." Pp. 53-74, Applications of
House, James S. 1981a. "Social Structure and Social Science to Clinical Medicine and Health,
Personality." Pp. 525-61 in Social Psychology, edited by L.H. Aiken and D. Mechanic. New
edited by M. Rosenberg and R.H. Turner. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
York: Basic Books. Pearlin, Leonard I. and Joyce S. Johnson. 1977.
"Marital Status, Life Strains and Depression." Metropolis: The Midtown Study. New York:
American Sociological Review 42:704-15. McGraw-Hill.
Pearlin, Leonard I. and Morton A. Lieberman. Thoits, Peggy A. 1981. "Undesirable Life Events
1978. "Social Sources of Emotional Distress." and Psychophysiological Distress: A Problem of
Pp. 217-48 in Research in Community and Operational Confounding." American Sociolog-
Mental Health. Vol. 1, edited by R. Simmons. ical Review 46:97-109.
Greenwich, CT: JAI. . 1983. "Dimensions of Life Events That
Pearlin, Leonard I. and Mary McCall. In press. Influence Psychological Distress: An Evaluation
"Occupational Problems and Marital Support." and Synthesis of the Literature." Pp. 33-103 in
In The Transmission of Stress Between Work
Psychosocial Stress, edited by H.B. Kaplan.
and Family, edited by J. Eckenrode and S. New York: Academic Press.
Gore. New York: Plenum.
_ . 1986. "Multiple Identities: Examining
Pearlin, Leonard I. and Carmi Schooler. 1978.
Sexual and Marital Status Differences in Dis-
"The Structure of Coping." Journal of Health
tress." American Sociological Review 51:
and Social Behavior 19:2-21.
259-72.
Pearlin, Leonard I., Shirley Semple, and Heather
Turner, R. Jay. 1983. "Direct, Indirect and
Turner. 1988. "Stress of Aids Caregiving."
Moderating Effects of Social Support on Psycho-
Death Studies 12:501-17.
logical Distress and Associated Conditions."
Pearlin, Leonard I., Heather Turner, and Shirley
Pp. 105-55 in Psychosocial Stress, edited by
Semple. 1989. "Coping and the Mediation of
H.B. Kaplan. New York: Academic Press.
Caregiver Stress." In Alzheimer's Disease Treat-
Vinokur, Amiram and Melvin L. Seltzer. 1975.
ment and Family Stress: Directions for Re-
search, edited by E. Light and B. Liebowitz.
"Desirable versus Undesirable Life Events:
Washington, DC: National Institute of Mental Their Relationship to Stress and Mental Dis-
Health. tress." Journal of Personality and Social
Pearlin, Leonard I., Morton Lieberman, Elizabeth Psychology 32:329-37.
Menaghan, and Joseph Mullan. 1981. "The Wheaton, Blair. 1988. "Life Transitions, Prior
Stress Process." Journal of Health and Social Role Problems and Mental Health: Where More
Behavior 22:337-56. Stress Is Stress Relief." Paper presented at
Rosenberg, Morris. 1968. The Logic of Survey meetings of the American Sociological Associa-
Analysis. New York: Basic Books. tion, Atlanta.
Selye, Hans. 1982. "History and Present Status of _ . In press. "Where Work and Family Meet:
the Stress Concept." Pp. 7-17 in Handbook of Stress across Social Roles." In The Transmis-
Stress, edited by L. Goldberger and S. Breznitz. sion of Stress between Work and Family, edited
New York: Free Press. by J. Eckenrode and S. Gore. Plenum.
Srole, Leo, Thomas S. Langner, Morris K. Opler, Williams, Robin. 1960. American Society. New
and T.A.C. Rennie. 1960. Mental Health in the York: Knopf.
LEONARD I. PEARLIN is Professor of Medical Sociology, Department of Psychiatry, at the University

of California at San Francisco. He has a long-standing interest in social structure and individual
functioning.

Pearlin The Sociological Study of Stress

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Pearlin The Sociological Study of Stress

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Pearlin The Sociological Study of Stress

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

What is the main topic of the article?

What are some concepts discussed in the article?

The Sociological Study of Stress

Author(s): Leonard I. Pearlin

Journal of Health and Social Behavior 1989, Vol. 30 (September):241-256

circumstances. Life events array of potential chronic stressors

attention is focused increasingly on patholo- ships. None of these outcomes has a

LEONARD I. PEARLIN is Professor of Medical Sociology, Department of Psychiatry, at the University

You might also like