CEPI Weekly Bulletin (6-6-21)
CEPI Weekly Bulletin (6-6-21)
PREPARATORY INSTITUTE
June 6, 2021
0303-6449744
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CEPI Pakistan
Objectives
US-China relations continue on a volatile course. are advocating that Beijing toughen its policy in the face
Hopes that the world’s most consequential relationship of America’s efforts to contain China. Nevertheless, top
will be more stable under the Biden Administration Chinese officials continue to call for calm in relations
have not materialized. President Donald Trump’s with Washington. In April while addressing the Boao
policies had plunged ties to such a low that it gave rise forum, President Xi Jinping warned that any economic
to widespread fears that the standoff between the decoupling between the two global powers would be to
global powers would lead to a new ‘cold war’. His the world’s detriment. Although he did not name the US,
constant demonizing of China, trade restrictions as he directed sharp criticism at American efforts to de-
well as the tech war he unleashed kept escalating link supply chains and ban the sale of high-tech
tensions between the two countries. The outbreak of products to Chinese companies. This once again
the pandemic prompted Trump to heap blame on China brought into focus the intense tech war between the
for being the cause of the global health crisis. More two countries.
recently, President Joe Biden ordered US intelligence
agencies to probe the origins of Covid-19. Predictably, Present indications suggest that the turbulence in ties
Beijing reacted sharply. Rejecting the need for any will persist as competition intensifies but ways will
investigation it accused the US of politicizing the also be sought to cooperate in limited areas of common
pandemic. interest – for example on climate change. The problem
of course is how stable relations can be when there is
The stance taken by President Biden is different only in unmanaged competition and an ‘adversarial’ dimension
tone and not substance from his in play.
predecessor’s antagonistic policy toward
Beijing. It reflects and reinforces Much is being written by
the political and Congressional Western commenters on how
consensus in the US – fueled by the Biden administration
Trump’s actions and rhetoric – should conduct relations with
which sees China as an adversary Beijing. This ranges from
and a manipulative economic hawkish views to those
competitor who poses a strategic challenge such as Henry Kissinger,
to be countered and contained. Biden is the leading proponent and
apparently also sensitive to the charge by the architect of an engagement policy toward China,
Republican Party that he is ‘soft’ on China. who urged a more balanced approach. On the other
hand, one of the most thoughtful suggestions have
This explains why America’s top diplomat, Secretary of come from a Chinese academic worth citing for his
State Tony Blinken has described relations with China prudent advice.
as having three aspects – adversarial, competitive and
cooperative. Recently the White House’s top official for In an article in Foreign Affairs titled ‘New engagement
Asia declared that “the period that was broadly consensus’ Professor Wang Dong argues that a new
described as engagement has come to an end.” Kurt Cold War is neither inevitable nor desirable. He calls
Campbell, coordinator for Indo-Pacific affairs also said for a new approach to engagement predicated on
that US policy toward China will now be pursued within “G2RS’’ – a vision of the two countries as responsible
a “new set of strategic parameters” in which “the stakeholders. In this China and the US “would continue
dominant paradigm is going to be competition.” to hedge against each other, but manage their
differences in a calibrated, constructive manner.” They
China has been reacting coolly though firmly to such would lead the world together rather than engage in a
US assertions while emphasizing that cooperative ties rivalry that divides the world.
are in the mutual interest of both countries. Beijing
wants to steady the rocky relationship but there are This new consensus could emerge if the two countries
obviously limits to its patience in the face of hostile US tried to better understand each other’s perspectives.
actions. American efforts to mobilize European and According to Dong this would require strategic
other allies into taking a harder line toward Beijing has reassurance to address the trust deficit. China, as a
brought forth a strong reaction from Chinese officials. rising power needs to credibly reassure Washington
After the G7 summit in London in early May the that “it is neither pursuing a sphere of influence by
communique issued accused China of grave human pushing the US out of East Asia” nor “aiming to replace
rights abuses and ‘coercive economic policies’ while the existing international order.” The US should “resist
declaring support for Taiwan. China condemned this pursuing a containment strategy and seeking to
statement as “gross interference” in its internal affairs. mobilize the US public and its allies for a new cold war.”
Growing nationalist sentiment in China is urging Beijing Wise counsel for how to stabilize a relationship whose
to push back more strongly against western criticism. future course will have far reaching consequences for
This sentiment is already driving a more assertive the global economy and international stability as well
Chinese policy globally. In China more and more voices as for addressing a range of challenges. © Arab News
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The Halo Effect
Sakib Sherani
THE National Accounts Committee has provided a however. It should be noted that the order of magnitude
provisional estimate for overall growth in the economy between the foregoing different estimates is not very
for the outgoing fiscal year. At 3.94 per cent, the large.
estimate has surprised everyone, especially given the
difficult context for the economy in 2020-21 with the Nonetheless, the growth bounce is predicated
lingering effects of stabilisation and the full-blown substantially on two factors: a base effect, and the
impact of the Covid-19 pandemic. bumper output of major crops. While exports have done
exceedingly well, the claim that they contributed
The growth estimate has sparked a spirited debate in significantly to headline growth does not wash, given
the country, with the ‘econocracy’ — comprising the that the export sector is still less than 10pc of GDP.
commentariat, media, Panglossian stock market
analysts, and doomsday economists — consumed by The record and near-record output in four major crops
this one data point. Not surprisingly, the government (wheat, maize, rice and sugarcane) has meant a
has seized upon this growth estimate as validation of transfer of hundreds of billions of rupees to the rural
its policies, while the political opposition and the economy. While the flip side is higher prices paid by
government’s detractors are convinced this is the urban consumers (especially in the case of wheat and
result of data manipulation. sugar), there is a ‘funnel effect’ at work, where the
transfer occurs from a larger number of consumers to
The kerfuffle surrounding this one data point is fewer farmers; hence, the positive effect on
revealing about how economic ‘success’ (or failure) is consumption is more visible.
defined by the elite members of the ‘econocracy’.
Around the world, the political and economic elites This boost to rural incomes has driven the sale of cars,
have reduced the economic well-being of current and motorcycles, tractors, and various other consumer
future generations to the attainment of a ‘high’ GDP goods in the economy, providing an important prop to
growth rate. By doing so, they are skirting existential the large-scale manufacturing sector. The other
(and difficult) questions about the growth process, significant contribution to growth has come from
distributional aspects of the growth, the sustainability construction and its allied industries. The robustness
and inclusiveness of it, if the lives of people were of the wholesale and retail sector is counter-
changed for the better, and the ecological impact. intuitive and is based more on an imputed flow
Perhaps most fundamentally, the question of ‘marketable surpluses’ from the
avoided is: how desirable is growth of this commodity-producing sector (if I
nature that benefits so few? remember correctly the imputed
value used by the Pakistan Bureau of
Many years ago, at the height of the ‘India Statistics is as high as 33pc).
Shining’ political slogan, then-
celebrated Indian editor and Overall, how much of the growth
commentator M.J. Akbar wrote: a was policy-induced? Given
“7% growth (rate) for the 7%”, that some of the sectors
highlighting the skewed showed strong momentum
nature of the benefits. on the back of policy
Warren Buffet has described measures — such as the
it differently, as a “tide that has construction package, support to
lifted all the yachts”. the export sector, and the State Bank’s
substantial injection of liquidity combined
At an important level, the with a slashing of interest rates — the government
fixation with the growth rate is revealing can rightly claim credit for a significant portion of the
about how narrow-based and self-serving definitions growth. Its efforts are even more commendable given
of ‘economic well-being’ have become. A high economic the challenging context. This is amply demonstrated by
growth rate confers a ‘halo effect’, and all other issues the over 7pc contraction recorded by India’s economy
— however existential for a majority of the population in the same period.
— are moved to the shadows.
On the flip side, factors beyond the control of the
Having said that, a few short comments about the government (such as favourable conditions in the crop
number itself may be in order to give perspective. First, sector, and a bounce from the base effect) played a
the reported growth rate may be implausible to some crucial role as well. The other important question the
(and unpalatable to many), but it is certainly not an government should be asking is ‘how sustainable’ is the
impossibility. The momentum in many economic growth bounce? Already, there are significant
indicators, especially high frequency ones, was headwinds to growth in the year ahead emanating from
confirming a strong pick-up in economic activity post- IMF conditionality. The finance minister will also need
second wave of Covid. Whether this would have caused to be careful with his spending plans. Unless calibrated
GDP to grow by three per cent, 3.3pc or 3.9pc is moot, well, any fiscal stimulus runs the clear and present
. © DAWN
Pakistan’s outgoing FY 2020-21 is ending on a high note. The country boasts more than 3.9 percent GDP growth (almost double
the official target) and positive numbers from exports, large-scale manufacturing, agriculture, and other sectors. Thus, the pre-
budget debate is a prominent topic among economists and financial experts. When the 2020-21 budget was announced last year
total outlay was Rs 7,294 billion, significantly less than in FY 2019-20. Many economists and financial experts were not
impressed. However, as the government remained defiant, the final quarter of the current fiscal year justified many critical
decisions and provided answers to many questions. The reduction in Public Sector Development Programmes from Rs 1,613
billion to Rs 1,324 billion trigged much criticism. The government was seen as breaking its promise to boost public-sector
development. As an economist, however, I could see where we were headed in terms of securing larger-scale stability. To
achieve this, the government had to disrupt the existing financial system. And we saw stability in the form of rupee-to-dollar
value, record remittances, record tax revenues, and controlled expenses. It is critical to emphasise the difference in
performance markers between the PTI and its predecessors. During the last PML-N government, the current account deficit
was $19.2 billion, while the PTI enjoyed a surplus of $959 million (January-March 2021). Similarly, the agriculture industry grew
by 2.7 percent during FY 2019-20, with record production in major and minor crops after many years.
As the new financial year begins, the government appears to be shifting gears toward a growth-oriented economy and a budget
outlook that reflects that. What does this mean for the incoming FY 2021-22 at a time when the political arena is calling for an
“awam dost” (public-friendly) budget once more? I would save number predictions for later and instead concentrate on what
needs to be done to achieve ‘growth’. Despite our economic challenges and a hopeful outlook for the future, Pakistan’s real
challenge has always been consistency in policy implementation and execution. As the high monetary policy rate of 7 percent
is unlikely to change during FY 2021-22, Finance Minister Shaukat Tarin’s biggest challenge will be aligning financial institutions
with a dedicated focus on various sectors to the high policy rate. As a result, we must transition to a ‘growth or directional
economy’. Successful implementation of a directional economy is critical for Pakistan’s future growth because it will clearly
define a methodology and fundamentally alter economic and financial measures to achieve the specific growth goal. Consider
the rise of neoliberalism in China as it transitioned to focus on economic growth in the 1980s and 1990s. What occurred remains
unprecedented in any other global economy. Chinese economists achieved a delicate balance between neoliberal development
and economic determinism – encapsulating the true spirit of a directional or growth economy. China entered a new era by
consciously focusing on de-regularisation and the core principles of a free-market and growth-led economy. Experts also
associate neoliberalism with the Margaret Thatcher era of 1979–1990 and Ronald Reagan.
Developing a thorough understanding of a directional economy could be the key success factor that the government is
overlooking. What I mean by this is a critical examination of all public institutions, as well as a deliberate shift to a technocratic
governance model. It also implies streamlining the government, further reducing government spending, and encouraging the
marketisation of social services. In Pakistan’s case, we can broaden our directional economy practice by combining
neoliberalism, authoritarianism, and socialism. This would imply that the government would be forced to privatise loss-making
institutions, implement a moderate free-market mechanism, and retain state control over vital national assets. As a result, we
can integrate into a global neoliberalism model while not completely surrendering to it. This, however, should not be confused
with ‘macroeconomic prudence’. We continue to aim for a broader tax base while allowing financial liberalism in carefully chosen
sectors. Unlike previous governments, including Ishaq Dar’s Rupee Melodrama, the current administration is entirely focused
on bringing about fundamental changes in multiplier industries. The significant determinants for growth-led strategy industries
include untapped capacity in national and international markets, improved production capabilities, and potential market
consumption. These must consist of multiplier industries such as IT, construction and housing, tourism, automobiles, SMEs, blue
economy promotion (maritime affairs), and more. The importance of an export-focused strategy for these sectors must also be
considered in promoting growth. The specified industries must be boosted by increasing consumption and production.
Today’s growth mindset amongst the leadership must be maintained since it will be pivotal in planning and devising strategies.
The leadership must crack the code on discovering novel ways to promote growth across the entire economic fabric – thus a
cleverly designed directional or growth economy. © Daily Times
WITH the last of the American soldiers packing to leave Pakistan is not only still important for the US for a
Afghanistan, post-9/11 US-Pakistan relations have smooth exit from Afghanistan but also for its post-
come full circle. Originally touted as a strategic withdrawal security plans in the region. In a recent
alliance, it morphed into a transactional one over the statement, a Pentagon spokesman said that the Biden
years. With American forces leaving Afghanistan, there administration is in negotiations with Pakistan and
is now a move to reset the alignment. There is, other regional countries on the option of having US
however, no indication yet of the relationship moving bases there.
away from the Afghan pivot.
Apparently, the US wants a presence in the region as
While the foreign policy priorities of the Biden part of its efforts to counter the global terrorist groups
administration are more or less defined, there is no making Afghanistan the centre of their activities after
likelihood of any major shift in its policy towards the withdrawal of foreign forces. Washington also
Pakistan. For the past several years, Washington has wants Pakistan to continue providing the US overflight
seen Pakistan purely from the Afghan prism and there access to Afghanistan after the troops’ withdrawal.
is no indication that the Biden administration will be Surely after entering into an alliance with the US after
deviating from that policy approach. 9/11 Pakistan did allow the use of its airbases for US
planes in the invasion of Afghanistan. But those were
Relations are likely to remain largely transactional with closed down several years ago.
some convergence of interest between the two in the
Afghan peace process. Pakistan’s support remains Pakistan has also provided ground and air lines of
critical for America’s exit from Afghanistan and to bring communication for supplies to
to an end the two-decade-long war in the region. Fast- Nato forces operating in
changing regional geopolitics including Pakistan’s Afghanistan. But they
growing strategic nexus with China may also cast a were closed for the
shadow over the Biden administration’s policy towards supply of
Islamabad. weapons.
Pakistani
It has been six months since the Biden administration officials have
took over, but there has not been any contact between denied that any
the two erstwhile allies at the highest level. Except for negotiation on military bases
a few telephonic conversations between senior is being held with Washington.
American officials and the Pakistani civil But the controversy over the
and military leadership that largely issue refuses to die.
revolved around
Afghan conflict, It remains unclear whether or not US
there have not Secretary of Defence Lloyd Austin
been any serious raised the issue of bases in his last
negotiations that telephonic conversation with army chief
could define the Gen Qamar Bajwa. The US officials would not
framework of the comment on whether any serious negotiations on a
future course of ‘possible basing agreement’ is underway.But it is very
bilateral ties. clear that the US wants to ‘stay in the game’ in
Afghanistan and sees a role for Pakistan in this
Lot of importance game. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken in a
has been attached to the recent meeting recent interview to BBC declared that it was in
between US National Security Adviser Jake Pakistan’s own interest to do so. He made it very
Sullivan and his Pakistani counterpart Moeed clear that the US was only withdrawing its troops from
Yusuf in Geneva. It was the first face-to-face high-level the country and was not leaving Afghanistan.
official contact between the two governments. The
meeting was reportedly held at very short notice. Jack This makes Pakistan’s predicament more serious. The
Sullivan was attending a conference in the Swiss city. Afghan endgame remains tricky with the postponement
of the peace conference in Istanbul after the Afghan
A short joint statement issued after the talks said: Taliban’s refusal to attend it. This has jeopardised the
“Both sides discussed a range of bilateral, regional, and possibility of the Afghan government and the insurgent
global issues of mutual interest and discussed ways to group reaching an agreement on the future political
advance practical cooperation.” There is, however, no set-up in Afghanistan before the American withdrawal.
indication yet of the Biden administration willing to The situation has become more complicated with the
redefine its relationship with Pakistan beyond insurgents continuing their military offensive as the US
America’s regional security prism. is expected to complete the withdrawal of forces by
July 4, weeks before the Sept 11 deadline.
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Last week, in “CPEC: Understanding the Behemoth — construction of major thermal power, hydropower,
Facts and Myth”, we covered the conceptual framework coal-gasification and renewable power generation
of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). This projects. It supports ‘power transmission networks’ to
week, we continue to discuss the ‘eight core areas’ of enhance ‘power transmission and supply reliability’.
the agreed CPEC architecture. CPEC has strong focus This entails construction of high-voltage power grids,
on social development, population welfare and poverty power transmission and distribution networks and
alleviation along its command areas… unlike any other developing the related industry to manufacture the
programme of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), entire range of energy sector equipment. This area is
World Bank etc. especially critical, as the enhanced power produced by
WAPDA — under its agile leadership — needs to reach
The first core area deals with the ‘integrated the end-user, to be encashed… boosting industrial
transportation system’, including production and revenues.
construction/development of Kashghar-Islamabad,
Peshawar-Islamabad-Karachi, Sukkur-Gwadar and Catering especially to the Chinese hunger for fossil
Dera Ismail Khan-Quetta-Sorab-Gwadar road fuel, the long-term plan (LTP) agreed to diversify oil
infrastructure. CPEC will expand the capacity of supplies and cooperate in developing oil/gas resources
existing railway lines (specifically the strategic Main and research. It develops storages along the CPEC
Line (ML-1) besides new projects and modernise route. Other initiatives comprise optimising Pakistan’s
railways. coal-sourcing and utilisation; developing surface-coal
gasification, expansion of the coal mining sector;
The Gwadar City Master Plan comprises Gwadar city, developing wind and solar enabled energy supply
port, a new international sources; promoting river planning and
airport and corresponding preparatory work for major
transport system, hydropower projects.
the However, this
construction area at
of East Bay inception,
Expressway and missed building large
enhancing the water
effectiveness of reservoirs, that
Gwadar Free Zone needs to be
to promote included.
social
progress Fourth, ‘trade
and and
economic industrial
development. parks’. This core area targets textile and garment
industry for quality improvement, value addition,
Second, is ‘information network infrastructure’. This competitiveness and efficiency improvement to help
includes construction/operation of local Pakistan’s exports and enhance mutually beneficial
communications (broadcast and TV networks), regional cooperation. Special economic zones (SEZs)
strengthening bilateral information and communication are envisaged in all Pakistani provinces/regions and in
to synchronise construction of ‘information, road and China (Kashghar Economic and Technological
railway infrastructure’. It also contains laying of cross- Development Zone and Caohu Industrial Park).
border optical fiber and ‘backbone optical fiber
networks’ in Pakistan, besides upgrading Pakistan’s China resolves cooperation with the Pakistani
network facilities, national data center and the second industry… from assembling imported
submarine cable landing station. Pakistan is to adopt parts/components to localised manufacture besides
China’s Digital Terrestrial Multimedia Broadcasting Chinese investment for development of energy-
(DTMB) standard. efficient industry. China shall promote industrial
cooperation in sectors like chemical/pharmaceutical,
This core area aims to improve Pakistan’s Information engineering goods, agriculture, iron/steel, light
Communication Technology (ICT) — enabled manufacturing, home appliances and construction
development like e-government/e-commerce; materials etc. The focus is to use energy-efficient and
electronic monitoring of borders and safe city projects; environment-friendly processes/equipment, helping
and building IT industrial parks and IT industry clusters. Pakistan’s exports.
Human resource and technology exchange is inbuilt in
these programmes. Both sides agreed to increase exploration and
development of mineral resources, setting up mineral
Third, cooperation in ‘energy related’ fields. It spans processing zones and industries, besides expanding
collaboration in oil and gas, electricity/power grids, trade logistics, business-to-business (B2B) relations,
The withdrawal also represents an opportunity for the Negotiations would require a credible and neutral
Afghan people to achieve real sovereignty. Over the mediator. That need is highlighted by the talks in Doha
past 20 years, 40 different countries have deployed between the Afghan government and the Taliban; the
security forces to Afghanistan. Soon, however, all talks lack such a mediator and have, so far, reached an
decisions regarding military approaches to the Taliban impasse. The best-placed organization for this role
and other terrorist groups will be made by the Afghan would be the United Nations.
government. Indeed, the Taliban’s justification for war—
The first topics of negotiation must be reaching the
jihad against a foreign power—will cease to apply.
desired end state and putting in place a comprehensive
The U.S. decision surprised the Taliban and their cease-fire to bring peace and respite to the daily lives
patrons in Pakistan, and it has forced them to make a of the Afghan people and to restore credibility and faith
choice. Will they become credible stakeholders, or will in the peacemaking process. Because cease-fires
they foster more chaos and violence? If the Taliban established during peace negotiations often fall apart,
choose the latter path, the ANDSF will fight them. And however, it is critical that we have international
monitoring.
© Foreign Affairs
PAKISTAN’S India policy has generally suffered from The balance of power between Pakistan and India, more
the constant tussle between wishful thinking based on than anything else, will determine the shape of their
merely legal and moral arguments, on the one hand, future relationship and the ultimate outcome of their
and the compulsions of power realities at the national, outstanding disputes, especially on Kashmir. So it is
regional and global levels, on the other. Our actual imperative for Pakistan to build up its relative national
policy has vacillated between these two extremes power vis-à-vis India. On the other hand, India can be
creating the impression of confusion, inconsistency of expected to employ every instrument of policy, overtly
purpose and lack of a sense of direction. and covertly, to destabilise Pakistan politically and
weaken it economically, to bring it to its knees for the
Our official pronouncements on India and Kashmir, the sake of establishing its hegemony in the region and
core dispute, are generally tactical and short-term in achieving the settlement of outstanding disputes on its
nature responding to day-to-day developments. They own terms. It will not desist even from fomenting
do not reflect a well-crafted long-term policy which is terrorism in Pakistan as the arrest of Indian spy
grounded in power realities and which weaves its Kulbhushan Jadhav in Balochistan in March 2016
political, economic, military and diplomatic dimensions conclusively proves.
into a coherent whole within the framework of a grand
strategy. What we need is a long-term and strategic Pakistan must formulate its long-term India policy
approach to give a sense of direction and steadiness of keeping in view the foregoing analysis and the growing
purpose to our India policy. strategic partnership between the US and India to
contain the expansion of China’s power and
We need a long-term and strategic influence in South Asia and the Indian
approach in our India policy. Ocean region, which inevitably will push
Pakistan closer to China so as to
Our long-term India policy must be maintain a strategic balance in
based on an accurate South Asia. In the long run,
understanding of India’s Pakistan’s security will be
strategic goals in the region, the ensured primarily by its
demands of Pakistan’s political stability,
independence, security and economic and
economic progress, and technological power,
the regional and global and a credible
strategic security deterrent.
environment.
India’s main Simultaneously,
strategic goal is to we should pursue
establish its a low-risk and
hegemony in South Asia and the India Ocean region. It non-adventurist foreign policy to minimise chances of
views an independent and strong Pakistan as the a major armed conflict, allowing the country to allocate
biggest hurdle in the fulfilment of its hegemonic the lion’s share of its resources to economic
ambitions. According to Indian security analyst C. Raja development. Trade with India should be conducted on
Mohan, the creation of Pakistan left India with a a level playing field while promoting Pakistan’s
persistent conflict with the former and an internal economic growth and well-being.
Hindu-Muslim divide, separated India geographically
from Afghanistan and Iran, and created profound Within this framework, Pakistan should try to defuse
problems for India’s engagement with the Muslim tensions and adopt confidence-building measures in its
Middle East. relations with India while maintaining a principled
position on outstanding disputes like Kashmir, Sir
India’s hegemonic ambitions in the region pose an Creek and Siachen. In view of India’s hegemonic
enduring threat to Pakistan’s independence, security ambitions and intransigence, any breakthrough in the
and economic well-being over and above the negative settlement of the Kashmir dispute can be safely ruled
repercussions of Kashmir, Sir Creek, Siachen and out in the foreseeable future. The best that can be
Pakistan-India water disputes. These factors are major hoped for in the short term is the cessation of
obstacles in the way of good-neighbourly relations hostilities across the Line of Control and efforts to
between the two countries. There are no indications safeguard the human rights of Kashmiris in Indian-
that in the foreseeable future India will give up its occupied Kashmir through demilitarisation and local
hegemonic ambitions or agree to a just settlement of autonomy. For the long term, Pakistan should build up
the Kashmir dispute. The coming decades will witness its national power, especially its economic and
continued tensions and hostility between the two technological strength, and go for a final settlement at
states. an opportune time.
© DAWN
OUTLINE
1. Introduction
Good governance is a product of good policies and vibrant institutions. In
Pakistan, governance crisis is widespread, therefore, a complete overhaul
of poorly run institutions and comprehensive policy reforms are the need
of the hour.
6. Conclusion
Maintaining The crisis of good governance is widespread in Pakistan which
must be ameliorated by introducing measured reforms and
institutionalization.