How Much L1 Is Too Much?
How Much L1 Is Too Much?
How Much L1 Is Too Much?
Bilingualism
Yuen Yi Lo
To cite this article: Yuen Yi Lo (2015) How much L1 is too much? Teachers' language use in
response to students’ abilities and classroom interaction in Content and Language Integrated
Learning, International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 18:3, 270-288, DOI:
10.1080/13670050.2014.988112
Introduction
Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL1) is defined as ‘an education approach
in which various language-supportive methodologies are used which lead to dual-focused
form of instruction where attention is given both to the language and the content’ (Coyle,
Hood, and Marsh 2010, 3). Such a definition of CLIL highlights one very important
feature – the dual goal of both content and L2 learning. The stated aim of CLIL is that
students will benefit in their L2 development while being on par with those studying in
non-CLIL programmes in their academic achievement.
Although CLIL can theoretically target at any language, in recent decades, English as
an international language is usually chosen in CLIL in many English-as-a-foreign-
language (EFL) contexts such as the European continent and Asian countries (where
CLIL is implemented in the form of English-medium (EMI) education; Dalton-Puffer,
Nikula, and Smit 2010). In these contexts, the potential socio-economic benefits
*Email: [email protected]
associated with English command result in an overwhelming preference for CLIL among
parents and students. Nonetheless, many students do not reach the threshold level of
English proficiency to benefit from the programmes (Lin 2012). Consequently, while they
enjoy certain benefits in L2 learning, they may lag behind in academic and cognitive
development, when compared with their peers learning through the first language (L1; Lo
and Lo 2014). To assist students in overcoming the language barrier when learning
academic content, teachers have been observed to use students’ first language (L1) in
CLIL lessons (Wannagat 2007).
The use of L1, or code-switching,2 has long been a controversial issue in the field of
second language acquisition. As one major goal of CLIL concerns L2 learning, the use of
L1 in CLIL lessons is also debatable. In early years, some researchers maintained the
immersion principle and oppose using L1 in bilingual programmes (Swain 1986). In
recent years, there seems to be a certain degree of consensus among researchers on the
functions of L1 in facilitating classroom interaction, and helping students to learn abstract
concepts and even L2 (Turnbull and Dailey-O’Cain 2009). Despite such recognition of
the values of L1, there are still concerns about its practice, i.e. teachers may use ‘too
much’ L1 injudiciously, which may in effect undermine the effectiveness of CLIL. Using
Hong Kong as a context, this paper thus seeks to examine the extent to which teachers
use L1 to achieve the dual goals of CLIL.
Literature review
The prevalence of CLIL and its challenges
Starting from the Canadian immersion programme, using the target language as the
medium of instruction (MOI) has been an appealing alternative to traditional isolated
language classes to facilitate L2 learning. While the immersion programme has been
found to put less emphasis on form-focused instruction (Lyster 2007), CLIL in Europe
appears to stress a dual focus on both language and content teaching (Coyle, Hood, and
Marsh 2010). This feature is essential in two perspectives. First, in some EFL educational
contexts where CLIL is implemented (e.g. some European and Asian countries), students
have limited exposure and opportunities to use the target language in their daily life.
Therefore, some explicit form-focused instruction will benefit students’ L2 development
(Llinares, Morton, and Whittaker 2012). Second, it has been found that the academic
language required to access academic content is different from the language that students
learn in language lessons or that they use in daily communication (Schleppegrell 2004).
Language is used to construct meaning and realise different cognitive processes in
specific ways in academic subjects (Leung 1996), which may not be transparent for
native speakers, not to mention L2 learners. Hence, incorporating more systematic
language teaching or at least raising students’ awareness of language use can facilitate L2
learning, on top of incidental learning via massive exposure to L2 input (Rose and
Martin 2012).
Despite the popularity of CLIL, it encounters several challenges, namely students’ L2
proficiency level on the onset of CLIL, teacher education, and curriculum and assessment
design (Mehisto, Marsh, and Frigols 2008). The first two aspects are directly relevant to
this paper and hence will be discussed in greater detail.
In his seminal work discussing factors affecting the effectiveness of bilingual
programmes, Cummins (1979) proposed that students have to attain a certain threshold
level of L1 and L2 proficiency when being admitted to those programmes. Otherwise,
272 Y.Y. Lo
they may suffer in their academic and cognitive achievements. As aforementioned, CLIL
is usually implemented in EFL contexts and it may be doubtful whether students
enrolling in the programme have reached the threshold level of English proficiency to
enjoy the benefits of CLIL. For instance, before 1997, over 90% of secondary schools in
Hong Kong claimed to be EMI schools where CLIL was practised (Tung, Lam, and
Tsang 1997), but it was found that only the top 40% of students would truly benefit from
and succeed in those schools (Education Department 1992). The issue may become more
severe considering the fact that most CLIL programmes start in secondary education,
where the academic knowledge has become increasingly abstract and cognitively more
difficult for L2 students. It is then more challenging for students to acquire the required
threshold level to access the academic content (Johnson and Swain 1994). As Coyle,
Hood, and Marsh (2010) put it, there may be a gap between students’ L2 and cognitive
levels.
The second major challenge to CLIL is teacher education. The preference for CLIL
creates a high demand for qualified teachers. Most CLIL teachers are non-native
speakers of the target language (Lasagabaster and Sierra 2010), and this has raised
some concerns about teacher education in CLIL. CLIL teachers not only need to be
knowledgeable in their specialist academic knowledge but they also need to be proficient
in the target language, as well as be able to scaffold students to learn the academic
language associated with the subjects ( Llinares, Morton, and Whittaker 2012). The job
of CLIL teachers is therefore very challenging and teacher preparation or in-service
training is the key to the effectiveness and sustainability of CLIL (Coyle, Hood, and
Marsh 2010).
One pedagogical implication of both the students’ limited L2 proficiency and teacher
education in CLIL is teachers’ language use in CLIL lessons. Facing students’ limited L2
standard and the abstractness of concepts in academic subjects, many CLIL subject
teachers have been observed to use L1 in order to avoid sacrificing students’ academic
achievements (e.g. García and Vazquez 2012; Wannagat 2007). This is regarded as a
‘realistic’ approach and ‘pragmatic’ solution to the learning problems caused by students’
limited L2 proficiency (Lin 2006). However, whether or not teachers should use L1 in
CLIL is still under debate.
The overarching research question of this study is hence ‘To what extent do CLIL
teachers use languages (L1 and L2) in lessons?’, with the following specific questions:
(1) What is the pattern of language use in CLIL lessons?
(2) For what purposes do teachers use L1 and L2 in CLIL lessons?
(3) Do the amount and purposes of using different languages in CLIL lessons vary
according to students’ abilities and pedagogical needs?
Method
Research design
The data reported in this paper come from a larger-scale study investigating the classroom
interaction patterns and teachers’ language use in CLIL classrooms in Hong Kong (Lo
and Macaro 2012). This is a mixed-method observation study, employing a cross-
sectional design where the classroom interaction patterns of Grade 10 CLIL lessons were
observed and analysed.
Participants
The school
The participating schools in this study included five secondary schools, located in three
districts with similar demographics. These sampled schools were selected purposively
according to the MOI adopted, geographical location and students’ academic perform-
ance. This was to ensure that they were representative of Hong Kong secondary schools
and were also closely matched.
Under the government’s policy, Schools A, B and C were MOI-switching schools.
That is, they used Chinese as the MOI for Grades 7 to 9, but when students proceeded
to Grade 10, nearly all content subjects were taught in English, and students took public
examinations in English. On the other hand, Schools D and E were EMI schools
throughout – they adopted English as the MOI for nearly all subjects (except Chinese
history and literature) in all grades. The decision on the MOI was linked to the ability of
students admitted to the schools, and it is typical that students with good academic
results choose to enrol in EMI secondary schools. According to the information on the
school websites and the researcher’s conversation with the school principals and
teachers, among the five participating schools, the academic ability of students in the
two EMI Schools D and E was the highest (all Band 13 students). They were closely
matched by School A (with nearly all Band 1 students), then followed by School C
(with majority Band 1 and some Band 2 students) and School B (with majority Band 2
students). As a result, even though the ‘official’ MOI in Grade 10 for all the
participating schools was English, the teachers and students had different experiences
of CLIL and students were of varied academic abilities (refer to Table 1 for a summary
of the participating schools).
The teachers
Twelve teachers (seven females and five males) teaching content subjects (e.g. biology,
geography, history), identified as T1–T12, took part in this study. Their teaching
experience ranged from 3 to >20 years. There is no standardised English assessment for
content subject teachers in Hong Kong. The researcher did not ask the participating
International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism 275
Characteristics
District located District A District B District A District C District A
MOI adopted Chinese in Grades 7–9; English in Grade English throughout Grades 7–13
10–13a
Student ability 100% Majority About 90% 100% 100% Band 1
Band 1b Band 2 + Band 1 + Band 1
some Band 1 some Band 2
and 3
a
Primary school leavers in Hong Kong are categorised into three bands, with Band 1 being the highest band.
b
The education system in Hong Kong has changed to 6-year secondary education (Grades 7–12) since 2012.
teachers about their English proficiency, and this constitutes a potential limitation.
However, from the lessons recorded and the illustrative samples provided, it is evident
that all teachers in the sample were adequately proficient in English to teach their subject
in Grade 10. The teachers were ensured that the lesson observations would only serve
research purpose so that they would conduct the lessons as usual, instead of altering their
teaching (especially their language use) for the researcher.
The students
Twelve classes of Grade 10 students (aged around 15–16 years) were involved in the
study, with approximately 480 students. The class size ranged between 38 and 42
students. All students used Chinese (or Cantonese to be more specific) as their mother
tongue. Students’ pass rate in English language in the public examination which all
students took at the end of Grade 11, was 99% in School A, 79% in School B, 97.4% in
School C, and 100% in Schools D and E. Such observable discrepancies in students’
standard of English across schools may help explain the differences, if any, in teachers’
language use. In addition, given the similar profile of Schools D and E, they are grouped
together (identified as EMI schools) when presenting and discussing the data in the
following sections.
Data collection
A total of thirty 35- to 40-minute lessons were observed in 20 visits. All lessons were
video- and/or audio-recorded. The researcher was always present during lesson
observations and additionally took field notes. Semi-structured interviews were also
conducted with the teachers and students. These interviews served to ensure that the
teachers and students behaved as usual in the lessons observed on one hand, and to
explore teachers’ and students’ opinions about the MOI policies and language use in
lessons. Most of the teachers and students regarded the observed lessons as normal,
thereby confirming the validity of the data collected. As teachers’ and students’ opinions
were out of the scope of this article, they are not reported in this paper.
276 Y.Y. Lo
Data analysis
Analysis of teachers’ language use
The lessons observed were analysed with several measures to present a picture of the
patterns of language use in the various schools.
Proportion of L1 and L2 use in lessons. Timed analysis was adopted to estimate the
proportion of teacher/student talk, as well as the proportion of L1 and L2 use. It was done
by sampling the lesson every 5 seconds and then coding it according to the speaker and
language being used (Macaro 2001).
Patterns of language use. If the teachers in the sampled schools were found to use a
noticeable proportion of L1, the lesson transcripts would be analysed in detail to examine
if there were certain patterns of using the two languages in the lessons. Lesson excerpts
would be presented to illustrate these patterns.
Results
Proportion of L1 and L2 use in lessons
The estimated proportions4 of L1 and L2 use are shown in Table 2.
Table 2 shows that teachers used different amounts of English and Chinese in
different schools, despite English being the ‘official’ MOI in Grade 10. Teachers in
Table 2. Proportion of L1 and L2 used in the observed lessons.
L1 use L2 use
School Mean % (SD) Mean % (SD)
Schools D and E used English almost exclusively in their lessons (over 96% of
interaction time). Teachers in School A also attempted to stick to English, which occupied
around 80% of the interaction time in lessons. On the other hand, teachers in School B
used mainly Chinese, and so the proportion of English used was less than 20%. Teachers
in School C used about 60% Chinese and 40% English, roughly half L1 and half L2. If
one considers that students in Schools D and E were more able, followed by those in
School A, C and B, it seems that the proportion of L1 use in the observed lesson
negatively correlated with the students’ ability (i.e. teachers tended to use more L1 when
the students were weaker).
This lesson was about food substances. T1 was trying to explain the results of emulsion test,
a test for fat/oil.
1 T1: … SO THE WATER MAKE THE FAT BECOME OIL DROPLET, OKAY, WHICH IS
VERY VERY TINY, SO IT BECOMES MILKY. BUT AFTER I ADD SOME WATER
INTO IT, NOW, ON TOP OF THE TUBE, OKAY, ON THE TOP OF THE SOLUTION,
WE CAN FIND A BIG DROPLET OF FAT. [pause; T demonstrating] NOT VERY CLEAR.
5 CAN YOU SEE THE SMALL CIRCLE IN THE MIDDLE?OKAY, THAT IS OIL,
OKAY, FLOATING ON THE TOP OF THE SOLUTION. OKAY, BECAUSE THE
WATER WILL DISPLACE THE FATS, OKAY, FROM THE ALCOHOL AND THE
FATTY MIXTURE. That means it separates the oil from the mixture. OKAY? BECAUSE
FATS CANNOT DISSOLVE IN WATER. IT ONLY DISSOLVES IN ETHANOL.
10 BUT WATER AND ETHANOL CAN MIX TOGETHER. OKAY?
In School B, teachers mainly used Chinese, but at the same time switched to English
quite often. This is because though they explained the content knowledge in Chinese,
they still needed to use the English technical terms of the subjects, such as ‘respiration’,
‘carbon dioxide’ and ‘energy’ in Excerpt 2.
T3: Right, that means from this, from these two experiments, we know that mouse will
CARRY OUT RESPIRATION, then will PRODUCE CARBON DIOXIDE out. Is that right?
Then those (…) SEED, will also PRODUCE CARBON DIOXIDE. That means we know it
278 Y.Y. Lo
is one of the PRODUCT of RESPIRATION. Then, what are the other PRODUCT? You said
ENERGY just now. Then we have to talk about it in detail …
In School C, the teacher also used quite a lot of Chinese, but when he used English, it
would be sustained for a certain period of time, instead of the isolated patches
(representing only words or short phrases) as evident in School B. This can be
demonstrated in Excerpt 3, where T5 switched between Chinese and English sentences.
The lesson was about food substances. The teacher was talking about carbohydrates.
Table 3. Functions of teachers’ use of L1 in the observed lessons in School A and Schools D and E.
T2: … OKAY, WHEN YOU LOOK AT EROSION AND TRANSPORTATION, YOU CAN
PAIR UP THEM. EROSION, WHEN ENERGY INCREASE, EROSION, THE FORCE OF
EROSION WILL INCREASE. MOREOVER, THE FORCE OF TRANSPORTATION
ALSO INCREASE. We have mentioned before, that energy flows from upper course to
lower course. If its energy is great, the river flow will be faster. When it is faster,
transportation, the transportation ability of river will be higher, higher. OKAY, DEPOS-
ITION, REMEMBER DEPOSITION? Deposition, deposition. OKAY, WHEN THE
ENERGY, RIVER ENERGY INCREASE, WHAT WILL HAPPEN TO THE DEPOSITION?
In Excerpt 4, the teacher first explained the positive relationship between river energy and
transportation. Then she switched to Chinese for a few sentences to explain that again. It
was obvious that using L1 here served the purpose of explaining difficult concepts, which
was often found in School A.
On the other hand, the teachers in Schools D and E seldom switched to Chinese for
explaining concepts. Instead, they tended to elaborate more in L2 to explain, or to interact
more with students so that students could grasp a better understanding of the concepts.
Excerpt 5 helps to illustrate such an attempt in Schools D and E.
This lesson was about post-war recovery in Europe. The teacher was comparing the United
Nations and the League of Nations.
280 Y.Y. Lo
In Excerpt 5, T8 was asking the students to compare the two peacekeeping bodies. At first,
the students did not get the idea that when talking about membership, one could focus on
both the actual number of members and the representativeness of the members. The teacher
tried to help by asking the students to consider their own ‘student association’ (Lines 5–
25). However, the students were still unable to grasp the point. Instead of resorting to
Chinese, the teacher interacted more with the students and provided a further hint (by
writing two letters on the blackboard, Lines 32–34) and an example (organising a picnic,
Lines 35–38). Finally, the students seemed to get the idea and the word ‘representative’,
and T8 then went even further by providing the nominalised form ‘representation’.
It was also observed that about half of the instances of using L1 in both School A and
Schools D and E served to provide parallel translation (i.e. providing the L1 equivalents
of English vocabulary so that students could grasp the meaning immediately). This
function was in fact commonly found in previous studies (e.g. Lin 2006), where the
researchers justified it by suggesting that it was more time-efficient and effective for
explaining the meanings of difficult vocabulary. Excerpt 6 is one of the many examples
found in the lessons observed.
T8: … ACTUALLY WHAT DID THE USSR THINK? WHAT DID THE USSR THINK?
S1: SHE THINK IT WAS A CONSPIRACY.
T8: YES, RIGHT. SHE THOUGHT THAT IT WAS A CONSPIRACY. [pause; T writing on
the blackboard] DO YOU KNOW THIS WORD? DO YOU KNOW THIS WORD?
Conspiracy.
T3: … This one, so why do we call it CELLULAR RESPIRATION? It’s because of this. In
fact here, when you see this word, it looks unfamiliar, but actually we know it. Can you see,
we separate this part, this PREFIX CELL, it is ____?
Ss: Cells
T3: Cells. The meaning of CELLULAR here actually means connected to the cells.
T6: When plates move, why will it shake? (pause) How can plates move?
S1: That way, that way, that way. [hands gesturing]
T6: That way, that way, that way. THEY MAY MOVE APART. (pause) OR ____? (pause) In
addition to moving apart, what are the other ways?
S2: Towards each other
T6: Towards each other, TOWARDS EACH OTHER. …
In Excerpt 8, T6 first accepted the students’ answer in Chinese. She then provided the
English phrases (e.g. towards each other) for the students. Compared with the explicit
language teaching shown in the previous excerpt, the language teaching in the form of
‘recast’ to students’ answers was more subtle.
Table 5. Total and mean length of teacher and student turns in the observed lessons.
over 35 seconds before distributing the turn to students. On the other hand, lessons in
Schools B and C were more interactive as teachers there talked comparatively less and
their turns were considerably shorter than those in the other schools. Schools D and E
were somewhere in the middle between School A on one end and Schools B and C on the
other.
It is worth noticing that despite the fact that the statistics related to teacher talk/turns
show that lessons in School A were more teacher-centred, the mean length of student
turns there (2.6 seconds) was the longest among the schools. Nonetheless, it has been
found that those longer student turns consisted of quite a lot of fillers, pauses and false
starts, as students in School A mostly spoke in English. When student turns were
measured in syllables (so as to reflect the actual richness in the content), those in School
A were actually shorter than those observed in Schools D and E, where students also
mainly spoke in English (Lo and Macaro 2012).
The findings about teachers’ language use and classroom interaction patterns, together
with the information about student ability, are summarised in Figure 1. In School A, the
teachers tried to maintain English as MOI, and they sometimes code-switched to Chinese
to explain difficult concepts. The lessons there appeared to be very teacher-centred. In
School B, teachers mainly used Chinese, with English academic terms inserted. More
teacher–student interaction was observed. In School C, teachers switched between
English and Chinese, and similar to School B, more teacher–student interaction was
found. Finally, in Schools D and E, the teachers largely used English in the lessons,
sometimes complemented with Chinese translations of difficult English words. The
lessons there appeared to be more interactive than those in School A but less so than
those in Schools B and C.
Discussion
This study attempted to explore whether and how teachers made use of different linguistic
resources to help students overcome the potential barriers of learning L2 and academic
content simultaneously in CLIL in the Hong Kong context. It did not seek to evaluate the
schools, teachers or students, and the findings are by no means an indicator of the quality
or effectiveness of the schools.
One major conclusion from the findings is that teachers’ language use in lessons was
framed by several factors. The first one is the MOI policy adopted by the school. The
influence of this factor is particularly prevalent in Schools D and E, the EMI schools
throughout, and School A, a school switching to English as the MOI in Grade 10. In
those schools, teachers appeared to be aware of the need to maintain the ‘official’ MOI,
even though that may result in limited interaction between teachers and students (as in
School A). Such a pressure to conform to the government or school policy, as well as the
expectations of stakeholders (e.g. parents) is similar to other contexts like Canada
(McMillan and Turnbull 2009).
However, the official policy was sometimes mediated by other factors, especially
students’ English proficiency, when teachers chose the actual language of instruction in
lessons (Li Wei and Martin 2009; Probyn 2006). In Schools A, D and E, teachers largely
adhered to the official MOI policy probably because the students there were more able
and more proficient in English. They at least could understand the academic content
delivered in English, though some may not be able to respond or participate in interaction
actively. In contrast, students in Schools B and C, particularly the former, possessed
lower English proficiency, and hence teachers there spoke in Chinese rather often.
Otherwise, students may not be able to understand the academic content, thereby
sacrificing their academic achievement in CLIL.
In addition to the overall language pattern that teachers followed in their lessons, this
study also observed some different functions of L1 and L2 in the various school contexts.
While teachers in Schools A, D and E code-switched to Chinese to manage the class, to
translate English words and to explain abstract concepts, their counterparts in School B
code-switched to English to do some form-focused teaching, and teachers in School C
used English to provide ‘recasts’ to students’ Chinese utterances, thereby teaching the
target language at the same time. In this sense, it may be reasonable to argue that CLIL
teachers, despite the school contexts they were working in, were sensitive to adopt
different languages to try to achieve both content and language learning, given the school
policy and students’ learning needs.
Though it seems that teachers’ language use took into consideration their contexts and
students, some teachers in this study did appear to use quite a large amount of L1. For
example, the teachers in School B used around 80% of Chinese in the lessons, which far
exceeded the 10–15% threshold proposed by Macaro (2005). Such practices resemble
what García, Flores, and Woodley (2012) called ‘translanguaging’ in bilingual education.
However, there may be concerns whether students would be able to express their
understanding of content knowledge through English academic language, which has been
shown to be significantly different from everyday communicative language (Schleppe-
grell 2004).
Thus, for schools which implement CLIL but where students are not sufficiently
equipped with L2 proficiency, what are some implications of this study?
First, the school may need to provide extra support to enhance students’ L2
proficiency, especially related to academic language. This can be done by providing
International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism 285
some small-class intensive bridging courses before or at the beginning stage of CLIL, if
school resources permit (Johnson and Swain 1994). If students can follow what teachers
say in L2 in lessons and participate in interaction, teachers will in turn be less inclined to
use L1, and hence strike a more proper balance between content and language learning.
Second, teachers can try encouraging or maintaining teacher–student interaction in L2
as much as possible, and perhaps treat L1 as the last resort. Facing the tight syllabus and
time constraint, content subject teachers were observed to switch to L1 quite frequently
for explanation. Sometimes, they also seemed to get frustrated by no student responses or
limited interaction. However, some strategies observed in Schools D and E in this study
appeared to facilitate L2 interaction. For instance, the teachers provided some time for
students’ individual, pair or group work before nominating students to give responses.
Such a ‘Think, Pair, Share’ strategy is very common in language lessons and can be
adopted in CLIL content subject lessons as well (Tavares’ paper in this volume also
demonstrates this). Also, teachers were found to engage students in prolonged
interactional exchanges (e.g. in Excerpt 5) to explore difficult concepts, instead of
switching to L1. This was achieved by teachers’ skills in asking and modifying questions,
such as providing clues, using Socratic questioning, making the topic more salient, etc.
(Tsui 1995).
Third, even though the teachers do code-switch to L1 for pedagogical purposes, it
might be better if they would reinforce the concepts in L2 again. As observed in School
C, the teachers sometimes discussed difficult concepts or elicited students’ responses in
L1. Yet, they would follow that up with L2 explanations or illustration. This not only
serves as reiteration or reinforcement of the concepts but also a kind of feedback to
facilitate students’ language learning.
Therefore, this study yields an important implication for teacher education in CLIL –
teachers should be aware of their role in enabling students to make the best use of their
linguistic repertoire so as to move strategically between L1, everyday L2 and academic
L2, instead of resorting primarily to L1 most of the time (see the Rainbow diagram
proposed by Lin 2012, 93; also in the Introduction paper of this volume).
Conclusion
The spread of CLIL to EFL contexts, where students enrolling in CLIL may not be
equipped with sufficient English proficiency, creates a dilemma for teachers – using L1
can help students better understand the abstract content knowledge, but it reduces L2
input and may go against the rationale of CLIL to facilitate L2 learning. Hence, whether
teachers should use L1 in CLIL lessons is still an unresolved issue. Though researchers
have suggested ‘judicious’ use of L1, it remains unclear how to define ‘judicious’. Should
it be defined as a certain threshold percentage out of the lesson time? Or should it also
take into account the diverse contexts, teachers’ and students’ needs? The 30 lessons
observed in different CLIL classrooms in Hong Kong in this study show that teachers
were rather sensitive in their language use, considering the MOI policy, students’ L2
proficiency and academic ability. Nevertheless, whether such use of L1 can help students
grasp the content knowledge and whether students can then express their understanding
through academic L2 remains unexplored. Future research may examine if there is any
trade-off between using L1, access to content knowledge and L2 learning in CLIL
lessons.
286 Y.Y. Lo
Notes
1. As discussed in the Introduction paper, CLIL in this paper (and throughout this special issue) is
used as an umbrella term to incorporate a variety of programmes which use L2 as the MOI for
content subjects. Hence, this paper includes references to the research on different variants of
CLIL implemented in different contexts (e.g. CLIL implemented in Europe and immersion
programmes in Canada). Although it is acknowledged that these variants may be different in a
number of ways, as Cenoz, Genesee, and Gorter (2014) argue, referring to relevant literature in
various educational setting can further enhance the effectiveness and practice of CLIL.
2. Code-switching is broadly defined as the use of more than one language by a single speaker in
the course of a conversation. From the second language acquisition perspective, the
phenomenon of code-switching often concerns the use of L1 when the teacher shares the
same mother tongue with the students in classrooms where the L2 is the default medium of
teaching. However, as the research later unfolded, some teachers did frequently alternate
between L1 and L2, and so the term ‘code-switching’ is also used in this study.
3. Band 1 is the highest band in the three-tier categorisation system of Primary 6 school-leavers in
Hong Kong.
4. The percentages shown in this paper, unless otherwise specified, represent the percentage of
time out of the interaction time (i.e. total lesson time minus non-interaction time).
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