Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

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Journal of Rural Studies

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jrurstud

Spatial Justice and local capability in rural areas

Kenneth Nordberg
Åbo Akademi University, Regional Science, Strandgatan 2, 65100, Vaasa, Finland

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Centralisation and urbanisation affect rural areas in different ways. By using the concept of rural spatial justice,
Spatial justice this paper explores the injustices experienced in rural areas facing different challenges from each other. The aim
Social innovation is to enhance the understanding of the concept of rural spatial justice and how it can be used to identify the
Accessibility
factors and mechanisms that produce and reproduce injustice. The argument is presented that local capability is a
Social capital
Participation
central factor for understanding the prerequisites for rural spatial justice. The social innovation concept is used to
analyse local development capabilities. The planning of a profoundly centralising administrative reform in
Finland is used for studying local responses to the reform in the region of Ostrobothnia in Finland. Four types of
rurality are defined, which are expected to be exposed to a variety of injustices. The empirical cases confirm the
place-based character of spatial justice, and the conclusion is drawn that in order to achieve justice, factors
affecting the capability must be investigated.

1. Introduction but about opportunities and capabilities. Capabilities may in turn be

interpreted as power and possibilities to affect access to resources. For
Centralisation and urbanisation cause varying types of experiences in rural and peripheral areas, spatial justice is therefore largely suggested
different types of rurality. By using the concept of rural spatial justice, to be dependent on the capability of residents to take their fate into their
this paper explores the injustices experienced in different types of own hands. Here, local characteristics interact with structural factors
rurality. The aim is to enhance the understanding of this concept and such as the national system of governance. The social innovation
how it can be used to identify the factors and mechanisms that produce concept will be used for analysing local development capabilities.
and reproduce injustices in rural areas. The planning of a centralising Departing from these assumptions, the paper investigates the charac­
administrative reform in Finland will be used to study local responses to teristics of different types of rurality and their abilities to take action and
the reform in the region of Ostrobothnia in Finland. Four cases that are respond to centralising reforms. What factors are of relevance for un­
expected to possess varying capacities to respond to external impacts are derstanding spatial justice in rural areas?
studied. The following section of the paper discusses spatial justice generally
The academic discussion on social justice, as well as bureaucratic and its application in rural areas. The methodological approach is then
practice, has traditionally paid attention to social and temporal per­ described, followed by the case study of Ostrobothnia in Finland. The
spectives, but we need, as Soja (2010) suggests, to raise the significance paper ends with a discussion and conclusions where relevant factors for
of space and add it as a third dimension to our understanding of the rural spatial justice are presented.
human experience. Accordingly, spatial justice has been suggested as a
concept for understanding structural injustices, first by authors such as 2. Spatial injustice
Lefebvre in the 1970’s, and later by authors such as Soja and Dikeç. The
concept has been developed in an urban context, but while it acknowl­ There are numerous examples of injustice on different scales that are
edges the significance of distances, spatial justice should be just as explicitly spatial, from colonialism and apartheid to gerrymandering
applicable in rural areas, as Jones et al. (2019) have recently suggested. and gated communities (Soja, 2010:36–44). Dikeç (2001:1797) de­
The literature later referenced in this paper understands spatial scribes how spatial organisation forms disfavoured urban areas, starting
justice as a place-based concept, since what is considered just and fair for instance with inadequate transport systems, housing and services
differs from place to place depending on a range of factors. Spatial and ending in a situation where certain disadvantaged groups of people
justice is accordingly not about handing out equal shares of resources, are forced to locate to these places. Consequently, these populations will

E-mail address: [email protected].

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrurstud.2020.06.008
Received 26 August 2019; Received in revised form 3 June 2020; Accepted 3 June 2020
Available online 15 June 2020
0743-0167/© 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
K. Nordberg Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

have difficulties to participate in society, which in turn reduces their and modified. Although there are basic universal rights and needs, such
chances of relocating, even for generations to come. In this manner, as health and security, most needs are relative, determined by
“spatial dynamics … not only aggravate, but actually produce injustice place-specific characteristics (Plant, 1998). In other words, the concept
through the stabilization of social inequalities and problems”, Dikeç of place rather than space should be central to human spatiality. A po­
(2001:1798). tential to seek spatial justice by modifying human spatiality in accor­
Spatial injustice in this manner is very visible and difficult to contest. dance with place-specific characteristics should therefore exist in all
Still, “geographical blindness” (Roberts and Green, 2013) has been circumstances. In free market conditions with tendencies of agglomer­
evident in both the academic discussion of social justice as well as in ation, however, there will probably be challenges to maintaining spatial
public administration. Dikeç (2001) traces the first accounts of linking justice in peripheral areas.
justice to geography to Davies’ (Davies, 1968) work, and since Rawl’s So, if justice is both spatially dependent and spatial justice is socially
(Rawls, 1971) concept of distributional justice, the distribution of re­ constructed, how do we go about finding what is just? Jones et al.
sources has been central also to the geographical aspect of justice. A (2019:110) describe recent work on spatial justice as moving away from
turning point was Young’s (1990) book Justice and the Politics of Differ­ a universal understanding of justice towards more plural un­
ence, which suggested that injustice “should be defined primarily in derstandings, in other words, “a more choice-oriented understanding of
terms of the concepts of oppression and domination, rather than dis­ what is fair”. Farrington & Farrington (2005) argue that social justice
tribution”. Later, Dikeç (2001) revived Lefebvre’s right to the city requires social inclusion, and that social inclusion in turn represents
concept, which determines the right to the city to “all who live in the “participation of people in society”. Sen (2009:326), in his seminal book
city”, and that this right not only implies a right to participate in the on justice, similarly argues that “there is an intimate connection be­
management of the city, but “an enabling right” (Dikeç, 2001:1790). In tween justice and democracy”, where democracy is said to be constitu­
this manner, Dikeç saw two interpretations of spatial injustice: first, tively related to public reasoning. This is in line with Lefebvre’s right to
locational aspects of physical objects and social and economic re­ the city concept. At the same time, Farrington & Farrington continue by
lationships, and second, “the possibilities for the formation of political stating that “participation, or lack of it, is likely to be affected by the
responses” (2001:1792). The second interpretation views justice as a distribution of benefits and burdens” and that “accessibility, or lack of it,
process, and here, we approach the contemporary understanding of can affect this distribution” (2005:5).
spatial justice used in this article. Consequently, we may trace an understanding of justice, where,
Justice, as defined by Soja (2010:74), “expands beyond the bound­ firstly, the spatial aspect is fundamental, and secondly, where space and
aries of the law to discuss general principles of fairness and democracy, place as socially constructed concepts are determined by and of the
and the rights and responsibilities attached to being a member of a participation of inhabitants, and that these two aspects of justice may be
particular social group”, and it links “to other broad concepts referring addressed by looking at accessibility as well as possibilities for partici­
to the qualities of a just society: freedom, liberty, equality, democracy, pation. We will look more closely at these two aspects of spatial justice in
civil rights” (Soja, 2010:20). Harvey, however, warns that “the appli­ the following, in order to be able to move on to discussing rural
cation of any universal principle of social justice entails an injustice to applications.
someone, somewhere” (Harvey, 1996:347). At the same time,
2.1. Accessibility
“justice is a socially constituted set of beliefs, discourses, and insti­
tutionalizations expressive of social relations and contested config­
As Farrington & Farrington (Farrington and Farrington, 2005)
urations of power that have everything to do with regulating and
explain, accessibility as a concept has departed from transport issues and
ordering material social practices within places for a time” (Harvey,
rural circumstances, and has become increasingly important for under­
1996:330).
standing human experience and life chances, also in policy debates.
Similarly, Soja argues that the spatiality of human life should be Farrington & Farrington define accessibility as “The ability of people to
understood as “a complex social product”: reach and engage in opportunities and activities” (2005:2). Accessibility
is also a relevant factor in the field of economics, where mobility and
“such socialized lived space, constructed out of physical and natural access are essential for the satisfaction of preferences (Storper, 2011).
spatial forms, mentally and materially intertwines with our social­ Farrington & Farrington maintain that the accessibility dimension is
ized lived times to create our biographies and geo-histories … In essential when “location as a factor” is added to social justice. However,
other words, we make our geographies just as it has been said that we accessibility is often treated normatively, with for instance the use of
make our histories.” (Soja, 2010:18). target levels for travel distances to services. Farrington & Farrington,
Thus, two aspects are fundamental to the spatial justice concept used referring to Moseley, 1979, instead argue that access should be regarded
here. First, spatial justice emphasises the incontestable circumstance as “opportunities, not behaviour” (1979:56, original emphasis), since
that “human activities literally “take place”, they occur in particular statistics on mobility essentially reflect the structure and performance of
places and spaces” (Soja, 2010:72). This is evident, for instance, in what the transport system, not what the actual need is. Farrington & Far­
Soja describes as “the friction of distance”, which results in a “dis­ rington additionally argue that inquiring about desires is not sufficient
tance-minimizing behaviour” and that human activities “tend to cluster” for analysing accessibility limitations, since people are often “con­
(Soja, 2010), e.g. by people moving for education, jobs and services. One strained by their perception of what is possible or reasonable to expect”
influential example is contemporary economic thinking, as Storper (2005:2).
(2011:3–4) explains, where agglomeration has largely been equated to The academic debate on accessibility has accordingly approached a
economic efficiency, since agglomeration is said to minimise production similar understanding as the discussion on spatial justice above. Access
costs and promote technological spillovers and learning. In this manner, is argued to be dependent on subjective needs, which in turn are
“certain local and regional economies are favoured” which “generates a dependent on income levels, demographic structure, industrial struc­
tendency for inter-place real income disparities at various scales” ture, culture and values etc. “Life chances”, as presented by Smith
(Storper, 2011:4). In other words, geography exercises influence over (1977:63), are dependent on such factors, as well as on “the distribution
social circumstances, and such circumstances are ignored if the spatial of jobs, schools, health facilities, shops, recreation facilities and so on”.
aspect goes unnoticed regarding the concept of justice. Second, human Additionally, a temporal dimension is evident, since needs alter, for
spatiality is socially constructed, which implies both what is regarded as instance with a changing demography and technology development.
fair and just will vary from place to place, and that it may be influenced Farrington and Farrington (2005:6), referring to Plant (Plant, 1991),
therefore argue that needs are difficult to determine in advance, and that

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K. Nordberg Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

accessibility ultimately becomes a political matter. In other words, there reliance is put on state support and we even see “indications of citizens
are dilemmas that are difficult to overcome by merely judging distri­ distancing themselves from (local) governments” (Bock, 2016:565).
bution and distances. Consider for example the degree to which people Bock argues that the “development of marginal areas is seriously
have the right to demand access to services when they simultaneously hampered if social innovation is understood simply as self-help” (Bock,
have the right to settle anywhere. Moreover, when people age and their 2016:570). Instead, SI should be interpreted “as an innovation of and for
mobility decreases, do their rights to access decrease as well? To society”, a “call for change at a higher level of development politics”
complicate things further, there is evidence that “people’s wants are (Bock, 2016:555). SI should accordingly be seen as a tool for shifting the
actually quite well tuned to the realities of their situation” (Farrington & perspective from actors in separate rural areas “towards a more fluid
Farrington 2005:6). image of shifting actors and functional networks operating across places
In conclusion, spatial and structural factors seem to be very much and beyond the local and rural” (Bock, 2016:569). In this context,
interdependent regarding accessibility. Deficient access produces social “nationally operating large business and third-sector corporations seem
and economic problems, at the same time as social and economic to play a vital role, such as in the case of broadband and care co-­
problems cause deficient access. A way out of this dilemma is to improve operatives” (Bock, 2016:565). Jessop et al. (2013) correspondingly
social inclusion. argue for “an emphasis on solidarity-based learning through sharing and
cooperation” which “requires a wide range of institutional supports that
2.2. Social innovation as participation and social inclusion can connect these initiatives, share good practice, and provide broader
orientations” (Jessop et al., 2013:119). SI should accordingly not be
Jones et al. argue for replacing the European territorial cohesion regarded as isolated efforts for solving local problems, but as a call for
concept with spatial justice, since the latter “would be less concerned system change where all levels are attuned to allow and promote
with an interregional redistribution of economic resources than it would experimental local development.
be with providing regions with the necessary capacity to shape their own What, then, are the prerequisites for SI? Neumeier has compiled
socio-spatial futures” (2019:112). This is in line with the discussion three main categories of factors that promote SI (Neumeier,
above, where spatial justice is largely described as dependent on a 2017:37–41):
capability to participate and exercise influence. Go €rmar et al., 2019 in
the same volume similarly argue that “More spatial justice would be 1) factors important for the success of the overall innovation process:
achieved if the people affected by peripheralisation processes gained degree of advantage of innovation, consistency with existing expe­
control over the development of their region(s)” (2019:6). Regarding riences/needs/values, ease of use/simplicity of innovation, trial­
spatial justice, participation and social inclusion may consequently be ability, foreseeability of results of new form of action etc.
interpreted as an ability for bottom-up local development. 2) determining factors influencing the “room to manoeuvre” for the
A related development is that social innovation is becoming an social innovation actor network: means of funding, public support,
increasingly used concept in rural development. organisational structure, basic judicial conditions etc.
With the decline of political party membership levels and a surge of 3) factors influencing the actual participation process: social capital of
populist voting across the western world, the crisis of democratic the actors, willingness to participate, competence of participating
participation is evident. Undoubtedly, we have not yet been able to find actors, etc.
models that intercept the apparent frustration certain population groups
feel towards the current system, despite considerable efforts. A main Here, the influence of geography is also visible. Neumeier empha­
strand of research in this context has been deliberative democracy, sises that small regions often show stronger socio-emotional bonding,
which advocates participation primarily through advisory arrangements and therefore stronger commitment. Also, SIs are more prone to emerge
(e.g. citizen juries). Here, there are a number of difficulties to overcome, in areas with previous experience of common action. This means that the
of which uncertain relevance is the most obvious (Nordberg, 2014). At initiation of collective action may be viewed as “asset building” for the
the same time, there are suggestions that the way forward should be to future (Neumeier, 2017). This is also directly related to social capital
look for ways of including stakeholders in more quotidian activities, for and the capability of rural areas, which is the subject for the next section.
instance in business development or environmental planning (Nordberg,
2015, 2017; Nordberg and Petterson, 2018; Nordberg and Salmi, 2019). 2.3. Rural spatial justice and the capability of places
The departure here is that stakeholder engagement responds to demands
for inclusion and participation, which thereby raises the legitimacy of What are the special prerequisites of rural areas concerning justice?
decisions. As the argumentation of the referenced literature clearly states, this is
Such characteristics are visible in rural and place-based development relative and place-dependent. However, it is impossible to overlook the
literature, where local resources and local collective action have been general vulnerability of rural areas. The ongoing trend of urbanisation
depicted as the main building blocks (van der van der Ploeg and Long, inexorably depletes areas of rural population bases, especially young
1994). Relational place-making is one instance where social, economic people.
and cultural relations and the recovery of the local sense of place is the The change this mobility gives rise to is complex and the impact is
main point of focus. The neo-endogenous model is another, which ad­ variable. As Antrop (2004) explains, changing accessibility through
vocates interaction within and between communities as well as the improved transportation is the most important factor for landscape
importance of external relations (Ward et al., 2005). Critique on this change. Here, some rural areas are being connected and thereby to
model has included that it favours “the usual suspects” and already differing degrees urbanised, while others are isolated and exposed to the
resourceful communities (Skerratt and Steiner, 2013; Shortall, 2008). risk of gradual abandonment. The latter are the losers of urbanisation,
Social innovation (SI) has recently been introduced to this research since they are exposed to large injustices. Regarding power structures,
field. The definition of SI is disputed. We see an economic interpretation, they have certainly lost, with only small opportunities to get their
which focuses on outcomes, while sociological approaches often study SI opinions heard. This situation results in diminishing services and “life
as a process of change. Bock argues that what most definitions have in chances”, and with little hope of achieving political will that would
common is “the basic idea of social innovation as a motor of change transfer sufficient resources from prosperous urban areas. And of course,
rooted in social collaboration and social learning, the response to unmet we also have ruralities in between these two extremes.
social needs as a desirable outcome, and society as the arena in which To achieve justice, the negative consequences of urbanisation need
change should take place” (2016:555). SI in rural settings is said to be a to be addressed. Is this achievable, even for these most vulnerable pla­
response to a situation where public services become scarcer, less ces? Some consequences certainly seem insurmountable. Certain areas

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K. Nordberg Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

will continue to be relatively isolated, with large distances to the high- had relatively small population bases (on average just over 10 000 in­
skilled job opportunities and specialised services of regional centres. habitants). Rural populations have accordingly possessed relatively
But what the discussion above reveals is that such shortcomings may be favourable positions of influence. As many municipalities have experi­
accepted by these places as long as they maintain or develop a capability enced decreasing population levels and increasing costs, there has na­
to adjust to them. Could a focus on capability be a path towards rural tionally been a strong determination to enlarge the administrative
justice within the boundaries of acceptable resource transfers? For territories, especially during the two previous decades. Two main al­
instance, people in disadvantaged urban areas are often more homoge­ ternatives have emerged. The first alternative would entail a vast merger
nously deprived, while disadvantaged rural areas are socioeconomically of municipalities, decreasing the number to a quarter of the number at
more diverse (Farrington & Farrington 2005), which suggests that there the start of the 2000s; an alternative that has largely been supported by
are capabilities present to be mobilised. This issue will be the departure urban parties. The second alternative would instead transfer duties from
for the empirical case studies. First, however, we need a better under­ the municipal to the regional level. This has mainly been viewed as a
standing of the capability of places. better option by rural representatives, since it would mostly avoid the
Ansari et al. (2012) define capability development by combining the deconstruction of rural local authorities.
insights of the capability of individuals developed by Amartya Sen and The most recent reform attempt, cancelled in 2019, pursued the
the more collective understandings of capability inherent in the social second alternative, which was aiming towards transferring 60 percent of
capital concept. Sen (1985) argued that the wellbeing of the poor is municipal budgets to the regions (mainly healthcare costs). Although
connected to their capability rather than mundane economic factors this was viewed as the better alternative by small municipalities, it
such as choice or desire fulfilment. To illustrate this, Sen explains that a would have entailed a major decrease of rural influence. Concerns for
significant share of the income of the poor is spent on imitative con­ the future were therefore considerable, as the empirical study will
sumption rather than on essential nutrition and education. Instead, by reveal. Interviews were directed to inhabitants and municipal civil ser­
raising individual capability, people are able to take advantage of eco­ vants in four rural areas during a period when the concerns for future
nomic and social opportunities when they arise. Individual capability is service delivery were very much under public scrutiny.
therefore related to “what real opportunities you have regarding the life
you may lead” (Sen, 1987:36).
Here, Ansari et al. (2012) argue that the possibilities of the poor are 3.2. Finding the cases
restricted due to their isolation from required resources. Bridging social
capital therefore becomes the bridge between the poor and the resources Finding suitable cases is loosely guided by a classification made by
of external groups or institutions. Meanwhile, bonding social capital is an the Ministry of the Environment, where four rural categories were
attribute of homogenous social networks and trusting inward-looking defined, derived from calculations considering the density of buildings
relationships. and populations, travel times and distances, jobs and land use, etc. (see
Since bridging social capital is essentially a metaphor for horizontal Andersson et al., 2016:50).
relationships, scholars have also suggested linking social capital (Szreter What features are interesting when investigating the prerequisites
and Woolcock, 2004). Linking social capital has especially been identi­ for rural justice, based on the literature of spatial justice, SI and social
fied for poor and peripheral communities, where trusting ties to repre­ capital? First, distances are relevant, especially for job opportunities and
sentatives of public authorities and other formal institutions have been services. Social and cultural distances are also pertinent, as they may
essential for their welfare (Narayan, 2000). While bonding capital is determine the potential for finding cooperation partners, as well as the
important for the vitality of communities, development is dependent on propensities for joint solutions and mobility patterns. Second, the
community members being open to new approaches. This is described character of the place is of interest. Does it have a history of self-
with the use of bridging and linking capital, where linking is valuable for sufficiency (industrial, service production) and cultural cohesion? Are
finding support from influential and resourceful persons and organisa­ geographical features furthering social cohesion or fragmentation?
tions, while bridging capital offers the benefits of trust within networks, Third, the administrative structure is of interest. Is the local adminis­
such as structure, order and motivation. Regarding development, linking trative authority close or far away, is the administrative setup likely to
and bridging capital may offer vital access to experts, employment op­ promote or impede local mobilisation and cooperation?
portunities and financial capital. On these bases, we find four cases where the prerequisites for justice
SIs are, by definition, responses to social needs. Successful SIs should vary.
accordingly develop both individual and place capabilities at the same
time as the development of SIs are dependent on existing capabilities. 1) Local centres in rural areas are located far from regional growth
Here, the understandings of spatial justice and social capital help in centres and thereby need to be self-sufficient in most regards.
determining the existing capability of certain places, while SIs may Therefore, they should have strong motivations to resist central­
describe the route to develop it. In the next section, these assumptions isation. The three small towns of Southern Ostrobothnia largely
will be tested by studying four rural places with seemingly quite correspond to this definition. At the same time, the area is known to
different capabilities. be fraught by conflicts, which makes it an interesting case for
studying the effects on capability.
3. Research design 2) Rural archipelago areas are peripheral in both a spatial and temporal
sense but have a potential to house dense settlements through strong
The aim of investigating the circumstances for rural spatial justice bonding social capital. These areas are expected to strongly resist
will be pursued through a case study approach (e.g. Yin, 2014). In order centralisation and have good prerequisites to mobilise the popula­
to test the assumptions made in the theoretical section, the strategy is to tion, while the de jure power position is weak. In Ostrobothnia, the
identify cases where the prerequisites for justice are likely to differ. The island of Bergo€ is a small island connected to the mainland only by
context of the study is an administration reform in Finland during the ferry.
period 2015–2019. 3) Rural areas on the fringe of commuting distance rely on regional centres
but still need to maintain local jobs and services to stay attractive as
3.1. Context: A game-changing administrative reform places of residence. These areas are expected to have weaker social
cohesion due to commuting and thereby varying opportunities to
The municipalities in Finland have traditionally held the major part mobilise. The selected case is Maxmo, located just north of the
of public expenses (63 per cent in 1993), at the same time as they have commuting area around the regional centre of Vasa.

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K. Nordberg Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

4) Sparsely populated rural areas have few inhabitants and small settle­ Table 1
ments located at a distance from each other, far away from regional Demographic and socioeconomic structure in the case studies in comparison
centres. Consequently, they are often not able to maintain services by with Finland as a whole (Source: Statistics Finland).
themselves. Unlike the rural archipelago, these areas are expected to Southern Sideby Berg€
o Maxmo Finland
have weak social cohesion, which likely affects opportunities for Ostrobothnia in total
mobilisation. The most remote area in Ostrobothnia is its southern Population 2017 17 329 604 469 1126 5513130
tip, and therefore, the small and declining villages of Sideby are Change of 1,5% 10,3% 0,2% 1,1% þ1,1%
chosen as a case study. population
2013–2017
Age structure 2017
3.3. Data and analysis Average 53 years 54 50 44 41 years
years years years
The cases are firstly investigated with the help of relevant statistics - 14 14% 8% 14% 19% 16%
from Statistics Finland regarding data on population and industrial 15-64 54% 56% 54% 58% 63%
65- 32% 36% 32% 23% 20%
structure, commuting and so on. This is supplemented with information Workplaces 2016
from municipal homepages regarding services, administration and po­ Primary 18% 23% 11% 18% 3%
litical structures. Secondly, semi-structured interviews have been Processing 22% 39% 11% 33% 22%
directed to municipal officials and locals. Here, local centres in rural Services 60% 38% 78% 49% 75%
Local workplaces 100% 67% 21% 53% N/A
areas are investigated differently from the other three. Since they are on
as share of
a higher spatial scale, interviews with locals would have revealed number of
diverging spatial realities. Therefore, the material here consists of in­ employed
terviews with five municipal officials representing all three municipal­ Self-employed 18% 31% 10% 18% 13%
ities in Southern Ostrobothnia. Three municipal officials in the other two
concerned municipalities were interviewed as well. These interviews
Swedish-speaking community, it is thereby culturally connected to the
also contribute to the study by providing insights into the service
Swedish-speaking settlements to the north. Kristinestad and Kasko €,
structure arrangement and concerns about influence and capability.
however, are bilingual with Finnish-speaking populations who identify
Questions concerned the present situation, concerns for the future
with the Finnish-speaking municipalities to the east. According to
regarding service availability and influence as well as cooperation and
interviewed officials, there is a fear, especially in N€ arpes and Kristi­
development opportunities. The interviews in the other three rural types
nestad, that the healthcare centre will be dismantled for the benefit of
were directed to locals. Here, a total of 23 interviews were conducted,
the neighbouring centre as a result of a large centralising administrative
evenly divided between the cases. Informants were used in every locality
reform lurking in the future. There have been attempts to divide tasks
using the snowball technique, with the aim of finding respondents
between the municipalities, but these have been characterised by
representing all ages, genders and life situations. These questions con­
mistrust and conflict. Still, the interviewed officials agree that a joint
cerned the present situation and fears for the future regarding the
strategy is needed to maintain services in the region: “instead, we have
availability of services, as well as questions regarding local identity,
competition between Kristinestad and N€ arpes concerning who gets
civic activity, everyday mobility, etc.
what, which is a disadvantage to Southern Ostrobothnia as a whole …
The interviews were analysed using a thematic content analysis (Elo
but still, the health centre is so important … a politician that proposes a
and Kyng€ as, 2008). The transcribed interviews were read through and
dismantling of the local health centre … won’t get re-elected”.
arranged into themes, partly deductively based on the descriptions of
Interviews with municipal officials in Southern Ostrobothnia reveal a
social innovation and justice above, and partly inductively, in order to
prevalent fear of centralisation and loss of influence, especially in
receive a picture of how respondents generally describe a geographical
comparison to similar interviews in the other studied areas. Two fears
sense of place and the importance of different kinds of services, etc.
are especially pronounced in all the interviews. The first fear concerns
Based on this categorisation of answers, conclusions were drawn on how
the loss of influence:
respondents generally describe issues such as local cohesion, connec­
tions to other localities, availability of services and fears for the future. “principally, we will have very little say. The Vasa region will … be
To draw conclusions of mobility patterns, the interviews were combined in majority in the political bodies … regarding civil servants, all rural
with statistical data on commuting. municipalities now hold executive positions … they will disappear …
we will lose control, and in extension, this means that the country­
4. Rural injustices in Ostrobothnia side loses what we need the most, work places for the well-
educated”.
All the studied areas are small, rural and coastal. The areas share a lot
of characteristics (Table 1), albeit key aspects differ, as the following The second more serious fear concerns the destruction of “a system
description will reveal. that works”. Officials in Kristinestad and N€arpes praise their healthcare
structure. Kristinestad is said to be “number five of 317 municipalities in
4.1. Local centres in rural areas: Southern Ostrobothnia Finland on cost-efficiency”, while healthcare in Na €rpes is similarly said
to be “very effective … our population is very old, but we still have very
Southern Ostrobothnia consists of three municipalities (Kristinestad, low healthcare costs”. This efficiency is explained by the small scale of
Kasko€, and Na€rpes) with distinct town centres (see Fig. 1). The region is the structure, which has “allowed us to be flexible … we handle things
peripheral, with 100 km to a regional centre in every direction. The area across sectors, everybody knows everybody … there is good cooperation
is largely self-sufficient in terms of employment. Some commuting is between the healthcare centre, elderly care … school healthcare and
directed towards the regional centre in Vasa, but largely, the workforce general healthcare”. The fear is that these kinds of solutions “will be
stays in Southern Ostrobothnia. Most types of service are available in the broken to pieces” since “a larger organisation such as the city of Vasa …
region as well as in the individual town centres. The closure of the organises everything in sectors” and “unfortunately, the system of the
hospital in Kristinestad in 2007 has aggravated the population, who are larger organisation is always applied” in mergers.
now referred to Vasa for specialised healthcare services.
Southern Ostrobothnia has earned a reputation for non-cooperation
and conflict (Nordberg, 2013:300–302). As Na €rpes is a monolingual

51
K. Nordberg Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

Fig. 1. Map of Southern Ostrobothnia and surrounding regions.

4.2. Rural archipelago: Berg€

o this is due to Bergo € being “small and an island”. The settlement is
therefore relatively densely built, meaning that “you meet people all the
Bergo€ is an island connected to the mainland by ferry, which makes time” and “everybody says hello when they meet”. The interviewees also
commuting rather cumbersome. Bergo € is located 60 km from the agree about the importance of the civic associations, which seem to be
regional centre of Vasa and 30 km from the municipal centre in Malax highly active and play an important role when arranging different ac­
(see Fig. 2). Despite the distances, only 21 percent of workplaces are on tivities as well as for ensuring the general comfort experienced in the
the island. Simultaneously, only 10 percent of the workforce is self- community. The Island Council is especially mentioned as being
employed. This suggests that Bergo € as a place of residence is attractive important for arranging activities and for creating unity. Caf�es, an out­
and people are willing to cope with time-consuming commutes. door gym, the school, the beach, summer markets and other events are
Although the availability of services has declined, Bergo € still maintains a mentioned as being important for the community. One respondent
grocery store, bank, primary school, kindergarten, elderly care home mentioned that the different associations, with the Island Council up
and a health clinic that is open once a week. front, have been able to “gang up” when pursuing issues that have been
Interviews with locals clearly indicate that Bergo € is a vibrant local important for the whole community. One instance mentioned is the new
community. One respondent suggested that “Bergo € probably has the elderly care home established a few years ago, which is further described
largest number of associations per capita around here”. “Cooperation” below.
and “unity” are words often mentioned, and one person explained that Regarding connections with other communities, the neighbouring

52
K. Nordberg Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

Fig. 2. Map of Berg€

o. Arrows indicate dominant commuting and mobility direction.

villages are naturally most important. Malax and Vasa are familiar Council applied for funding from a government house financing fund,
places as many services and workplaces are located there. At the same ARA, but was denied largely due to the fact that the municipality did not
time, activities related to nature are mentioned in every interview as support it. A municipal official explains that there were already too
being important, which indicates the importance of local activities. many care places in the municipality at the time. Soon, certain events
Regarding future outlooks, fears for losing the local health clinic are turned things around.
considerable, because of “the peripheral position” of Bergo €, and that “it Firstly, in 2010, a long-time summer resident who was newly retired
can take over an hour for an ambulance to get here”. The local grocery joined the Island Council, bringing valuable experience and a network of
store is also mentioned, since the closest store would be 40 min away. people from his previous working life. This person soon ascertained that
Senior citizens without cars are especially worried about losing these the municipality would not invest in the island and instead suggested a
services, but also younger interviewees describe the loss of these services solution whereby the islanders themselves could build the necessary
as “unacceptable” and that the attractiveness of Bergo € as a place of facilities. Utilising the advice of acquaintances in the state government,
residence is dependent on them. this person was able to find a way to bring the issue forward. Secondly,
soon afterwards, two elderly care home buildings in the municipality
4.2.1. Berg€o elderly care home were found to be in a bad condition, which meant a reshuffling of care
In Berg€o, we find an example of a process which specifically ad­ places. This enabled the municipal management to start exploring new
dresses issues of access and social inclusion. The result is a social possibilities. Thirdly, the school building in Bergo€ was similarly found to
innovation, an elderly care home set up as a joint-stock company with all be in a bad condition, and in 2013, it became clear that it needed to be
the shares owned by the Island Council, with the municipality running rebuilt. Up until then, there had been no room in the municipal zoning
the operation, built in conjunction with the school, sharing infrastruc­ plan for new service buildings. Suddenly, the rebuilding of the school
ture and combining elderly care, healthcare and teaching. The pupils opened up the possibility for a joint solution.
activate the senior citizens by reading to them or discussing what they Although these enabling events seem to have occurred by chance,
have learnt. there are underlying factors which, to some extent, explain the success
Bergo
€ had tried to have its own elderly care home for decades, since of the case. Firstly, Bergo€ is a tightly-knit community. Municipal officials
senior citizens had previously been referred to homes on the mainland. describe the islanders as “stubborn” and “united for the cause”. The
There was little understanding for such needs by municipal politicians chance events are accordingly more understandable when you consider
during a period when many municipal services were centralised. The the timeframe of the events. During a period of several years, in this case
islanders did not give up, first establishing the Island Council in 2002 almost two decades, the chance events became probable. The unity of
and a specific working group in 2008. At this time, the aim was still to the community may therefore be considered as a decisive factor. Sec­
convince the municipality to build a home on the island. The Island ondly, the interviewees clearly depict the close relationship between the

53
K. Nordberg Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

municipality and the islanders as decisive. The interviewed islanders Oravais in 2007 and with Vo €rå in 2011. Maxmo is largely separated in
and municipal officials described a close and sometimes even daily what is referred to as the Maxmo mainland and the Maxmo archipelago
discussion when a conceivable arrangement was sought after. One (see Fig. 3). The Maxmo archipelago consists of several islands and
islander described how a relationship of trust is established between the peninsulas with road connections. The major route from the Maxmo
locals and the officials in a small municipality such as Malax: archipelago goes through the Maxmo mainland, where most local ser­
vices are situated. The Maxmo mainland is located only 30 km or just
“you have a personal relationship which means that you can talk to
under half an hour from the regional centre Vasa, while the Maxmo
each other in another manner, since these are people you meet also
archipelago is situated 40–55 km away. The municipal centre in Vo €rå is
under other circumstances, you don’t know them only by the phone
at a distance of 20–40 min respectively, while the municipal healthcare
or e-mail”.
centre is located in Oravais at about the same distance. Many services
The same interviewee argues that this trust is important for officials are available locally, such as a daycare centre, a primary school and
to perceive the local circumstances correctly, and that “local knowledge grocery stores, both on the Maxmo mainland and in the archipelago.
is necessary”. Interviewees were asked whether the elderly care solution Although the proximity to Vasa is visible in substantial commuting, still,
would have been possible if the administration had been regional rather 53 per cent of the Maxmo inhabitants are employed and 18 per cent are
than municipal. And in this respect, both locals and municipal officials self-employed. The demographics in Maxmo are by far the youngest of
agree that this would not have been the case, as one official explained: the studied areas.
The Maxmo archipelago is divided into several smaller villages with
“This is a typical example of a flexible and practical solution that separate village associations, while the Maxmo mainland is geographi­
arose from a circumstance where the municipality and the village cally more concentrated. In 2016, the archipelago associations reacted
have a lot of knowledge about each other. Will a regional adminis­ to the impendent threat of a school closure by setting up a joint archi­
tration be able to maintain such closeness and receptiveness to pelago association. Interviewees from the archipelago often mention the
flexible solutions? It would be very demanding for a region to importance of the association and its ability to arrange activities and
maintain such competence for every village. I doubt we will see a lot promote coherence. Nature-related activities are significant, and the
of these kinds of projects in the future.” hunting association is described as being especially important for the
male population. One interviewee complained about the dispersed set­
tlement in the archipelago, with up to 30 km between the villages, which
4.3. Rural areas on the fringe of commuting distance: Maxmo makes the arrangement of common activities difficult. One interviewee
on the mainland complained about the tradition to setup separate as­
Maxmo was an independent municipality up until mergers first with sociations in the archipelago, since this person feels that Maxmo, as a

Fig. 3. Map of Maxmo. Arrows indicate dominant commuting and mobility direction.

54
K. Nordberg Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

whole, is too small to divide its efforts. is needed to the towns of Southern Ostrobothnia, as much as 67 per cent
Interviewees clearly depict Maxmo as an area belonging to the Vasa of the workforce works in Sideby. The share of entrepreneurs is as high
commuting area. The route to Vasa does not cross the municipal services as 31 per cent, and these figures indicate that job opportunities have
in Oravais and Vo€rå, and people working in Vasa consequently give less been essential for people deciding to settle or stay in the area.
importance to these places, since the distance to services towards Vasa is In comparison to the other cases, Sideby appears to be an area that
similar. This, however, is not the case with retired people or those has largely lost its vitality. One interviewee declared that “nothing really
working in Maxmo. As in Bergo €, the neighbouring areas away from the happens here”, while another respondent argued that “we don’t really
regional centre are mentioned, but the general identification is towards have any cohesion or fellowship here any longer, after the schools and
the south and Vasa. Regarding fears for the future, these are especially the grocery store closed down”. While most public services have moved
connected to the elderly and to families with small children that are north, most civil associations have also ceased to exist. There is some
more dependent on local healthcare services. The worries for the future activity in the old municipal centre in Sideby, where a village associa­
are also more expressive in the Maxmo archipelago, where the in­ tion has been setup, but in the other villages, only hunting associations
terviewees mention the effect of centralisation on the attractiveness of are mentioned as being particularly active. One interviewee in Skaftung
Maxmo as a place of residence for coming generations. give a dire answer to the question about losing more services: “we had
grocery stores and a school, but we have lost everything … you adapt
4.4. Sparsely populated rural areas: Sideby and get used to it, and in the end you don’t even understand to demand
services anymore”. Another respondent argued that “they can’t take
The historic municipality of Sideby was located at the southern tip of anything from us any longer, we have already lost everything. The only
the Swedish-speaking settlement in Ostrobothnia. At its height in the services we have left are electricity and water”. The interviews indicate
1930’s, it had 3700 inhabitants, but after the war, with rapid industri­ that all the villages are familiar and have cultural connections between
alisation, urbanisation and emigration, the population halved to below them, but in everyday life, the mobility of Skaftung and Omossa € is
2000 before merging with Kristinestad in the 1970’s. Today, three vil­ directed to the north, away from the old municipal centre. Of course,
lages, Sideby, Skaftung and Omossa,
€ are living in decline (see Fig. 4). with only about 200 people in the separate villages, a lack of coopera­
The peripheral position stands out as the main reason for this condition, tion leaves very few people engaged. The solidarity with Swedish-
as the municipal centre is 40 km away from Sideby and the regional speaking Ostrobothnia is visible in statements where interviewees
centre in Vasa is 130 km away. Sideby has few local services left; only a explain that “Vasa feels closer than Pori, although Vasa is 120 km away
small grocery shop and a health clinic are present. Current reform sug­ and Pori only 70 km”. Pori is situated to the south in a monolingual
gestions have included moving the health services from Kristinestad to Finnish-speaking region. Respondents also explain that they use the
Na€rpes, 70 km away, or even to Vasa. Although substantial commuting hospital in Pori only for emergencies, while scheduled visits are directed

Fig. 4. Map of Sideby. Arrows indicate dominant commuting and mobility direction.

55
K. Nordberg Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

to Vasa. Bergo€ is interesting, since both lost their municipal independence in the
early 1970’s. While civic activity is impressive in Bergo €, Sideby has lost
4.5. Summary and conclusions its cohesion and vitality. Although the services are nearly absent in
Sideby, complaints about service availability were substantially more
The assumption that Southern Ostrobothnia is an area that needs to be pronounced in Bergo € and Maxmo. This suggests a feeling of resignation
self-sufficient seems to be correct in most regards. According to the in­ on the part of Sideby, which aligns with the conclusion of Farrington &
terviews, Southern Ostrobothnia is experiencing reduced influence to­ Farrington (2005) that people are “well tuned to the realities of their
wards the region, especially in times of austerity, and the fear of losing situation”. Accordingly, this circumstance may be an indication of
more services and influence is tangible. Therefore, the capability to strong injustices in the past. Sideby also exhibits similarities with the
create workplaces and services locally in order to stay attractive as a case of Maxmo, in terms of a dispersed population and of conflicting
place of residence is fundamental. While the population would be suf­ mobility patterns. In Sideby, commuting is directed away from the old
ficient for maintaining a range of services, the case displays how cultural municipal centre, which results in a lack of a natural community centre.
differences may complicate the arrangement of shared services, espe­ After merging with Kristinestad in the 1970s, the three villages in many
cially in the light of SI and the possibility for flexible solutions. The regards became three separate entities, which by themselves were too
cultural closeness of the regional administration is similarly mentioned weak to maintain any influence and the capability to mobilise. It appears
as an advantage, as is the cross-sector flexibility of small organisations. unlikely that the Sideby community by itself is capable of mobilisation.
Yet, while the need for unity in Southern Ostrobothnia is recognised Therefore, the case suggests that such areas need external interventions
locally, the respondents are without answers on how to achieve it. The to overcome their deficiencies. The case clearly displays that a lack of
case suggests that such areas need substantial room to manoeuvre in cohesion has negative effects, and that mobility patterns are things that
order to develop or maintain their capability, while they also need should be paid attention to when administrative borders are redrawn.
bonding and bridging social capital in order to arrange services effec­ In conclusion, this study suggests that the efforts to achieve justice
tively with a small population. The Finnish reform agenda, i.e. to must be diverse and place-based. It is also possible to argue that the
strengthen regional authorities at the expense of sub-regional influence, understandings of spatial justice enable an analysis of the current
does not seem to benefit the capability of such areas. capability as well as an analysis of what is needed to develop it. When
The case of Bergo€ exemplifies the benefit of smallness and density, as accessibility is assessed as opportunities, it is obvious that access is
well as of closeness to local government, in other words, the benefit of highly interrelated with place capability (see Table 2). Firstly, we have
bonding, bridging and linking social capital. Whether the reason is the the variables related to spatial circumstances, such as settlement pat­
attractive environment or the vibrant community, Bergo € demonstrates terns, distances to regional centres, cultural cohesion, population size
that a peripheral community may be attractive as a place of residence and commuting patterns. These are factors reflecting our geographical
without offering accessible workplaces. The case of the elderly care history, which in turn set the conditions for achieving justice. Secondly,
home is an example on how a small community may be able to provide we have place capability, which may be interpreted as the capability to
services locally. However, the attractiveness as a place of residence is address the deficiencies set by geography. Here, the central role is
dependent on local services, suggesting that the capability is fragile also played by the different kinds of social capital. The existing social capital,
in vibrant rural areas. The low level of access sets high standards for political influence and individual competence have of course been
local wishes to be heard. Still, a vigorous community is fertile ground for developed in an interplay with geographically-related factors. The sep­
flexible solutions, provided that local authorities are disposed to listen. aration of these factors does, however, enable an analysis of the reasons
Neumeier’s (2017) first two points of factors promoting SIs are for the resulting accessibility in each place.
confirmed in the case of Bergo €: the advantage of the innovation should The studied cases suggest that local communities have the capability
be beneficial, it should be consistent with local values, there should be to initiate the search for solutions by themselves, as long as the sur­
access to external funding, public support is essential, and the organ­ rounding structure allows it. In contrast, dispersed and/or weak com­
isational structure (e.g. relationship to municipality) needs to be munities need external help. Here, it is important to note that
favourable. The third point of Neumeier, local capabilities to take ac­ development efforts initiated by local actors, with the ability to spark
tion, is also visible in this case. Rural coastal and archipelago areas, engagement and bridge social gaps, are often successful, while initiating
which all of the cases are examples of, are attractive places for leisure SI processes externally is more challenging (Neumeier, 2017). Butkevi­
activities and thereby attract visitors and second-home owners. This ciene (2009) advocates a down-up strategy for external actors to develop
circumstance may bring competence and raise the probability of social innovation, rather than a top-down strategy, implying that gov­
achieving social innovations. ernment actors may, for instance, facilitate local institutional capacity in
Maxmo is able to feed off the regional centre, but at the same time, order to mobilise internal resources. Here, the understandings of rural
these kinds of commuting areas may be torn between commuters and spatial justice and place capability may help in guiding such efforts.
non-commuters, where the first are mildly affected by the centralisation Spatial justice is about equitable, not equal, treatment; it is measured
of services, while the latter, especially senior citizens and families with qualitatively, not quantitatively – it is place-based. An analysis of spatial
small children, are dependent on local services. The difference to Bergo € justice should accordingly not be about distribution, but about the
in this regard seems to be the closely-knit social structure of Bergo €. capability of places. This capability may in turn be dependent on access
While some mobilisation has been realised in the archipelago, which is to resources, and access is in turn dependent on cultural connections,
more exposed to centralisation, such circumstances are likely to impede social cohesion, social capital, individual capability and local compe­
the capability of the area as a whole. The case shows that mobility tence, industrial structure, service structure and so on. Consequently,
patterns have tangible effects. The areas towards the regional centre feel what we need to analyse are the capabilities and opportunities available
closer than the other parts of the municipality, and accordingly, new in these areas. Are they socialised into disparity and getting used to the
service patterns will probably emerge towards the regional centre, loss of services, or are they socialised into cohesion and taking action?
which may conflict with the original settlement pattern. However, in And is the external structure supporting, ignoring or even denying local
contrast to Sideby, the archipelago commuters pass through the Maxmo action?
mainland, a circumstance which may become an advantage in the long
run. Capability is maintained in the form of resourceful people and or­ 5. Final reflections
ganisations, while cohesion might be a challenge.
Sideby has lost almost all of its services, which suggests that the three The cases analysed here should be regarded as examples of rural
villages have a low influence on municipal politics. The comparison with conditions. These few examples reveal that rural spatial justice is

56
K. Nordberg Journal of Rural Studies 78 (2020) 47–58

Table 2
Accessibility and place capability in four rural areas in Ostrobothnia, Finland.
Cases Southern Ostrobothnia Berg€
o Maxmo Sideby

Variables Fragmented settlement pattern High settlement density Low settlement density Low settlement density
affecting Culturally fragmented Culturally cohesive Culturally semi-cohesive Peripheral
accessibility Peripheral Peripheral Semi-peripheral Culturally semi-cohesive
Large population size Small population size Small population size Small population size
Self-sufficiency in workplaces Extensive commuting Extensive commuting Unfavourable commuting pattern
Place capability Strong bonding social capital, Strong bonding, bridging and linking Semi-weak bonding social capital Weak bonding, bridging and
(to address weak bridging and questionable social capital Low political influence linking social capital
deficiencies) linking social capital Low political influence High level of individual competence Low political influence
High local influence, low regional High level of individual competence Low level of individual
influence competence
High level of individual
competence
Resulting Accessibility relatively high but Accessibility high, since cohesive Accessibility high but varies Accessibility low in all regards.
accessibility insecure. Resilience to changes community fosters social inclusion and between commuters and non- Low cohesion and low capability
low due to lack of unity and social provides opportunity for flexible commuters. Local unity and impede mobilisation and flexible
inclusion. solutions. Dependent on flexible capability challenged by solutions.
authorities. commuting.

dependent on a large number of variables. Ehrstr€om, Peter, Marsden, Terry (Eds.), Metropolitan Ruralities. Emerald Group
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