The Time Scale of Internationalisation: The Case of The Container Port Industry
The Time Scale of Internationalisation: The Case of The Container Port Industry
The Time Scale of Internationalisation: The Case of The Container Port Industry
D A N I E L O L I V I E R 1 , F R A N C E S C O PA R O L A 2 , B R I A N S L A C K 3
& J A M E S J WA N G 4
1
Tr a n s p o r t C a n a d a , S t r a t e g i c P o l i c y, 3 3 0 S p a r k s S t r e e t , O t t a w a , O N
K1A 0N5, Canada. E-mail: [email protected] 2Department of Business
Studies and Italian Centre of Excellence for Integrated Logistics,
U n i v e r s i t y o f G e n o a , V i a V i v a l d i 5 , 1 61 2 6 , G e n o a , I t a l y. E - m a i l :
p a r o l a @ e c o n o m i a . u n i g e . i t 3 D e p a r t m e n t o f G e o g r a p h y, C o n c o r d i a
U n i v e r s i t y, 1 4 0 0 d e M a i s o n n e u v e W. , M o n t r e a l , Q C H 3 G 1 M 8 C a n a d a .
E-mail: [email protected] 4University of Hong Kong,
D e p a r t m e n t o f G e o g r a p h y, P o k f u l a m R o a d , H o n g K o n g S A R ,
E-mail: [email protected]
Institutional change of the 1990s in port sectors worldwide has been followed by
the emergence of port investing/operating transnational corporations (TNCs).
Yet the supply of investment opportunities may be diminishing and evidence
suggests the investment time window is closing. Timing thus becomes a critical
component of the internationalisation process of firms. This paper focuses on
temporal aspects of internationalisation. It puts immediate emphasis on Asian
TNCs since – as latecomers – they have grown to dominate the industry. We
perform a longitudinal analysis of TNC behaviour in relation to changes in
domestic and foreign market conditions. Constraints of an institutional nature
facing TNC entry in foreign markets are forcing firms to ‘leapfrog’ some of the
logical sequential phases of internationalisation often assumed by mainstream
theory. The degree of openness of foreign markets still largely dictates both
opportunities and modalities of private entry. Findings suggest that institu-
tional conditions determine to a large extent what strategic choices may be
possible in any given context.
Maritime Economics & Logistics (2007) 9, 1–34.
doi:10.1057/palgrave.mel.9100169
INTRODUCTION
The wave of neo-liberal reforms spreading across the globe has not spared the
port industry. This once geopolitically sensitive resource is now increasingly in
the hands of a rapidly emerging breed of transnational corporations (TNCs).
Indeed, institutional change of the 1990s in port sectors worldwide has been
accompanied by the emergence of port operating TNCs: firms operating
container terminals across various regions, countries or continents. It is difficult
to conceive of an industry that has internationalised as rapidly as the container
terminal industry. The World Bank (2004) reported 209 port projects involving
private participation in developing countries (only) for the period 1990–2003.
That is an average of 1.5 terminal projects opening every month to potential
foreign/private investors.
The rate at which spatial and temporal dynamics of change have occurred
in fact requires a whole new conceptual toolbox to approach this traditional
industry (Olivier and Slack, 2006). Unlike many other industries that now enjoy
advanced stages of internationalisation, worldwide deregulation of the port
sector is still a relatively recent phenomenon. While port studies have to date
tended to be of an inward-looking nature (Olivier and Slack, 2006), a
comparison of how this industry is internationalising becomes imperative in
light of new empirical developments. Are port service TNCs any different from
other breeds of TNCs? When and how have they proceeded to expand their
scope internationally? The paper seeks to confront empirical developments
affecting the global container port industry against mainstream internationa-
lisation theories. It emphasises two components of this process: (1) the
temporal component of internationalisation and its spatial corollaries and (2)
the Asian TNC as a powerful force spearheading the internationalisation drive.
More specifically, we seek to explain how Asian TNCs, as ‘latecomers’, have
come to dominate the global scene.
The paper primarily adopts a binary analytical lens by investigating
institutional conditions of both domestic and foreign markets in which these
new TNCs are evolving. It begins by making an empirical statement about the
recent rise of port-related TNCs and the institutional context behind their ascent.
It then follows with a synoptic review of the internationalisation literature with
particular emphasis on theoretical weaknesses in temporal constructs relating to
firms’ overseas expansion. The remaining analysis confronts theoretical claims in
TNC literature against evidence from the port industry by considering key firm-
specific advantages in their quest for international expansion. It ultimately argues
that constraints of an institutional nature facing TNC entry in foreign markets are
the main obstacle forcing firms to ‘leapfrog’ some of the logical sequential phases
of internationalisation often assumed by mainstream theory.
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T H E E M E R G E N C E O F T H E T E R M I N A L - O P E R AT I N G T N C : T H E
INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT
HK
Taiwan
1980
HK
2004
Private investments in container terminals - developing countries (1986-2003: < 1 USD billion).
Private investments in container terminals-eveloping countries(1986-2003: > 1 USD billion).
Early stage of port reform in developed countries.
Advanced stage of port reforin developed countries.
State port model in container terminal operations.
Figure 1: Global changes in the institutional environment of container ports 1980, 2004.
This wave also coincides with the rise of private international terminal
operators (ITOs). In pure chronological terms, entry of ocean carriers in
container terminal business largely predates that of ITOs. Although the earliest
ITOs to invest overseas were not of East Asian origins (eg Eurokai into Lisbon in
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2.500
2.000
1.500
USD million
1.000
500
0
1986 1987 1988 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
East Asia and pacific Europe and Central Asia Latin America and the Caribbean
Middle East and North Africa South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
Figure 2: Container terminal projects involving private participation, developing countries 1986–2004.
Source: compiled from World Bank PPI database, 2003.
1984, P&OP in Kelang in 1986), yet the latter have rapidly caught up to lead the
global scene.
NYK
Leading Asian Carriers
MOL
K Line
Hanjin
HMM
EMC
NOL (APL)
Yang Ming
OOCL
MTL
Leading Asian ITOs
HPH
PSA
NWSP
CMHI
Dubai Ports W.
Port Holdings (HPH), PSA Corp., APM Terminals, and P&O Ports have become
leading names. Second, the two types of TNCs have different organisational
features. Often, ocean carriers have terminal operating subsidiaries that operate
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select terminals serving their shipping networks. Although in recent years many
carriers have separated their terminal operating arms to create self-standing
companies, such companies usually retain some form of ownership and/or
operational ties to their carriers. By contrast, ITOs tend to provide multi-user
port services. Third, their involvement in port operations and finance dates back
to different periods. Carriers’ entry into terminal operations dates back to the late
1960s as a way to secure trade routes, notably the transpacific. Contrastingly, the
emergence of ITOs is far more recent, essentially unfolding from the early 1990s.
Although both types are considered here as service TNCs, these qualitative
differences should be borne in mind throughout the analysis that follows.
Beyond their qualitative differences, the emergence of port TNCs is
characterised by the strength of East Asian companies. A striking feature of the
contemporary industry is the prevalence of Asian TNCs from Hong Kong,
Singapore, Taiwan and Japan, firms that have emerged to challenge the former
leaders traditionally based in Europe and North America. Early entrants in
container terminal operations were US, Japanese and European ocean carriers
seeking to secure facilities on the trade routes they served. SeaLand, the firm
that pioneered containerisation, became the first carrier to operate its own
container facility in Port Elisabeth in 1962. Since then, the carrier went on to
build one of the world’s largest network of terminals when in 1999 it was
acquired by Danish carrier Maersk to become the carrier with the largest
terminal portfolio. Major Japanese carriers were also early entrants. In 1969,
Japan’s Mitsui O.S.K. Lines and K Line were awarded their first container
facilities at the port of Osaka. Meanwhile, in Europe Danish carrier Maersk was
awarded its first terminal in 1975 in Newark as a gateway to its transatlantic
trade (see also Figure 3).
The Far East is today at the heart of this phenomenon as both prime origin
and destination of port-directed private capital. It is currently host to the world’s
largest container ports and its future capital requirements are estimated to be
three times as large as those of North America, and twice those of Western
Europe (World Bank (2004)). The Far East has thus been a potent breeding
ground for the emergence of TNCs in the port sector and Asian TNCs have come
to prevail (Olivier and Slack, 2006). Table 2 presents a synopsis of the industry’s
leading TNCs and affirms the prevalence of Asian firms. A notable feature of
these Asian TNCs is that all of them belong to recognised organisational forms
proper to Asia: the Japanese keiretsu, the Korean chaebol, the ethnic Chinese
conglomerate, and the state-owned corporation form. Thus, individual firms
entering the port industry often belong to powerful conglomerates with broader
maritime and logistics interests (Olivier, 2005). Their prominence in reshaping
the global port industry provides a rich empirical platform from which to
further our understanding of the Asian TNC.
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T E M P O R A L C O N S T R U C T S I N M A I N S T R E A M I N T E R N AT I O N A L I S AT I O N
THEORIES AND MARITIME STUDIES
sequence was particularly strong among early theories of the 1960s, such as
that of Vernon’s product-life cycle. Some years later, in their influential work,
Johanson and Vahlne (1977) coined the term ‘establishment chain’. Surpris-
ingly, this sequential approach to firm growth has been little challenged for
decades (Bell and Young, 1998). Table 3 illustrates how classical theories of the
TNC assume highly linear constructs of time and space, naturalising ideal-
typical evolutionary pathways of expansion.
While credits for a full-fledge theory of the TNC are usually awarded to
Stephen Hymer (1960), the seminal contribution behind evolutionary phase
theories of international expansion was no doubt that of Raymond Vernon
(1966). The product-life cycle implied that firms internationalise following a
logical sequence based on structural transformations in (1) a given product’s
demand and (2) home versus foreign market conditions. Vernon’s influential
model and its linear temporal assumptions rose to become an enduring
theoretical template (Dicken, 1998).
Such a strong tradition in conceptualising time as a logical and linear
construct feeds on shared assumptions of time and space common to such
models:
(1) Since most of the early TNC theories of international expansion drew on US
manufacturing firms, particular assumptions about US domestic market
structures found their way in the models. Internationalisation systematically
begins through one form or another of overseas export.
(2) A second and related assumption is that domestic production precedes
exporting. It is here that the ‘embeddedness’ argument takes its roots as
through such a sequence TNCs are likely to carry signs of national imprint
as they globalise.
(3) Another common assertion based on Johanson and Vahlne’s (1977)
behavioural concept of ‘psychic distance’ is that firms are likely to engage
in transnational activities closest to their domestic markets. The reason is
that geographical proximity was assumed to imply cultural proximity.
Managers are more likely to succeed in those markets they are linguistically,
psychologically and culturally familiar with.
10
Table 3: Various evolutionary models of the internationalisation of firms
Chandler, NA (evolutionary) Small firms Smaller national Large national Global corporations F F
1962 business business
organisations organisations
KK. Akamatsu, Flying Geese Closely associated KProcess: Import KProcess: Export-led F F
1960s Theory of with product-life substitution production KProcess: reverse
KK. Kojima, Development cycle where KSpace: Japan KSpace: Japan to production where
1970s (1) (evolutionary) products migrate KTime: early 1960s Asia. Production leader begins to
to an innovative relocation to NIEs import from
core (leading begins export-driven
countries) to KTime: late followers
peripheries 1960s–1970s KSpace: Japan’s
(followers). Japan’s industrial structure
‘sunset’ industries upscaling to higher
become Asia’s value goods. Further
‘sunrise’ stages of relocation:
industries. ASEAN, China,
Stage I: Vietnam/India, etc.
KProcess: foreign KTime: 1980s and
import 1990s
KSpace: Japan
KTime: 1950s
postwar
Vernon, Product life-cycle US home-base Locational shift in Europe exports Europe exports LDCs export F
1966 (2) (evolutionary) production exported production sites to LDCs. back to US. back to US
from US to Europe.
US exports to LDCs
Perlmutter The Ethno-Centric ‘Ethno-centric’: ‘Geo-centric’: ‘Poly-centric’: F F F
1969 (3) Firm highly nationalistic de-centralised with highly cosmopolitan,
and increasing degree pluralistic and
centralised of localisation, multi-cultural
controlled locals head approach.
by home HQ. subsidiaries.
Table 3: Continued
Ghoshal, 1989 solution’ (1) Decentralised (1) Centralised (1) Sources of core (1) dispersed,
(typological) and nationally and globally scaled, competencies interdependent,
self-sufficient, (2) implementing centralised, others and specialised;
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(2) sensing and parent company decentralised, (2) differentiated
exploiting local strategies, (3) (2) adapting and contributions by
opportunities, knowledge developed leveraging parent national units to
(3) knowledge and retained at the company com- integrated
developed and center petencies, worldwide
retained within (3) knowledge operations;
each unit developed at the (3) knowledge
11
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Table 3: Continued
Notes: (1) in Korhonen (1994); (2) from Dicken (1998); (3) in Warner et al. (2004); (4) in Taylor and Thrift (1982).
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Low High
F I R M - S P E C I F I C A D VA N TA G E S A N D T H E T I M I N G O F
I N T E R N AT I O N A L I S AT I O N
‘follow-the-market’ spatial logic generally holds true, recent trends in the last
decade in transhipment are blurring the picture. Ocean carriers have in recent
years increased their interests over terminal operations in order to stabilise their
stevedoring costs and to preserve schedule reliability (Midoro et al, 2005).
While in the past, ports relied on a tight relation with their hinterlands as their
traditional sources of cargo, growth in transhipment activity has tended to
spatially dislocate port facilities from their cargo sources. New generation
transhipment hubs have arisen as intermediary cargo transfer points of global
outreach: privately invested ports of massive proportions have emerged in the
oddest of locations. This is because transhipment platforms are increasingly the
result of decisions of individual carriers’ network architecture. From an ITO’s
standpoint, transhipment traffic represents a higher risk investment since the
cargo is transient and can be relocated to competing ports as a result of
decisions made by carriers.
The role of home markets has been decisive within both ITOs and ocean
carriers’ internationalisation drive, albeit in different respects. All Asian
carriers1 except OOCL (Hong Kong) and Hanjin (Korea) have invested in
domestic terminals as their first and original terminal projects (Figure 3). Hanjin
has invested in overseas projects before turning to domestic terminals due to
belated reforms in South Korea’s port sector. In fact, OOCL is the only Asian
carrier to date with a 100% foreign terminal portfolio due to restrictive policies
in Hong Kong, disallowing carrier-operated facilities. Developmental state
maritime policies in East Asian countries have generally backed the emergence
of young national carriers in support of their booming export trades. One of
such policy was to allow national carriers to operate their own marine facilities
at key domestic ports. Originally, such policies enabled carriers to secure
market share on key trade routes and later to become a central instrument
serving door-to-door logistics ambitions. The notion of home port here
takes its meaning as a base from which carriers devised their service networks.
Home ports also play a structural role as logistics poles around which
complementary activities are organised, such as inland container depots (ICDs),
warehousing, trucking, container flow management and other value-adding
services.
However, the home market argument becomes more interesting in the case
of ITOs. The drive for globalisation among the TNCs has arguably been
strongest among the two city-states of Hong Kong and Singapore, both small
and contained markets. The question of home markets has been recently
discussed (albeit indirectly) in relation to Hayuth’s (1981) famous port
periphery challenge whereby local private operators have crossed borders
and invested in nearby facilities (Airriess, 2001; Slack and Wang, 2003). It
is no coincidence that the top two global leaders have their origins in small
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Table 5: Domestic throughput as share of total throughput of leading Asian ITOs, 2004
1866 Hong Kong and Whampoa Dock Co. founded as a British hong
1971 Hutchison International Terminals established and begins operation at Kwai Chung in 1976
1979 Takeover of HWL by Li Ka-shing’s Cheung Kong Holdings
1991 Internationalisation begins : first overseas terminal project in Felixstowe
1991/2 Hutchison Westports Ltd. Established
1992/3 Close to home: first terminal projects in mainland China (Zhuhai, Shanghai)
1994 Hutchison Port Holdings established to oversee all HWL’s port business
1994 Hutchison Delta Ports established as one of HPH’s leading subsidiary
2000 Creation of IT subsidiary LINE (exportable EDI platform)
22
Table 8: Major M&As marking the container port industry, 1997–2004
Acquirer/firm A Acquired/firm B Type Resulting firm Date of Sum involved No. of terminal
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Source: www.hanjin.com; corporate interviews.
25
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DISCUSSION
28
Table 10: Models of internationalisation among Asian TNCs in the container port industry
Domestic market KHome port factor Very strong: Weak: hybrid Strong: Weak Weak
KPush factor national KSecuring access to
KR&D development and identities, national cargo and key
experimentation ground disembedded trade routes
KMarket structure oligarchic Hybrid identities, Pro-COT/B policy Institutional Late port reforms
‘boomerang’ constraints to
strategy1 COT/B or late
reforms
Strategy and KScope of portfolio Continental-global Niche national Route-specific Route-specific Route-specific
portfolio [global hub network
characteristics for EMC]
KPortfolio risk factor Medium to high medium Lowest Low Low
KOrganisation of KPredominantly KEntered port Vertical Vertical Vertical
terminal activities horizontal strategy investment as
+ IT and VAL non-core
leadership KConglomerate-based
KDeep organisational synergies
reforms accompanying
internationalisation
Timeframe of KPace and timing Fast track interna- Institutionally-defined Early starters Fast-track followers Downsizing of
internationa- of expansion tionalisation; fastest opportunity takers with deferred entry international
lisation rates of expansion into terminal terminal network
markets in
key markets
Table 10: Continued
Foreign market KEntry path & Wide-ranging: flexible Predominantly JVs WOS favoured Predominantly WOS WOS favoured
control and adapted to local with some JVs
institutional
requirements
KLocational Follow-the-cargo China growth focus To serve trade To serve trade To serve trade
rationale approach2 routes routes routes
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Four factors were identified to interpret the rapid ascension of Asian firms
on the global scene. Domestic market factors were identified as critical in ITO
strategies. Many have built up their portfolio on the original strength of home
ports. Both HPH and PSA have also crossed boundaries to invest in
neighbouring ports to extend their clout into ‘backyard markets’. It was also
shown how both leading ITOs and carriers in East Asia belong to larger forms of
conglomerated organisations that, as a group, harbour broader logistics
aspirations. Structural effects in financial capacity was also earmarked as a
distinguishing feature between carriers and ITOs, which allowed the rapid
propulsion of the latter by seizing prime lucrative opportunities. ‘Leapfrogging’
takes place under different forms and for different reasons among ITOs and
ocean carriers: for ITOs it serves horizontal strategies by allowing them entry
into closed markets while for carriers it serves primarily vertical strategies
seeking maximum control of the logistics chain in promising markets. The
leapfrogging phenomenon identified here carries important theoretical implica-
tions. With increasing financial powers, Asian TNCs have been at the forefront
of M&A activity in recent years. It has been a favoured entry mode to penetrate
mature markets. Many carriers have also sidestepped terminal operations to
invest in other segments of the logistics chain in countries disallowing direct
terminal operation rights.
The findings concerning timing and a lack of systematic patterns in the
general logic of overseas investments carry important implications for supply
chain management too. Indeed, while ocean carriers seek to gain increasing
control over the entire logistics chain, barriers of an institutional nature
constraining complete ownership means the logistics chain remains populated
by an array of governance arrangements, from direct ownership to arms-length
mechanisms via network forms of arrangements including: licensing, sub-
contracting, JVs, strategic alliances, etc. (see also Hall and Olivier, 2005). The
case of China clearly illustrates how JVs have long been the de facto entry mode
while carriers have clearly preferred direct ownership over terminal facilities
elsewhere. The degree of openness of foreign markets still largely dictates both
opportunities and modalities of private entry, as supported in this paper.
Institutional conditions determine what strategic choices may be possible in any
given context.
CONCLUSION
The central question in this paper was: why have Asian latecomers come to
dominate the container terminal industry? The position of Asian ports within
league tables is confirmed by the ascent of Asian TNCs in the maritime industry.
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On the one hand, Asian carriers, besides Japanese frontrunners, started their
expansion in port activities relatively later but have shown aggressive strategies
in recent years to catch up with early entrants. On the other hand, the rise of
ITOs is a phenomenon of the 1990s originally spearheaded by Western firms but
rapidly dominated by Asian TNCs.
The role of domestic markets was intended to make such a link
between Asia, as both origin and destination of port-related FDI. Asian
TNCs have been very late to penetrate mature markets like Western Europe,
yet in a sweeping manner the have attained controlling positions due
primarily to their financial status. Many of such TNCs belong to ‘cash rich’
conglomerates whose logistical ambitions reach beyond terminal operations.
This paper singled out the primacy of Asian TNCs and related management
models.
It should be noted, however, that the term ‘internationalisation’
was preferred here to ‘globalisation’ throughout to reflect the dynamic
state of the industry, which is yet to reach maturity. What the management
literature generally refers to as ‘truly global firms’ are those firms having
reached a level of unequalled organisational complexity, including high rates of
localisation. While some port service TNCs have reached impressive
geographical coverage, they are yet to achieve this level of sophistication.
Corporate restructuring among the industry is as intense as ever, especially
through M&As, and will continue to redefine the industry for some time to
come. To be complete, research would require comparative analysis of
corporate governance on a global scale in relation to internationalisation
strategy. For instance, several European maritime firms remain family
controlled: do they present similar characteristics as those found among their
Asian counterparts? Also, while Asian TNCs dominate the global terminal
business, European carriers have taken the lead in the delivery of total logistics
packages. Why is it so and can their Asian rivals ‘catch up’? Further research is
warranted in those fields.
This paper sought to generate its originality by placing recent empirical
evidence of the rise of TNCs in the port industry against existing theories
of the TNC. TNC analysis of this sort remains new and admittedly explora-
tory in maritime fields, yet it has proven to carry broader theoretical
implications. The above clearly suggests how longitudinal analyses of TNC
behaviour remain a desideratum and it is hoped this article may lead the way
forward.
Acknowledgements
This research was partially supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities
Research Council of Canada, The Québec Fonds de recherche sur la nature et les
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ENDNOTES
1
NOL-APL represents a special case since US APL was taken over by Singaporean NOL. Yet, APL had
a strong home base presence within its portfolio. Until 1997 NOL did not have any involvement in
port activities.
2
AsiaWeek special Issue Power 50, vol.26 no.9 March 2000.
3
He later sold his shares in 2005 for HK$ 7.8 billion for charity.
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