Chavacano

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"Chabacano" redirects here. It is not to be confused with Metro Chabacano.

Chavacano

Chabacano

Native to Philippines

Region Zamboanga City and Basilan (Zamboangueño),

Cavite City (Caviteño) and
Ternate, Cavite (Ternateño)

Ethnicity Zamboangueño people

Filipinos in Indonesia
Filipinos in Malaysia
Filipino Americans

Native speakers (689,000 cited 1992)[1][2]

Language family Spanish-based creole

 Chavacano

Writing system Latin (Spanish alphabet)

Official status

Official Regional language in the Philippines

language in

Regulated by Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino

Language codes

ISO 639-3 cbk

Glottolog chav1241 [3]

Linguasphere 51-AAC-ba
 Area where Chavacano is spoken
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without
proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or
other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory
guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Chavacano or Chabacano [tʃaβaˈkano] is a group of Spanish-based creole language varieties spoken in

the Philippines. The variety spoken in Zamboanga City, located in the southern Philippine island group of Mindanao,
has the highest concentration of speakers. Other currently existing varieties are found in Cavite City and Ternate,
located in the Cavite province on the island of Luzon. [4] Chavacano is the only Spanish-based creole in Asia.[5]
The different varieties of Chavacano differ in certain aspects like vocabulary but they are generally mutually
intelligible by speakers of these varieties, especially between neighboring varieties. While a majority of the lexicon of
the different Chavacano varieties derive from Spanish, their grammatical structures are generally similar to
other Philippine languages. Among Philippine languages, it is the only one that is not an Austronesian language, but
like Malayo-Polynesian languages, it uses reduplication.
The word Chabacano is derived from Spanish, roughly meaning "poor taste" or "vulgar", though the term itself
carries no negative connotations to contemporary speakers and has lost its original Spanish meaning.

Contents

 1Distribution and variants

o 1.1Varieties
o 1.2Characteristics
o 1.3Demographics
o 1.4Social significance
 2Terminology
 3Historical background
o 3.1Monogenetic theory
o 3.2Parallel-development theory
o 3.3Zamboangueño
o 3.4Caviteño / Ternateño
 4Samples
o 4.1Zamboangueño
 4.1.1Another sample of Zamboangueño Chavacano
o 4.2Ermiteño
o 4.3Caviteño / Ternateño
 4.3.1Another sample of Chavacano de Cavite
o 4.4Castellano Abakay (Chavacano Davaoeño)
 4.4.1Castellano Abakay Chino
 4.4.2Castellano Abakay Japon
o 4.5Pledge of Allegiance to the Philippine Flag
 4.5.1Zamboangueño
 4.5.2English
 5Vocabulary
o 5.1Forms and style
 6Writing system
o 6.1Alphabet
 6.1.1Letters and letter names
o 6.2Other sounds
o 6.3Sounds from English
o 6.4Diphthongs
 7Grammar
o 7.1Simple sentence structure (verb–subject–object word order)
 7.1.1Declarative affirmative sentences in the simple present, past, and future tenses
 7.1.2Declarative negative sentences in the simple present, past, and future tenses
o 7.2Nouns and articles
 7.2.1Singular nouns
 7.2.2Plural nouns
o 7.3Pronouns
 7.3.1Personal (nominative/subjective case) pronouns
 7.3.2Possessive pronouns (Chavacano de Zamboanga, Castellano Abakay)
o 7.4Verbs
 7.4.1Verb tenses - simple tenses
  7.4.1.1Perfect constructions
 7.4.2Passive and active voice
 8Archaic Spanish words and false friends
 9See also
 10Codes
 11Footnotes
 12References
 13External links

Distribution and variants[edit]

Varieties[edit]

Native Zamboangueño speakers in Mindanao

Linguists have identified at least six Spanish Creole varieties in the Philippines. Their classification is based on
their substrate languages and the regions where they are commonly spoken. The three known varieties of
Chavacano with Tagalog as their substrate language are the Luzon-based creoles of which are Caviteño (spoken
in Cavite City), Bahra or Ternateño (spoken in Ternate, Cavite) and Ermiteño (once spoken in the old district
of Ermita in Manila and is now extinct).

Variety Places Native speakers

Zamboangueño Zamboanga 359,000 (Rubino 2008,
(Zamboangueño/Zamboangueño City, Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, Z citing 2000 census)
Chavacano/Chabacano de amboanga del Sur, Zamboanga
Zamboanga) del Norte, Zamboanga Sibugay,
Caviteño (Chabacano di Cavite 4,000 (2013)
Nisos/Chabacano de Cavite)
Cotabateño (Chabacano de Cotabato City, Maguindanao Dead
Cotabato)
Castellano Abakay (Chabacano Davao Region, Davao City Extinct
Davaoeño)
Ternateño (Bahra) Ternate 3,000 (2013)
Ermiteño (Ermitense) Ermita Extinct

There are a number of theories on how these different varieties of Chavacano have evolved and how they are
related to one another. According to some linguists, Zamboangueño Chavacano is believed to have influenced by
Caviteño Chabacano as evidenced by prominent Zamboangueño families who descended from Spanish Army
officers (from Spain and Latin America), primarily Caviteño mestizos, stationed at Fort Pilar in the 19th century.
When Caviteño officers recruited workers and technicians from Iloilo to man their sugar plantations and rice fields to
reduce the local population's dependence on the Donativo de Zamboanga, taxes levied by the Spanish colonial
government on the islanders to support the fort's operations. With the subsequent migration of Ilonggo traders to
Zamboanga, the Zamboangueño Chavacano was infused with Hiligaynon words as the previous migrant community
was assimilated.[7]
Most of what appears to be Cebuano words in Zamboangueño Chavacano are actually Hiligaynon. Although
Zamboangueño Chavacano's contact with Cebuano began much earlier when Cebuano soldiers were stationed at
Fort Pilar during the Spanish colonial period, it was not until closer to the middle of the 20th century that borrowings
from Cebuano accelerated from more migration from the Visayas as well as the current migration from other
Visayan-speaking areas of the Zamboanga Peninsula.
Zamboangueño (Chavacano) is spoken in Zamboanga City, Basilan, parts of Sulu and Tawi-Tawi, and Zamboanga
del Sur, Zamboanga Sibugay and Zamboanga del Norte. Zamboangueño Chavacano is the most dynamically
spoken language of Philippine Creole Spanish. It is used as a lingua franca between both Muslim and Christians in
the Southwestern Mindanao and Basilan Islands communities. Its influence has spread to other islands in the west,
such as the Jolo Islands, as well as to Cotabato and Davao in Mindanao, and finally down south to Malaysia. [8] The
other varieties of Chavacano with Cebuano as their primary substrate language are the Mindanao-based creoles of
which are Castellano Abakay or Chavacano Davaoeño (now extinct but was spoken in some areas of Davao),
influenced by Chinese and Japanese, and divided into two varieties, Castellano Abakay Chino and Castellano
Abakay Japón, and Cotabateño (no longer spoken in Cotabato City). Both Cotabateño and Davaoeño are very
similar to Zamboangueño.
Characteristics[edit]
The Chavacano languages in the Philippines are creoles based on Mexican Spanish and possibly, Portuguese. In
some Chavacano languages, most words are common with Andalusian Spanish, but there are many words
borrowed from Nahuatl, a language native to Central Mexico, which are not to be found in Andalusian Spanish.
Although the vocabulary is largely Mexican, its grammar is mostly based on other Philippine languages,
primarily Ilonggo, Tagalog and Cebuano. By way of Spanish, its vocabulary also has influences from the Native
American languages Nahuatl, Taino, Quechua, etc. as can be evidenced by the words chongo (monkey, instead of
Spanish 'mono'), tiange (mini markets), etc.[citation needed]
In contrast with the Luzon-based dialects, the Zamboangueño variety has the most borrowings and/or influence
from other Philippine Austronesian languages including Hiligaynon and Tagalog. Words of Malay origin are present
in Zamboangueño variety; the latter is included because although not local in Philippines, it was the lingua franca
of maritime Southeast Asia. As Zamboangueño variety is also spoken by Muslims, the variety has
some Arabic loanwords, most commonly Islamic terms.[specify][dubious  –  discuss] Nevertheless, it is difficult to trace whether
these words have their origin in the local population or in Spanish itself, given that Spanish has about 6,000 words
of Arabic origin. Chavacano also contains loanwords of Persian origin which enter Chavacano via Malay and Arabic;
both Persian and Spanish are Indo-European languages.
Demographics[edit]
The highest number of Chavacano speakers are found in Zamboanga City and in the island province of Basilan. A
significant number of Chavacano speakers are found in Cavite City and Ternate. There are also speakers in some
areas in the provinces of Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga Sibugay, Zamboanga del Norte, Davao, and in Cotabato
City. According to the official 2000 Philippine census, there were altogether 607,200 Chavacano speakers in the
Philippines in that same year. The exact figure could be higher as the 2000 population of Zamboanga City, whose
main language is Chavacano, far exceeded that census figure. Also, the figure does not include Chavacano
speakers of the Filipino diaspora. Notwithstanding, Zamboangueño is the variety with the most number of speakers,
being the official language of Zamboanga City whose population is now believed to be over a million; is also an
official language in Basilan.
Chavacano speakers are possibly found in Semporna and elsewhere in Sabah as Sabah was under partial Spanish
sovereignty and via Filipino refugees who escaped from Zamboanga Peninsula and predominantly Muslim areas of
Mindanao like Sulu Archipelago.
A small number of Zamboanga's indigenous peoples and of Basilan, such as the Tausugs, the Samals, and
the Yakans, majority of those people are Sunni Muslims, also speak the language. In the close provinces of Sulu
and Tawi-Tawi areas, there are Muslim speakers of the Chavacano de Zamboanga, all of them are neighbors of
Christians. Speakers of the Chavacano de Zamboanga, both Christians and Muslims, also live in Lanao del
Norte and Lanao del Sur. Christians and Muslims in Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat, Cotabato, South
Cotabato, Cotabato City, and Saranggani speak Chavacano de Zamboanga. Take note that Zamboanga Peninsula,
Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-tawi, Maguindanao, Cotabato City, Soccsksargen (region that composed of Sultan
Kudarat, Cotabato, South Cotabato, and Saranggani) and Davao Region became part of short-lived Republic of
Zamboanga, which chose Chavacano as official language.
Social significance[edit]
Chavacano has been primarily and practically a spoken language. In the past, its use in literature was limited and
chiefly local to the geographical location where the particular variety of the language was spoken. Its use as a
spoken language far exceeds its use in literary work in comparison to the use of Spanish in the Philippines which
was more successful as a written language than a spoken language. In recent years, there have been efforts to
encourage the use of Chavacano as a written language, but the attempts were mostly minor attempts in folklore and
religious literature and few pieces of written materials by the print media. In Zamboanga City, while the language is
used by the mass media, the Catholic Church, education, and the local government, there have been few literary
work written in Zamboangueño and access to these resources by the general public is not readily available; Bibles
of Protestant Christians are also written in standard Chavacano. As Chavacano is spoken by Muslims as second
language not only in Zamboanga City and Basilan but even in Sulu and Tawi-tawi, a number of Qur'an books are
published in Chavacano.
The Zamboangueño variety has been constantly evolving especially during half of the past century until the present.
Zamboangueño has been experiencing an infusion of English and more Tagalog words and from other languages
worldwide in its vocabulary and there have been debates and discussions among older Chavacano speakers, new
generation of Chavacano speakers, scholars, linguists, sociologists, historians, and educators regarding its
preservation, cultivation, standardisation, and its future as a Spanish-based creole. In 2000, The Instituto
Cervantes in Manila hosted a conference entitled "Shedding Light on the Chavacano Language" at the Ateneo de
Manila University. Starting school year 2012–13, the Zamboangueño variant has also been taught at schools
following the implementation of the Department of Education's policy of Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual
Education (MTB-MLE). It serves as a medium of instruction from kindergarten to grade 3 and as a separate subject
(Mother Tongue) from grades 1 to 3.
Because of the grammatical structures, Castilian usage, and archaic Spanish words and phrases that Chavacano
(especially Zamboangueño) uses, between speakers of both contemporary Spanish and Chavacano who are
uninitiated, both languages appear to be non-intelligible to a large extent. For the initiated speakers, Chavacano can
be intelligible to some Spanish speakers, and while most Spanish words can easily be understood by Chavacano
speakers, many would struggle to understand a complete Spanish sentence.

Terminology[edit]
The term Chavacano or Chabacano originated from the Spanish word chabacano which literally means "poor
taste", "vulgar", "common", "of low quality", or "coarse". Chavacano has since evolved into a word of its own in
different spellings with no negative connotation, but to simply being the name of the language itself.
During the Spanish colonial period, what is today called Chavacano was also called by the Spanish-speaking
population as the "lenguaje de la calle", "lenguaje de parian" (language of the street), or "lenguaje de cocina"
(kitchen Spanish) to refer to the Chabacano spoken by the people of Manila, particularly in Ermita) to distinguish it
from the Spanish language spoken by those of the upper class, which consisted of Spaniards and educated
Natives.
Linguists use the term Philippine Creole Spanish which can be further divided into two geographic classifications:
Manila Bay Creoles (which includes Ternateño and Caviteño) and Mindanao Creole (including Zamboangueño).
The varieties of the language are geographically related. The Manila Bay Creoles have Tagalog as their substrate
language while The Mindanao Creoles have Visayan (mostly Cebuano, Tausug, and Hiligaynon), Subanon,
and Sama as their substrate language(s).
Chavacano/Chabacano speakers themselves have different preferences on whether to spell the language with a V
or a B.[9] They emphasise the difference between their variety and others using their own geographical location as a
point of reference. Language speakers in Ternate also use the term Bahra to refer to their language and their city.
Chavacano varieties usually have their area name attached to the language.
In Zamboanga City, most people are using the V in spelling the language as Chavacano. In the three-day
Chavacano Orthography Congress held on Nov 19-21, 2014, wherein it included the presentation by researchers on
Chavacano, mostly results from surveys conducted among selected respondents in the city, the newly organized
Chavacano Orthography Council met with the officials of the Department of Education and agreed among others
that the language is to be spelled with the V. Most people in support of this move would like to distance their
language Chavacano to the word Chabacano which also means ‘vulgar” in Spanish.

Chavacano/Chabacano varieties and alternative names

Location Geographical area Alternative names and spellings

Zamboang
Mindanao Chavacano, Zamboangueño, Zamboangueño Chavacano
a

Cavite Manila Bay Chabacano de Cavite, Caviteñ, Caviten, Linguaje de Niso

Basilan Mindanao Zamboangueño, Chavacano de Zamboanga

Cotabato Mindanao Cotabateñ, Cotabato Chavacano

Davao Mindanao Davaoeño, Davaoeño Zamboangueño, Castellano Abakay, Davao Chavacano

Ermita Manila Bay Ermitense, Ermita Chabacano

Ternate Manila Bay Ternateño, Ternateño Chabacano, Bahra, Linguaje di Bahra

Historical background[edit]
There is no definite conclusion on the precise history of how these different varieties of Chavacano developed.
Prior to the formation of what is today the Philippines, what existed were a collection of various islands and
different ethnolinguistic groups inhabiting them. The Spanish colonisation of the Philippine islands had led to the
presence of the Spanish language in the islands. Though Spanish was the language of the government, the various
languages originating and found in the islands remained the mother tongue of the various inhabitants. Instead of
using Spanish to spread Christianity, Spanish missionaries preferred to learn the various local languages. With over
300 years of Spanish colonial rule, the Spanish language came to influence the various Philippine languages to
varying degrees by way of aspects like new loanwords and expressions.
Creole languages (such as French-based creoles) have formed at various points in time around the world due to
colonialism. As a result of contact between speakers of two mutually non-intelligible languages, creole languages
have evolved in some cases to facilitate communication. This usually involves taking the vocabulary of another
language and grammatical features of the native language. In contrast to the numerous French-based creole
languages, only three creole languages have been found to be Spanish-based or heavily
influenced: Papiamento, Palenquero, and Chavacano. In the Philippines, a major difficulty in tracing the
development of Chabacano is the confusion attributed to in accounts of travelers to the Philippines between a
coherent creole language, `broken Spanish', and fluent Spanish. [10] The earliest believed attestation of a coherent
creole language spoken in Cavite City comes from the Augustinian priest Martínez de Zúñiga who in his 1803
accounts of his travels in the Philippines, Estadismos de las Islas Filipinas, notes that "In Cavite and in its suburb of
San Roque, a very corrupted Spanish is spoken, whose phraseology is entirely taken from the language of the
country".[7] Mentions of a vernacular referred to as "kitchen Spanish" and "language of the market" (referring to the
Manila variety), or other terms are found in a number of texts of the 19th century. However, the kind of vernacular
referred to by these terms are imprecise and these terms may refer to a fully fledged creole or to a Spanish-pidgin
spoken by Chinese and Filipino merchants.
The manner of formation of this type of speech found in a number of communities around the Philippines remains
unclear today. A sample of what is today called Chabacano may be found in dialogues contained in chapters 18
(Supercherías) and 28 (Tatakut) of Filipino writer José Rizal's 1891 work El Filibusterismo.[11][12] The dialogue found in
chapter 18 is:
¿Porque ba no di podí nisós entrá? preguntaba una voz de mujer.
―Abá, ñora, porque ‘tallá el maná prailes y el maná empleau, contestó un hombre; ‘ta jasí solo para ilós el cabesa
de espinge.
―¡Curioso también el maná prailes! dijo la voz de mujer alejándose; ¡no quiere pa que di sabé nisos cuando ilos ta
sali ingañau! ¡Cosa! ¡Querida be de praile el cabesa!

In the 1883 work of German linguist Hugo Schuchardt Uber das Malaiospanische der Philippinen, he presents
fragments of texts and comments of what he calls "Malayo-Spanish". However, the first to give a general study and
investigation of the varieties of Chavacano as a group was by Keith Whinnom in his 1956 work The Spanish
Contact Vernaculars in the Philippine Islands . Whinnom gives an overall view of the history and grammar of what
he calls "Ermitaño" of Ermita in Manila, "Caviteño" of Cavite and "Zamboangueño" of Zamboanga. In it, he also
postulated his monogenetic theory on the origin of these vernaculars.
Linguists are unsettled on how these vernaculars formed and how they connect to one another, if any. There are
many theories but the two main theories of the origin of Chavacano are: Whinnom's "monogenetic theory" and a
"parallel-development" theory proposed by Frake in 1971.

Monogenetic theory
According to the Monogentic theory or one-way theory advanced by Whinnom, all varieties of Chavacano result
from a single source and that varieties are related to each other.

Parallel-development theory
The parallel development theory or two-way theory as advocated by Frake in 1971, the variants found in Luzon and
Mindanao had evolved autonomously from each other.

Zamboangueño[edit]
On 23 June 1635, Zamboanga City became a permanent foothold of the Spanish government with the construction
of the San José Fortress. Bombardment and harassment from pirates and raiders of the sultans
of Mindanao and Jolo and the determination to spread Christianity further south (as Zamboanga was a crucial
strategic location) of the Philippines forced the Spanish missionary friars to request reinforcements from the colonial
government.
The military authorities decided to import labour from Luzon and the Visayas. Thus, the construction workforce
eventually consisted of Spanish, Mexican and Peruvian soldiers, masons from Cavite (who comprised the majority),
sacadas from Cebu and Iloilo, and those from the various local tribes of Zamboanga like the Samals and Subanons.
Language differences made it difficult for one ethnic group to communicate with another. To add to this, work
instructions were issued in Spanish. The majority of the workers were unschooled and therefore did not understand
Spanish but needed to communicate with each other and the Spaniards. A pidgin developed and became a full-
fledged creole language still in use today as a lingua franca and/or as official language, mainly in Zamboanga City.
When the Sultanate of Sulu gave up its territories in Sulu Archipelago to Spain within late 1700s (Sulu Sultanate
gave up Basilan to Spain in 1762, while Sulu and Tawi-tawi were not given up by sultanate because the Sulu
Sultanate only recognised partial Spanish sovereignty to Sulu and Tawi-tawi), Spanish settlers and soldiers brought
the language to the region until Spain, Germany, and United Kingdom signed an agreement named the Madrid
Protocol of 1885 that recognised Spanish rule of Sulu Archipelago. Chavacano becomes a lingua franca of Sulu
Archipelago (composing of Sulu, Tawi-tawi, Basilan); although North Borneo (now Sabah) is not included on
the Spanish East Indies area as stated on the Protocol and control by the United Kingdom, Chavacano has still a
little impact in Semporna.
From then on, constant Spanish military reinforcements as well as increased presence of Spanish religious and
educational institutions have fostered the Spanish creole.
Caviteño / Ternateño[edit]
The Merdicas (also spelled Mardicas or Mardikas) were Catholic natives of the islands of Ternate and Tidore of
the Moluccas in the vicinity of the island of Papua, converted during the Portuguese occupation of the islands
by Jesuit missionaries. The islands were later captured by the Spanish who vied for their control with the Dutch. In
1663, the Spanish garrison in Ternate were forced to pull out to defend Manila against an impending invasion by the
Chinese pirate Koxinga (sacrificing the Moluccas to the Dutch in doing so). A number of Merdicas volunteered to
help, eventually being resettled in a sandbar near the mouth of the Maragondon river (known as the Barra de
Maragondon) and Tanza, Cavite, Manila.[13]
The invasion did not occur as Koxinga fell ill and died. The Merdicas community eventually integrated into the local
population. Today, the place is called Ternate after the island of Ternate in the Moluccas, and the descendants of
the Merdicas continue to use their Spanish creole (with Portuguese influence) which came to be known as Caviteño
or Ternateño Chavacano.[13]
Zamboangueño[edit]

Donde tu hay anda?

Spanish: ¿A dónde vas?

(‘Where are you going?’)

Ya mirá yo con José.

Spanish: Yo vi a José.

(‘I saw José.’)

Ya empezá ele buscá que buscá entero lugar con el sal.

Spanish: El/Ella empezó a buscar la sal en todas partes.

(‘He/She began to search everywhere for the salt.’)

Ya andá ele na escuela.

Spanish: El/Ella se fue a la escuela.

(‘He/She went to school.’)

Si Mario ya dormí na casa.

Spanish: Mario durmió en la casa.

(‘Mario slept in the house.’)

El hombre, con quien ya man encuentro tu, es mi hermano.

Spanish: El hombre que encontraste, es mi hermano.

(The man [whom] you met is my brother.)

El persona con quien tu tan cuento, bien alegre gayot.

Spanish: La persona con la que estás hablando es muy alegre. / La persona con quien tú estás conversando es bien
alegre.

(The person you are talking to is very happy indeed.)

Another sample of Zamboangueño Chavacano[edit]

Zamboangueño Chavacano Spanish English

Treinta y cuatro kilometro desde El Bunguiao, a treinta y cuatro Bunguiao, a small village, thirty four
el pueblo de Zamboanga el kilómetros desde el pueblo de kilometers from the city of
Bunguiao, un diutay barrio que Zamboanga, es un pequeño barrio Zamboanga, was once a wilderness.
estaba un desierto. No hay que una vez fue un área salvaje. No No people lived here. The place
 gente quien ta queda aquí antes. había gente que se quedara a vivir
Abundante este lugar de maga ahí. En este lugar había en
abounded with wild animals such as
animales particularmente maga abundancia animales salvajes tales
pigs, wildcats, deer, and still others.
puerco 'e monte, gatorgalla, como cerdos, gatos monteses,
The place was visited only by bird
venao y otro más pa. Solamente venados, y otros más. Este lugar era
hunters.
maga pajariadores lang ta visitá visitado únicamente por cazadores
con este lugar. de pájaros.

Ermiteño[edit]

En la dulzura de mi afán,
Junto contigo na un peñon
Mientras ta despierta
El buan y en
Las playas del Pasay
Se iba bajando el sol.
Yo te decía, "gusto ko"
Tu me decías, "justo na"
Y de repente
¡Ay nakú!
Ya sentí yo como si
Un asuáng ta cercá.
Que un cangrejo ya corré,
Poco a poco na tu lao.
Y de pronto ta escondé
Bajo tus faldas, ¡amoratáo!
Cosa que el diablo hacé,
Si escabeche o kalamáy,
Ese el que no ta sabé
Hasta que yo ya escuché
Fuerte-fuerte el voz: ¡Aray!
The following is sample of Ermitaño taken from the April 1917 publication of The Philippine Review, the poem was
written by the Filipino Spanish-language writer Jesús Balmori (who also wrote other texts in Ermitaño)[14] and is entitled
"Na Maldito Arena":[15]
Ta sumí el sol na fondo del mar, y el mar, callao el boca. Ta jugá con su mana marejadas com'un muchacha nerviosa con
su mana pulseras. El viento no mas el que ta alborota, el viento y el pecho de Felisa que ta lleno de sampaguitas na fuera
y lleno de suspiros na dentro...[15]

According to Keith Whinnom's "Spanish contact vernaculars in the Philippine Islands" (1956), there were reportedly still
an estimated 12,000 speakers in 1942 of Ermitaño. After World War II, much of Manila was destroyed and its citizens
displaced. This variety is considered to be virtually extinct.

Caviteño / Ternateño[edit]

Nisós ya pidí pabor cun su papáng.

Spanish: Nosotros ya pedimos un favor de tu padre.

(We have already asked your father for a favor.)

Ternateño follows pronominal system of three different pronouns, including subjects, objects and possession. The
system follows the same pattern as Spanish, including both singular and plural conjugations based on what the speaker
is explaining. For example yo (Spanish singular) becomes bo (Ternateño), whereas nosotros (Spanish plural) becomes
mihótro (Ternateño). Additionally Ternateño incorporates alternate language forms for different participles to denote
the relationship with the individual being the speaker as well as the listener. This includes polite as well as casual
foundation of speech, for example yo (casual) versus (éle). [16]

Another sample of Chavacano de Cavite[edit]

Chavacano de Cavite: Spanish: English:

Puede nisós hablá: que grande nga Nosotros podemos decir qué grandes We can say what great
palá el sacrificio del mga héroes sacrificios ofrecieron nuestros héroes para sacrifices our heroes have
para niso independencia. Debe nga obtener nuestra independencia. Entonces, done to achieve our
palá no niso ulvida con ilos. Ansina no nos olvidemos de ellos. ¿Como lo independence. We should
ya ba numa? Debe hací niso mga logramos? Necesitamos hacer cosas para therefore not forget them.
cosa para dale sabí que ta aprecia que sepan que apreciamos a nuestros How do we do that? We
niso con el mga héroes. Que héroes; que estamos preparados tambien should do things to let it be
preparáo din niso hací sacrificio a sacrificar por la nación. ¿Cómo lo known that we appreciate the
para el pueblo. ¿Qué laya? ¿Escribí haremos? ¿Hay que escribir también heroes; that we are prepared
mga novela como José Rizal? novelas como José Rizal? to make sacrifices for our
people. How? Should we write
novels like José Rizal?

Castellano Abakay (Chavacano Davaoeño)[edit]

Below are samples of dialogues and sentences of Davaoeño in two spoken forms: Castellano Abakay Chino (Chinese
style) by the Chinese speakers of Chabacano and Castellano Abakay Japon (Japanese style) by the Japanese speakers.
Chavacano Davaoeño became an extinct dialect of the Chavacano language as of the 2000s.

Castellano Abakay Chino[edit]

 Note: only selected phrases are given with Spanish translations, some are interpretations and rough English
translations are also given.

La Ayuda

Ayudante: Señor, yo vino aquí para pedir vos ayuda.

(Spanish: Señor, he venido aquí para pedir su ayuda.)

(English: Sir, I have come here to ask for your help.)

Patron: Yo quiere prestá contigo diez pesos. Ese ba hija tiene mucho calentura. Necesita llevá doctor.

(Spanish: Quiero pedirle diez pesos prestados. Mi hija tiene calentura. Necesita un médico.)

(English: I want borrow ten pesos from you.my daughter has fever.she need a doctor.)

Valentina y Conching (Conchita)

Valentina: ¿¡Conching, dónde vos (tu) papá?! ¿No hay pa llegá?

Spanish: ¿¡Conching, dónde está tu papá?! ¿No ha llegado todavía?

English: Conching, where is your dad? Hasn't he arrived yet?

Conching: Llegá noche ya. ¿Cosa quiere ako (yo) habla cuando llegá papa?

Spanish: Llegará esta noche. ¿Qué quiere que le diga cuando llegue?

English: He will arrive this evening. What do you want me to tell him when he comes?

Ako (yo) hablá ese esposa mio, paciencia plimelo (primero). Cuando male negocio, comé nugaw (lugaw – puré de
arroz). Pero, cuando bueno negocio, katáy (carnear) manok (pollo).

Spanish: Me limitaré a decir a mi esposa, mis disculpas. Cuando nuestro negocio va mal, comemos gachas. Pero si
funciona bien, carneamos y servimos pollo.

English: I will just tell my wife, my apologies. We ate congee when our business goes very badly. But if it goes well, then
we will slay and serve chicken.
¡Corre pronto! ¡Caé aguacero! Yo hablá contigo cuando salé casa lleva payóng (paraguas). No quiere ahora mucho
mojáo.

Spanish: ¡Corre rápido! ¡La lluvia está cayendo! Ya te dije que cuando salgas de tu casa, debes llevar un paraguas. No
quiero que te moje.

English: Run quickly! The rain is falling! I already told you to take an umbrella when you leave the house. I don't want
you to get wet.

¿Ese ba Tinong (Florentino) no hay vergüenza? Anda visita casa ese novia, comé ya allí. Ese papa de iya novia, regañá
mucho. Ese Tinong, no hay colocación. ¿Cosa dale comé esposa después?

Spanish: ¿Que Florentino no tiene vergüenza? Fue a visitar a su novia, y comió allí. El padre de su novia, regañarlo
mucho. Florentino no tiene trabajo. ¿Qué le proveerá a su esposa después?

English: Doesn't Florentino have any shame? He went to visit his girlfriend and ate dinner there. Her father quarrels a
lot. That Florentino has no job. What will he provide to his wife then?

Castellano Abakay Japon[edit]

Estimated English translations provided with Japanese words.

¿Por qué usted no andá paseo? Karâ tiene coche, viaje usted. ¿Cosa hace dinero? Trabaja mucho, no gozá.

Why don't you go for a walk? You travel by your car. What makes money? You work a lot, you don't enjoy yourself.

 Karâ (から) – por (Spanish); from or by (English)

Usted mirá porque yo no regañá ese hijo mío grande. Día-día sale casa, ese ba igual andá oficina; pero día-día pide
dinero.

Look because I don't tell off that big son of mine. Every day he leaves the house, the same for walking to the office; but
every day he asks for money.

Señora, yo dale este pescado usted. No grande, pero mucho bueno. Ese kirey y muy bonito. (Op.cit.)

Madame, I give this fish to you. It's not big, but it's very good. It is bonny and very nice.

 Kirei (綺麗) – hermosa, "bonita" (Spanish); beautiful, bonny (English)

Pledge of Allegiance to the Philippine Flag[edit]

Zamboangueño[edit]
Yo (soy) un Filipino.
Yo ta prometé mi lealtad
na bandera de Filipinas
y el País que ese ta representá
Con Honor, Justicia y Libertad
que ya pone na movemiento el un nación
para Dios,
para'l pueblo,
para naturaleza,
y para Patria.
English[edit]
I am a Filipino
I pledge my allegiance
To the flag of the Philippines
And to the country it represents
With honor, justice and freedom
Put in motion by one Nation
For God
for the People,
for Nature and
for the Country.
Vocabulary[edit]
Forms and style[edit]

Chavacano (especially Zamboangueño) has two registers or sociolects: The common, colloquial, vulgar or familiar and
the formal register/sociolects. Broadly speaking, the formal register is closer to Spanish, and the colloquial register to
the local Austronesian languages.

In the common, colloquial, vulgar or familiar register/sociolect, words of local origin or a mixture of local and Spanish
words predominate. The common or familiar register is used ordinarily when conversing with people of equal or lower
status in society. It is also used more commonly in the family, with friends and acquaintances. Its use is of general
acceptance and usage.

In the formal register/sociolect, words of Spanish origin or Spanish words predominate. The formal register is used
especially when conversing with people of higher status in society. It is also used when conversing with elders (especially
in the family and with older relatives) and those in authority. It is more commonly used by older generations, by
Zamboangueño mestizos, and in the barrios. It is the form used in speeches, education, media, and writing. The formal
register used in conversation is sometimes mixed with some degree of colloquial register.

The following examples show a contrast between the usage of formal words and common or familiar words in
Chavacano:

Chavacano
English Chavacano (formal) (common/colloquial/vulgar/familiar Spanish
)

slippery resbalozo/resbaladizo malandug resbaloso/resbaladizo

morisqueta
rice morisqueta kanon/arroz (understood as a
Filipino rice dish)/arroz

rain lluvia/aguacero aguacero/ulan lluvia/aguacero

dish vianda/comida comida/ulam vianda/comida

braggart/boastful orgulloso(a) bugalon(a)/ hambuguero(a) orgulloso(a)

car coche auto auto/coche

muchacha(o)/ayudant
housemaid muchacho (m)/muchacha (f) ayudanta (female); ayudante (male)
e

father papá (tata) pápang (tata) papá (padre)

mother mamá (nana) mámang (nana) mamá (madre)

grandfather abuelo abuelo/lolo abuelo/lolo

grandmother abuela abuela/lola abuela/lela

small chico(a)/pequeño(a) pequeño(a)/diutay pequeño/chico

nuisance fastidio asarante / salawayun fastidio

hard-headed testarudo duro cabeza/duro pulso testarudo/cabeza dura

 slippers chancla chinelas chancla/chinelas

married de estado/de estao casado/casao casado

(my) parents (mis) padres (mi) tata'y nana (mis) padres

naughty travieso(a) guachi / guachinanggo(a) travieso(a)

slide rezbalasa/deslizar landug resbalar/deslizar

ugly feo (masculine)/fea (feminine) malacara, malacuka feo(a)

rainshower lluve talítih lluvia

lightning rayo rayo/quirlat rayo

thunder/thunderstor
trueno trueno trueno
m

tornado tornado/remolino, remulleno ipo-ipo tornado/remolino

delgado(a)/flaco(a)/chiquito(a
thin (person) flaco/flaquit delgado/flaco/flaquito
)

Writing system[edit]

This article or section appears to contradict itself. Please see the talk page for more

information. (January 2016)

Chavacano is written using the Latin script. As Chavacano has mostly been a spoken language than a written one,
multiple ways of writing the different varieties of Chavacano exist. Most published Chavacano texts utilize spelling
systems nearly identical to Spanish, adjusting certain spellings of words to reflect how they are pronounced by native
Chavacano speakers. Since the propagation of the usage of the Filipino language in education and the media as the
national language, Filipino's orthography has affected how certain persons might spell Chavacano, especially since
recent generations have grown unfamiliar with Spanish orthography; Most published works, and the general media,
however more often retain Spanish-based spelling systems.

The kind of writing system used to write Chavacano may differ according to the writer of the text. Writing may be
written using a Spanish-derived writing system, where all words (including words of local origin) are spelled adhering to
basic Spanish orthographic rules; it may also be written "phonetically", similar to the modern orthography of Filipino;
another writing style uses a mixture of the two, spelling words based on an etymological approach, using phonetic
spelling for words of Filipino origin and Spanish spelling rules for words of Spanish origin.

in Zamboanga, an etymological-based approach was formally recently endorsed by the local city government and this is
the system used in public schools as part of the mother-tongue policy of the Department of Education for kindergarten
to grade 3. In principle, words of Spanish origin are to be spelled using Spanish rules while Chavacano words of local
origin are spelled in the manner according to their origin. Thus, the letter k appear mostly in words
of Austronesian origin or in loanwords from other Philippine languages (words such as kame, kita, kanamon, kaninyo).

It is uncommon in modern written works to include the acute accent and the trema in writing except in linguistic or
highly formalized texts. Also, the letters ñ and ll are sometimes replaced by ny and ly in informal texts.

Alphabet[edit]

The Chavacano alphabet has 30 letters, including <ch>, <ll>, <ñ> and <rr>: [17]

a, b, c, ch, d, e, f, g, h, i, j, k, l, ll, m, n, ñ, o, p, q, r, rr, s, t, u, v, w, x, y, z

Letters and letter names[edit]

 Rr
Aa a /a/ Jj jota /ˈxota/ ere /ˈeɾe/

Rr
Bb be /be/ Kk ka /ka/ erre /ˈere/
rr

Cc ce /se/ Ll ele /ˈele/ Ss ese /ˈese/

Ch
che /tʃe/ Ll ll elle /ˈeʎe/ Tt te /te/
ch

M U
Dd de /de/ eme /ˈeme/ u /u/
m u

N
Ee e /e/ ene /ene/ Vv uve /ˈube/
n

Ñ W
Ff efe /ˈefe/ eñe /ˈeɲe/ doble u /ˈuve doble/
ñ w

O
Gg ge /xe/ o /o/ Xx equis /ˈekis/
o

Hh hache /ˈatʃe/ P p pe /pe/ Yy ye /ɟʝe/

Q zeta /ˈseta/
Ii i /i/ cu /ku/ Zz
q zeda /ˈseda/

Other letter combinations include rr (erre), which is pronounced /xr/ or /r/, and ng, which is pronounced /ŋɡ/. Another

combination was ñg, which was pronounced /ŋ/ but is now obsolete and is only written as ng.

Some sounds are not represented in the Chavacano written language. These sounds are mostly in words of Philippine
and foreign origin. Furthermore, the pronunciation of some words of Spanish origin have become distorted or
Philippinized in modern Chavacano. Some vowels have become allophonized ('e' and 'o' becomes 'i' and 'u' in some
words) and some consonants have changed their pronunciation. (i.e. escoger became iscují in informal
speech; tiene /tʃɛnɛ/; Dios /dʒɔs/; Castilla became /kastilla/ instead of /kastiʎa/).

Glottal stops, as in Filipino languages, are not also indicated (â, ê, î, ô, û). These sounds are mainly found in words of
Philippine origin and are only indicated in dictionaries (i.e. jendê = not; olê = again) and when they are, the circumflex
accent is used.

Other pronunciation changes in some words of Spanish origin include:

f ~ /p/

j, g (before 'e' and 'i') ~ /h/ (in common with dialects of Caribbean and other areas of Latin America and southern Spain)

ch ~ /ts/

rr ~ /xr/

di, de ~ /dʒ/ (when followed or preceded by other vowels: Dios ~ /jos/ ; dejalo ~ /jalo/)

ti, te ~ /tʃ/ (when followed or preceded by other vowels: tierra ~ /chehra/; tiene ~ /chene/)

ci, si ~ /ʃ/ (when followed or preceded by other vowels: conciencia ~ /konʃenʃa/)

[b, d, g] between vowels which are fricative allophones are pronounced as they are in Chavacano.

Other sounds[edit]
-h /h/ (glottal fricative in the final position); sometimes not written

-g /k/; sometimes written as just -k

-d /t/; sometimes written as just -t

-kh [x]; only in loanwords of Arabic origin, mostly Islamic terms

Sounds from English[edit]

“v” pronounced as English “v” (like: vase) (vi)

“z” pronounced as English “z” (like: zebra) (zi)

“x” pronounced as English “x” (like: X-ray) (ex/eks)

“h” like: house (/eitsh/); sometimes written as 'j'

Diphthongs[edit]

Letters Pronunciation Example Significant

ae aye caé fall, to fall

ai ay caido fallen, fell

ao aow cuidao take care, cared

ea eya patéa kick, to kick

ei ey reí laugh

eo eyo vídeo video

ia ya advertencia warning, notice

ie ye cien(to) one hundred, hundred

io yo canción song

iu yu saciút to move the hips a little

uo ow institutuo institute

qu ke qué, que what, that, than

gu strong g guía to guide, guide

ua wa agua water

ue we cuento story

ui wi cuidá care, to take care

oi oy oí hear, to hear

Grammar[edit]

Simple sentence structure (verb–subject–object word order)[edit]

Chavacano is a language with the verb–subject–object sentence order. This is because it follows the Hiligaynon or
Tagalog grammatical structures. However, the subject–verb–object order does exist in Chavacano but only for emphasis
purposes (see below). New generations have been slowly and vigorously using the S-V-O pattern mainly because of the
influence of the English language. These recent practices have been most prevalent and evident in the mass media
particularly among Chavacano newswriters who translate news leads from English or Tagalog to Chavacano where the
"who" is emphasized more than the "what". Because the mass media represent "legitimacy", it is understood by
Chavacano speakers (particularly Zamboangueños) that the S-V-O sentence structure used by Chavacano journalists is
standardized.

Declarative affirmative sentences in the simple present, past, and future tenses[edit]

Chavacano generally follows the simple verb–subject–object or verb–object–subject sentence structure typical of
Hiligaynon or Tagalog in declarative affirmative sentences:

Ta comprá (verb) el maga/mana negociante (subject) con el tierra (object).

Ta comprá (verb) tierra (object) el maga/mana negociante (subject).

Hiligaynon: Nagabakal (verb) ang mga manogbaligya (subject) sang duta (object).

Hiligaynon: Nagabakal (verb) sang duta (object) ang mga manogbaligya (subject).

Tagalog: Bumibili (verb) ang mga negosyante (subject) ng lupa (object).

Tagalog: Bumibili (verb) ng lupa (object) ang mga negosyante (subject).

(‘The businessmen are buying land.’)

The subject always appears after the verb, and in cases where pronominal subjects (such as personal pronouns) are used
in sentences, they will never occur before the verb:

Ya andá yo na iglesia enantes.

(‘I went to church a while ago.’)

Declarative negative sentences in the simple present, past, and future tenses[edit]

When the predicate of the sentence is negated, Chavacano uses the words jendeh (from Tagalog ’hindi’ or Hiligaynon
'indi' which means ’no’; the Cebuano uses 'dili', which shows its remoteness from Chavacano as compared to Hiligaynon)
to negate the verb in the present tense, no hay (which literally means ’none’) to negate the verb that was supposed to
happen in the past, and jendêh or nunca (which means ’no’ or ’never’) to negate the verb that will not or will never
happen in the future respectively. This manner of negating the predicate always happens in the verb–subject–object or
verb–object–subject sentence structure:

Present Tense

Jendêh ta comprá (verb) el maga/mana negociante (subject) con el tierra (object).

Jendêh ta comprá (verb) tierra (object) el maga/mana negociante (subject).

(Eng: The businessmen are not buying land. Span: Los hombres de negocio no están comprando terreno)

Past Tense

No hay comprá (verb) el maga/mana negociante (subject) con el tierra (object).

No hay comprá (verb) tierra (object) el maga/mana negociante (subject).

(Eng: The businessmen did not buy land. Span: Los hombres de negocio no compraron terreno)

Future Tense

Ay jendêh comprá (verb) el maga/mana negociante (subject) con el tierra (object).

Ay jendêh comprá (verb) tierra (object) el maga/mana negociante (subject).

(Eng: The businessmen will not buy land. Span: Los hombres de negocio no comprarán terreno)

Nunca ay/Ay nunca comprá (verb) el maga/mana negociante (subject) con el tierra (object).

Nunca ay/Ay nunca comprá (verb) tierra (object) el maga/mana negociante (subject).

(Eng: The businessmen will never buy land. Span: Los hombres de negocio nunca comprarán terreno)

The negator jendeh can appear before the subject in a subject–verb–object structure to negate the subject rather than
the predicate in the present, past, and future tenses:

Present Tense

Jendêh el maga/mana negociante (subject) ta comprá (verb) con el tierra (object) sino el maga/mana empleados.

(Eng: It is not the businessmen who are buying land but the employees. Span: No es el hombre de negocio que están
comprando terreno sino los empleados)

Past Tense

Jendêh el maga/mana negociante (subject) ya comprá (verb) con el tierra (object) sino el maga/mana empleados.

(Eng: It was not the businessmen who bought the land but the employees. Span: No fue el hombre de negocio que
compró el terreno sino los empleados)

Future Tense

Jendêh el maga/mana negociante (subject) ay comprá (verb) con el tierra (object) sino el maga/mana empleados.

Ay jendêh comprá (verb) el maga/mana negociante(s) (subject) con el tierra (object) sino el maga/mana empleados.

(Eng: It will not be the businessmen who will buy land but the employees. Span: No sería el hombre de negocio que
comprará el terreno sino los empleados)

The negator nunca can appear before the subject in a subject–verb–object structure to strongly negate (or denote
impossibility) the subject rather than the predicate in the future tense:

Future Tense

Nunca el maga/mana negociante (subject) ay comprá (verb) con el tierra (object) sino el maga/mana empleados.

Nunca ay comprá (verb) el mana/maga negociante (subject) con el tierra (object) sino el maga/mana empleados.

(Eng: It will never be the businessmen who will buy land but the employees. Span: Nunca sería el hombre de negocio
que comprará el terreno sino los empleados)

The negator no hay and nunca can also appear before the subject to negate the predicate in a subject–verb–object
structure in the past and future tenses respectively. Using nunca before the subject to negate the predicate in a subject–
verb–object structure denotes strong negation or impossibility for the subject to perform the action in the future:

Past Tense

No hay el maga/mana negociante (subject) comprá (verb) con el tierra (object).

(Eng: The businessmen did not buy land. Span: el hombre de negocio no compró terreno)

Future Tense

Nunca el maga/mana negociante (subject) ay comprá (verb) con el tierra (object).

(Eng: The businessmen will never buy land. Span: el hombre de negocio nunca comprará terreno)

Nouns and articles[edit]

The Chavacano definite article el precedes a singular noun or a plural marker (for a plural noun). The indefinite
article un stays constant for gender as 'una' has almost completely disappeared in Chavacano, except for some phrases
like "una vez". It also stays constant for number as for singular nouns. In Chavacano, it is quite common for el and un to
appear together before a singular noun, the former to denote certainty and the latter to denote number:

el cajón (’the box’) – el maga/mana cajón(es) (’the boxes’)

un soltero (’a bachelor’) – un soltera (’a spinster’)

el un soltero (’the bachelor’) – el un soltera (’the spinster’)

Nouns in Chavacano are not always preceded by articles. Without an article, a noun is a generic reference:

Jendeh yo ta llorá lagrimas sino sangre.

(’I do not cry tears but blood’.)

Ta cargá yo palo.

(’I am carrying wood’).

Proper names of persons are preceded by the definite article si or the phrase un tal functioning as an indefinite article
would:

Un bonita candidata si Maria..

(’Maria is a beautiful candidate’.)

un tal Juancho

(’a certain Juancho’)

Singular nouns[edit]

Unlike in Spanish, Chavacano nouns derived from Spanish do not follow gender rules in general. In Zamboangueño,
the article 'el' basically precedes every singular noun. However, this rule is not rigid (especially in Zamboangueño)
because the formal vocabulary mode wherein Spanish words predominate almost always is the preferred mode
especially in writing. The Spanish article 'la' for feminine singular nouns does exist in Chavacano, though it occurs rarely
and mostly in the formal medium of writing, such as poems and lyrics. When accompanying a Spanish feminine noun,
the 'la' as the article is more tolerated than acceptable. Among the few exceptions where the 'la' occurs is as a formal
prefix when addressing the Blessed Virgin Mary, perhaps more as an emphasis of her importance in Christian devotion.
But the real article is still the 'el', which makes this use of a "double article" quite unique. Thus it is common to hear the
Blessed Virgin addressed in Chavacano as 'el La Virgen Maria' (the "L" of the 'la' capitalized to signify its permanent
position within the noun compound). In general, though, when in doubt, the article 'el' is always safe to use. Compare:

Chavacano Chavacano
English
singular noun singular noun
singular
(general and (accepted or
noun
common) uncommon)

the la virgen
el virgen
virgin (accepted)

the la paz
el paz
peace (accepted)

la mar
the sea el mar
(accepted)

el gato (la gata

the cat el gato
is uncommon)
 the sun el sol el sol

the el luna (la luna

el luna
moon is uncommon)

the la vista
el vista
view (accepted)

el tragedia (la
the
el tragedia tragedia is
tragedy
uncommon)

el doctora (la
the
el doctor doctora is
doctor
uncommon)

And just like Spanish, Chavacano nouns can have gender but only when referring to persons. However, they are always
masculine in the sense (Spanish context) that they are generally preceded by the article 'el'. Places and things are almost
always masculine. The -o is dropped in masculine nouns and -a is added to make the noun feminine:

Chavacano singular noun

English singular noun Chavacano singular noun (feminine)
(masculine)

the teacher el maestro el maestra

the witch el burujo el buruja

the engineer el engeniero el engeniera

the tailor/seamstress el sastrero el sastrera

the baby el niño el niña

the priest/nun el padre / sacerdote el madre / monja

the grandson/granddaughter el nieto el nieta

the professor el profesor el profesora

the councilor el consejal el consejala

Not all nouns referring to persons can become feminine nouns. In Chavacano, some names of persons are masculine
(because of the preceding article 'el' in Spanish context) but do not end in -o.

Examples: el alcalde, el capitan, el negociante, el ayudante, el chufer

All names of animals are always masculine—in Spanish context—preceded by the article 'el'.

Examples: el gato (gata is uncommon), el puerco (puerca is uncommon), el perro (perra is uncommon)

Names of places and things can be either masculine or feminine, but they are considered masculine in the Spanish
context because the article 'el' always precedes the noun:

el cocina, el pantalón, el comida, el camino, el trapo, el ventana, el mar

Plural nouns[edit]
In Chavacano, plural nouns (whether masculine or feminine in Spanish context) are preceded by the retained
singular masculine Spanish article 'el'. The Spanish articles 'los' and 'las' have almost disappeared. They have been
replaced by the modifier (a plural marker) 'maga/mana' which precedes the singular form of the noun. Maga comes
from the native Hiligaynon 'maga' or the Tagalog 'mga'. The formation of the Chavacano plural form of the noun (el
+ maga/mana + singular noun form) applies whether in common, familiar or formal mode. It may be thought of as
roughly equivalent to saying in English, "the many (noun)" instead of "the (noun)s", and in fact "the many (noun)s" is
used more in Philippine English than elsewhere.
There are some Chavacano speakers (especially older Caviteño or Zamboangueño speakers) who would tend to
say 'mana' for 'maga'. 'Mana' is accepted and quite common, especially among older speakers, but when in doubt,
the modifier 'maga' to pluralize nouns is safer to use.

Chavacano plural noun

English plural noun Chavacano plural noun (feminine)
(masculine)

the teachers el maga/mana maestro(s) el maga/mana maestra(s)

the witches el maga/mana burujo(s) el maga/mana buruja(s)

the engineers el maga/mana engeniero(s) el maga/mana engeniera(s)

the tailors/seamstresses el maga/mana sastrero(s) el maga/mana sastrera(s)

the babies el maga/mana niño(s) el maga/mana niña(s)

the priests/nuns el maga/mana padre(s) el maga/mana madre(s)

the
el maga/mana nieto(s) el maga/mana nieta(s)
grandsons/granddaughters

the professors el maga/mana professor(es) el maga/mana profesora(s)

the councilors el maga/mana consejal(es) el maga/mana consejala(s)

Again, this rule is not rigid (especially in the Zamboangueño formal mode). The articles 'los' or 'las' do exist
sometimes before nouns that are pluralized in the Spanish manner, and their use is quite accepted:
los caballeros, los dias, las noches, los chavacanos, los santos, las mañanas, las almujadas, las
mesas, las plumas, las cosas
When in doubt, it is always safe to use 'el' and 'maga or mana' to pluralize singular nouns:
el maga/mana caballero(s), el maga/mana día(s), el maga/mana noche(s), el maga/mana
chavacano(s), el maga/mana santo(s), el maga/mana día(s) que viene (this is a phrase; 'el maga/mana
mañana' is uncommon), el maga/mana almujada(s), el maga/mana mesa(s), el maga/mana pluma(s)
In Chavacano, it is common for some nouns to become doubled when pluralized (called Reduplication, a
characteristic of the Malayo-Polynesian family of languages):
el maga cosa-cosa (el maga cosa/s is common), el maga casa casa (el maga casa is common), el maga
gente gente (el maga gente is common), el maga juego juego (el maga juego is common)
But note that in some cases, this "reduplication" signifies a difference in meaning. For example, 'el
maga bata' means 'the children' but 'el maga bata-bata' means one's followers or subordinates, as is a
gang or mob.
In general, the suffixes -s, -as, -os to pluralize nouns in Spanish have also almost disappeared in
Chavacano. However, the formation of plural nouns with suffixes ending in -s, -as, and -os are
accepted. Basically, the singular form of the noun is retained, and it becomes plural because of the
preceding modifier/plural marker 'maga' or 'mana':
el maga/mana caballeros (accepted)
el maga/mana caballero (correct)
 el maga/mana días (accepted)
el maga/mana día (correct)
Adding the suffix -es to some nouns is quite common and accepted. Nouns ending in
-cion can also be pluralized by adding the suffix -es:
el maga meses, el maga mujeres, el maga mayores, el maga tentaciones, el maga contestaciones, el
maga naciones, el maga organizaciones
However, it is safer to use the general rule (when in doubt) of retaining the singular
form of the noun preceded by the modifier/plural marker 'maga' or 'mana':
el maga mes, el maga mujer, el maga mayor, el maga tentación, el maga contestación, el maga
nación, el maga organización

Pronouns[edit]
Chavacano pronouns are based on Spanish and native sources; many of the pronouns are not used in
either but may be derived in part.
In contrast to the other varieties of Chavacano, the variety spoken in Zamboanga uses more pronouns derived
from a native Philippine language (I.e. Hiligaynon) in addition to Spanish. In Zamboangueño, there are three
different levels of usage for certain pronouns depending on the level of familiarity between the speaker and the
addressee, the status of both in family and society, or the mood of the speaker and addressee at the particular
moment: common, familiar, and formal. The common forms are, particularly in the second and third person plural,
derived from Cebuano while most familiar and formal forms are from Spanish. The common forms are used to
address a person below or of equal social or family status or to someone is who is acquainted. The common forms
are used to regard no formality or courtesy in conversation. Its use can also mean rudeness, impoliteness or
offensiveness. The familiar forms are used to address someone of equal social or family status. It indicates
courteousness, and is commonly used in public conversations, the broadcast media, and in education. The formal
forms are used to address someone older and/or higher in social or family status. It is the form used in writing.
Additionally, Zamboangueño is the only variety of Chavacano which distinguishes between
the inclusive we (kita) – including the person spoken to (the addressee) – and the exclusive we (kame)
– excluding the person spoken to (the addressee) – in the first person plural except in the formal form
where nosotros is used for both.
Personal (nominative/subjective case) pronouns[edit]
Below is a table comparing the personal pronouns in three varieties of Chavacano.

Castellano Abakay
  Zamboangueño Caviteñ Bahra
(de Davao)

yo (Chino, Japón)
1st person singular yo yo
ako (Chino)

[e]vo[s] (common)/(informal) vo/bo usted

vo/bo
2nd person singular tú (familiar) tu
usté
usted (formal) usté vos

él
3rd person singular eli él
ele

kamé (exclusive/common/familiar) mijotro

nosotros (Chino,
1st person plural kitá (inclusive/common/familiar) nisos mihotro
Japón)
nosotros (formal) motro

buhotr
kamó (common) o ustedes
vusos
2nd person plural vosotros (familiar) bujotro
busos
ustedes (formal) ustedi vosotros
tedi

lojotro
silá (common/familiar)
3rd person plural ilos lohotro ellos
ellos (formal)
lotro
 Possessive pronouns (Chavacano de Zamboanga, Castellano Abakay)[edit]
The usage modes also exist in the possessive pronouns especially in
Zamboangueño. Amon, Aton, ila and inyo are obviously of Hiligaynon but not Cebuano origins, and when
used as pronouns, they are of either the common or familiar mode. The inclusive and exclusive
characteristics peculiar to Zamboangueño appear again in the 1st person plural. Below is a table of the
possessive pronouns in the Chavacano de Zamboanga:

  Zamboangueño Castellano Abakay (de Davao)

mi
mío mi
1st person singular de mi
de mío mío
di mio/di mío

de vos (common)
de tu (familiar)
2nd person singular tuyo (familiar) de tu
de tuyo/di tuyo (familiar)
de usted (formal)

su
suyo ese (Chino, Japón)
3rd person singular
de su
de iya (Chino)
de suyo/di suyo

de amón/diamon
(common/familiar) (exclusive)
de atón/diaton (common/familiar)
1st person plural nuestro
(inclusive)
nuestro (formal)
de/di nuestro (formal)

de iño/di inyo (common)

2nd person plural de vosotros (familiar) vos
de ustedes (formal)

de ila (common/familiar)
3rd person plural de ellos
de ellos/di ellos (formal)

Verbs[edit]
In Zamboangueño, Chavacano verbs are mostly Spanish in origin. In contrast with the other varieties, there is rarely
a Zamboangueño verb that is based on or has its origin from other Philippine languages. Hence, verbs contribute
much of the Spanish vocabulary in Chavacano de Zamboanga.
Generally, the simple form of the Zamboangueño verb is based upon the infinitive of the Spanish verb, minus the
final /r/. For example, continuar, hablar, poner, recibir, and llevar become continuá, hablá, poné, recibí,
and llevá with the accent called "acento agudo" on the final syllable.
There are some rare exceptions. Some verbs are not derived from infinitives but from words that are technically
Spanish phrases or from other Spanish verbs. For example, dar (give) does not become 'da' but dale (give) (literally
in Spanish, to "give it" [verb phrase]). In this case, dale has nothing to do with the Spanish infinitive dar. The
Chavacano brinca (to hop) is from Spanish brincar which means the same thing.
Verb tenses - simple tenses[edit]
Chavacano of Zamboangueño uses the words ya (from Spanish ya [already]), ta (from Spanish está [is]),
and ay plus the simple form of the verb to convey the basic tenses of past, present, and future respectively:

English infinitive Spanish Zamboangueño Past Present Future tense

 infinitive infinitive tense tense

to sing cantar cantá ya cantá ta cantá ay cantá

to drink beber bebé ya bebé ta bebé ay bebé

to sleep dormir dormí ya dormí ta dormí ay dormí

to ask (of
pedir pedí ya pedí ta pedí ay pedí
something)

Caviteñ uses the words ya, ta, and di plus the simple form of the verb to convey the basic tenses of past, present,
and future respectively:

Caviteñ Present
English infinitive Spanish infinitive Past tense Future tense
infinitive tense

to sing cantar cantá ya cantá ta cantá di cantá

to drink beber bebé ya bebé ta bebé di bebé

to sleep dormir dormí ya dormí ta dormí di dormí

to ask (of
pedir pedí ya pedí ta pedí di pedí
something)

While Bahra uses the words a, ta, and di plus the simple form of the verb to convey the basic tenses
of past, present, and future respectively:

Spanish Present
English infinitive Bahra ininitive Past tense Future tense
infinitive tense

to sing cantar cantá a cantá ta cantá di cantá

to drink beber bebé a bebé ta bebé di bebé

to sleep dormir dormí a dormí ta dormí di dormí

to ask (of
pedir pedí a pedí ta pedí di pedí
something)

Unlike in the Zamboangueño, Caviteñ, and Bahra, Castellano Abakay (Davaoeño) doesn't have the ya and ta prefix.
The infinitives and their conjugations are somehow retained, and there are some that have simplified conjugations:

Spanish Castellano Abakay Past Present Future

English infinitive
infinitive infinitive tense tense tense
to sing cantar cantar cantó canta cantá

to drink beber beber bibío bebe bebé

to sleep dormir dormir durmió duerme dormí

to ask (of
pedir pedir pidió pide pedí
something)

Perfect constructions[edit]
In Zamboangueño, there are three ways to express that the verb is in the present perfect. First, ya can appear both
before and after the main verb to express that in the present perspective, the action has already been completed
somewhere in the past with the accent falling on the final ya. Second, ta and ya can appear before and after the
verb respectively to express that the action was expected to happen in the past (but did not happen), is still
expected to happen in the present, and actually the expectation has been met (the verb occurs in the present). And
third, a verb between ta and pa means an action started in the past and still continues in the present:

Zamboangueño past Zamboangueño future

Zamboangueño present perfect
perfect perfect

ya cantá ya. ta cantá pa. / ta canta ya. ay cantá ya.

ya bebé ya. ta bebé pa. / ta Bebe ya. ay bebé ya.

ya dormí ya. ta dormí pa. / ta dormi ya. ay dormí ya.

ya pedí ya. ya pedí pa. / ya pedí ya. ay pedí ya.

The past perfect exists in Zamboangueño. The words antes (before) and despues (after) can be used between two
sentences in the simple past form to show which verb came first. The words antes (before) and despues (after) can
also be used between a sentence in the present perfect using ya + verb + ya and another sentence in the simple
past tense:

Past perfect (Zamboangueño) Past perfect (English)

Ya mirá kame el película antes de ya comprá con el maga We had watched the movie before we bought the
chichirías. snacks.

Past perfect (Zamboangueño) Past perfect (English)

Ya mirá ya kame el película después ya comprá kame con el We had watched the movie and then we bought
maga chichirías. the snacks.

Zamboangueño Chavacano uses a verb between "hay" and "ya" to denote the future perfect and past
perfect respectively:

Future perfect (Zamboangueño) Future perfect (English)

Hay mirá ya kame el película si hay llegá
We will have watched the movie when you arrive.
vosotros.

Zamboangueño Chavacano also uses a verb between "ta" and "ya" to denote the present perfect:

Present perfect (Zamboangueño) Present perfect (English)

Ta mirá ya kame con el película mientras ta esperá con We are already watching the movie while waiting for
vosotros. you.

Passive and active voice[edit]

To form the Zamboangueño Chavacano active voice, Zamboangueños follow the pattern:
El maga soldao ya mata con el criminal The soldiers killed the criminal.
As illustrated above, active (causative) voice is formed by placing the doer el maga soldao before the verb
phrase ya mata and then the object el criminal as indicated by the particle con
Traditionally, Zamboangueño does not have a passive construction of its own. [18]

Archaic Spanish words and false friends[edit]

Chabacano has preserved plenty of archaic Spanish phrases and words in its vocabulary that modern Spanish no
longer uses; for example:
"En denantes" which means 'a while ago' (Spanish: "hace un tiempo"). Take note that "En denantes" is an
archaic Spanish phrase. Modern Spanish would express the phrase as "hace poco tiempo" or "hace un
tiempo", but Chabacano still retains this archaic Spanish phrase and many other archaic Spanish words.
This word is still being used in some areas of southern Spain.
"Masquen"/"Masquin" means 'even (if)' or 'although'. In Spanish, "mas que" is an archaic Spanish phrase
meaning 'although', nowadays replaced by the Spanish word "aunque". [19]
In Chavacano, the Spanish language is commonly called "castellano". Chavacano speakers, especially
older Zamboangueños, call the language as "castellano" implying the original notion as the language of
Castille while "español" is used to mean a Spaniard or a person from Spain.
The pronoun "vos" is alive in Chavacano. While "vos" was used in the highest form of respect before the
16th century in classical Spanish and is quite archaic nowadays in modern Spanish (much like the English
"thou"), in Chavacano it is used at the common level of usage (lower than tu, which is used at the familiar
level) in the same manner of Cervantes and in the same manner as in certain Latin American countries such
as Argentina (informally and in contrast with usted, which is used formally). Chavacano followed the
development of vos in same manner as in Latin America – (the voseo) or, incidentally, as with English "thou"
vs. "you".
"Ansina" means 'like that' or 'that way'. In modern Spanish, "así" is the evolved form of this archaic word.
The word "ansina" can still be heard among the aged in Mexico and is the only way of expressing this
meaning in Ladino.
On the other hand, some words from the language spoken in Spain have evolved or have
acquired totally different meanings in Chavacano. Hence, for Castillian speakers who would
encounter Chavacano speakers, some words familiar to them have become false friends.
Some examples of false friends are:
"Siguro"/"Seguro" means 'maybe'. In Spanish, "seguro" means 'sure', 'secure', or 'stable', although it could
imply probability as well, as in the phrase, "Seguramente vendrá" (Probably he will come).
"Siempre" means 'of course'. In Spanish, "siempre" means 'always'.
"Firmi" means 'always'. In Spanish, "firme" means 'firm' or 'steady'.
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