Immigrant Settlement and Social Inclusion in Canada: Working Paper Series

WORKING PAPER SERIES
PERSPECTIVES
ON SOCIAL
INCLUSION
Immigrant
Settlement and
Social Inclusion
in Canada
Ratna Omidvar
Ted Richmond
JANUARY 2003
PERSPECTIVES
ON SOCIAL
INCLUSION
Immigrant
Settlement and
Social Inclusion
in Canada
Ratna Omidvar
Ted Richmond
Ratna Omidvar is the Executive Director of The Maytree Foundation, a private foundation which invests in the
acceleration of settlement for immigrants and refugees in Canada.
Ted Richmond is a researcher and community advocate with the Community Social Planning Council of Toronto.
He was formerly Coordinator at the CERIS immigration research centre in Toronto and Research Coordinator
for the Ontario Council of Agencies Serving Immigrants (OCASI)
Copyright © 2003 The Laidlaw Foundation
The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the
Laidlaw Foundation.
National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication
Omidvar, Ratna, 1949-

Immigrant settlement and social inclusion in Canada / Ratna Omidvar and Ted Richmond.
(Working paper series Perspectives on social inclusion)

Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-9731957-0-3
1. Immigrants–Canada--Social conditions. 2. Immigrants–Services for–Canada. 3.

Immigrants–Government policy–Canada. 4. Social integration–Canada. I. Richmond, Ted II.
Laidlaw Foundation. III. Title. IV. Series: Perspectives on social inclusion working paper series.
FC104.O45 2003 362.84'00971 C2003-900455-4 F1035.A1O45 2003
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Editing and Layout

Is five Communications
This paper is part of the Laidlaw Foundation’s Working Paper Series, Perspectives on Social
Inclusion. The full papers (in English only) and the summaries in French and English can be down-
loaded from the Laidlaw Foundation’s web site at www.laidlawfdn.org under Children’s Agenda/
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PERSPECTIVES ON SOCIAL INCLUSION
iii
Table of Contents
About the Laidlaw Foundation..................................................................v
Foreword..............................................................................................vii
Immigrant Settlement and Social Inclusion in Canada...................................1
Introduction.....................................................................................1
The Economic Status of Newcomers in Canada..............................................2
Other Groups of Newcomers......................................................................4
Immigrant and Refugee Children and Youth.................................................5
Settlement Services and the NGO Sector......................................................7
Urban Issues and Newcomer Settlement.....................................................9
The Social Inclusion Perspective..............................................................10
Social Inclusion and Canada’s Official Multiculturalism.................................12
Policy Perspectives within a Social Inclusion Framework...............................13
Conclusion...........................................................................................19
Acknowledgements................................................................................20
Appendix: Background on Origins of Canada's Immigration Policy...................22
References.........................................................................................23
iv
About the Laidlaw Foundation

The Laidlaw Foundation is a private, public-interest foundation that uses its human and financial
resources in innovative ways to strengthen civic engagement and social cohesion. The Foundation
uses its capital to better the environments and fulfill the capacities of children and youth, to enhance
the opportunities for human development and creativity and to sustain healthy communities and
ecosystems.
The Foundation supports a diverse portfolio of innovative and often unconventional projects in three
program areas: in the arts, in the environment and improving the life prospects for children, youth
and families.
Working for social inclusion is a theme that underlies much of the Foundation’s activities. The key
words in the Foundation’s mission — human development, sustainable communities and ecosystems
— imply that achievement will rely on the enhancement of capacity and capability. Not only is social
inclusion being developed as an emerging funding stream, it is an embedded Laidlaw Foundation
value, both structurally and programmatically.
Nathan Gilbert
Executive Director
For more information about the Laidlaw Foundation please contact us at:
The Laidlaw Foundation

Tel: 416 964-3614
Fax: 416 975-1428
Email: [email protected]
www.laidlawfdn.org
vi
vii
Foreword:
The Laidlaw Foundation’s
Perspective on Social Inclusion
The context for social inclusion

These situations provide the context for
C
hildren have risen to the top of gov-
ernment agendas at various times over the Laidlaw Foundation’s interest in social
the past decade, only to fall again inclusion. The Foundation’s Children’s Agenda
whenever there is an economic downturn, a program first began exploring social inclusion
budget deficit, a federal-provincial relations in 2000 as a way to re-focus child and family
crisis or, most recently, a concern over terror- policy by:
ism and national security. While there have
• re-framing the debate about poverty, vul-
been important achievements in public policy
nerability and the well-being of children
in the past 5 to 10 years, there has not been a
in order to highlight the social dimen-
sustained government commitment to children
sions of poverty (i.e. the inability to par-
nor a significant improvement in the well-
ticipate fully in the community)
being of children and families. In fact, in
many areas, children and families have lost • linking poverty and economic vulnerabil-
ground and social exclusion is emerging as a ity with other sources of exclusion such
major issue in Canada. Examples abound and as racism, disability, rejection of differ-
include these facts. ence and historic oppression
• the over-representation of racial minority
• finding common ground among those
families and children among those living
concerned about the well-being of fami-
in poverty in large cities, and the denial
lies with children to help generate greater
of access to many services by immigrant
public and political will to act.
and refugee families;
• the 43% increase in the number of chil- The Foundation commissioned a series of
dren in poverty in Canada since 1989, working papers to examine social inclusion
the 130% increase in the number of chil- from a number of perspectives. Although the
dren in homeless shelters in Toronto, as authors approach the topic from different
well as the persistence of one of the high- starting points and emphasize different aspects
est youth incarceration rates among of exclusion and inclusion, there are important
Commonwealth countries; common threads and conclusions. The work-
ing papers draw attention to the new realities
• the exclusion of children with disabilities and new understandings that must be brought
from public policy frameworks (e.g. the to bear on the development of social policy
National Children’s Agenda), from defi- and the creation of a just and healthy society.
nitions of ‘healthy’ child development
and, all too often, from community life.
Foreword: The Laidlaw Foundation's Perspective
viii
These are: The ‘one size fits all approach’ is no longer
acceptable and has never been effective in
• Whether the source of exclusion is pover- advancing the well-being of children and
ty, racism, fear of differences or lack of families.
political clout, the consequences are the
same: a lack of recognition and accept- • Public policy must be more closely linked
ance; powerlessness and ‘voicelessness’; to the lived experiences of children and
economic vulnerability; and, diminished families, both in terms of the actual pro-
life experiences and limited life prospects. grams and in terms of the process for
For society as a whole, the social exclusion arriving at those policies and programs.
of individuals and groups can become a This is one of the reasons for the growing
major threat to social cohesion and eco- focus on cities and communities, as places
nomic prosperity. where inclusion and exclusion happen.
• A rights-based approach is inadequate to • Universal programs and policies that serve
address the personal and systemic exclu- all children and families generally provide
sions experienced by children and adults. a stronger foundation for improving well-
People with disabilities are leading the way being than residual, targeted or segregated
in calling for approaches based on social approaches. The research and anecdotal
inclusion and valued recognition to deliver evidence for this claim is mounting from
what human rights claims alone cannot. the education, child development and
population health sectors.
• Diversity and difference, whether on the
basis of race, disability, religion, culture or
gender, must be recognized and valued.
Understanding social inclusion

contributing members of society. It is, there-
S
ocial exclusion emerged as an important
policy concept in Europe in the 1980s in fore, a normative (value based) concept - a way
response to the growing social divides of raising the bar and understanding where we
that resulted from new labour market condi- want to be and how to get there.
tions and the inadequacy of existing social wel-
Social inclusion reflects a proactive,
fare provisions to meet the changing needs of
human development approach to social well-
more diverse populations. Social inclusion is
being that calls for more than the removal of
not, however, just a response to exclusion.
barriers or risks. It requires investments and
Although many of the working papers use action to bring about the conditions for inclu-
social exclusion as the starting point for their sion, as the population health and internation-
discussions, they share with us the view that al human development movements have taught
social inclusion has value on its own as both a us.
process and a goal. Social inclusion is about
Recognizing the importance of difference
making sure that all children and adults are
and diversity has become central to new under-
able to participate as valued, respected and
ix
standings of identity at both a national and This strongly suggests that social inclu-
community level. Social inclusion goes one sion extends beyond bringing the ‘outsiders’
step further: it calls for a validation and recog- in, or notions of the periphery versus the cen-
nition of diversity as well as a recognition of tre. It is about closing physical, social and
the commonality of lived experiences and the economic distances separating people, rather
shared aspirations among people, particularly than only about eliminating boundaries or
evident among families with children. barriers between us and them.
The cornerstones of social inclusion

Involvement and engagement – Having the
T
he working papers process revealed that
social inclusion is a complex and chal- right and the necessary support to make/be
lenging concept that cannot be reduced involved in decisions affecting oneself, family
to only one dimension or meaning. The work- and community, and to be engaged in commu-
ing papers, together with several other initia- nity life. Examples include: youth engagement
tives the Foundation sponsored as part of its and control of services for youth; parental
exploration of social inclusion , have helped us input into school curriculum or placement
to identify five critical dimensions, or corner- decisions affecting their child; citizen engage-
stones, of social inclusion: ment in municipal policy decisions; and politi-
cal participation.
Valued recognition– Conferring recognition
and respect on individuals and groups. This Proximity – Sharing physical and social
includes recognizing the differences in chil- spaces to provide opportunities for interac-
dren’s development and, therefore, not equat- tions, if desired, and to reduce social distances
ing disability with pathology; supporting com- between people. This includes shared public
munity schools that are sensitive to cultural spaces such as parks and libraries; mixed
and gender differences; and extending the income neighbourhoods and housing; and
notion to recognizing common worth through integrated schools and classrooms.
universal programs such as health care.
Material well being – Having the material
Human development – Nurturing the talents, resources to allow children and their parents to
skills, capacities and choices of children and participate fully in community life. This
adults to live a life they value and to make a includes being safely and securely housed and
contribution both they and others find worth- having an adequate income.
while. Examples include: learning and devel-
opmental opportunities for all children and
adults; community child care and recreation
programs for children that are growth-promot-
ing and challenging rather than merely
custodial.
Foreword: The Laidlaw Foundation's Perspective
Next steps: Building inclusive cities and communities

The Laidlaw Foundation’s vision of a
O
ver the next three years, the Children’s
Agenda program of the Laidlaw socially inclusive society is grounded in an
Foundation will focus on Building international movement that aims to advance
inclusive cities and communities. The impor- the well-being of people by improving the
tance of cities and communities is becoming health of cities and communities. Realizing
increasingly recognized because the well-being this vision is a long-term project to ensure that
of children and families is closely tied to where all members of society participate as equally
they live, the quality of their neighbourhoods valued and respected citizens. It is an agenda
and cities, and the ‘social commons’ where peo- based on the premise that for our society to be
ple interact and share experiences. just, healthy and secure, it requires the inclu-
sion of all.
Christa Freiler Paul Zarnke

Children’s Agenda Program Coordinator President and Former Chair,
Laidlaw Foundation Children’s Agenda Advisory Committee
Laidlaw Foundation
Acknowledgements
We wish to thank the following for their contribution and commitment to the working papers series
on social inclusion: the authors, without whom there would be no working papers; Karen Swift,
Frank Stark, Nancy Matthews, Jennifer Keck, Daniel Drache and the forty external reviewers of
papers, all of whom provided critical feedback and expert advice at various stages during the editorial
process; the members of the Advisory Committee, Children’s Agenda Program, Nathan Gilbert,
Executive Director, and the Board of Directors, Laidlaw Foundation for their support, interest and
critical comments; and Larisa Farafontova, Eva-Marie Dolhai, and Richard Wazana, for their
perseverance and skillful assistance at critical stages in the process.
This series is dedicated to the memory of

Dr. Jennifer Keck who died on June 12, 2002
after a long battle with cancer.
Jennifer was a key member of the editorial committee,
an insightful and passionate reviewer of the working papers,
and an unwavering advocate for
social justice and the social inclusion of all people.
Immigrant
Settlement and
Social Inclusion
in Canada
xii
Immigrant Settlement and

Social Inclusion in Canada
Introduction
social, cultural and political dimensions of life
D
uring the past two years, the Laidlaw
Foundation has been working to in their new country. In a simple but useful
develop the notion of social inclusion sense, therefore, social inclusion for immi-
as a framework for a more progressive grants and refugees can be seen as the disman-
approach to social policy questions in Canada. tling of barriers that lead to exclusion in all
As well, the issue of immigrant settlement is these domains.
evolving as one of the most important ques-
As many commentators have noted, the
tions of public policy in Canada. Canada is
definition of “social inclusion” remains fluid
experiencing serious and increasing difficulties
and open to debate, and is ultimately shaped
in making full use of the skills and talents of
by political and ideological convictions.
our newcomers in both the economic sphere
Within the framework of our own beliefs, we
and in public life in general. Simultaneously,
will attempt to address different dimensions of
immigrant and refugee communities and their
the notion of inclusion: as a process, as an out-
spokespersons are expressing a growing sense of
come and as a metaphor or means of reconcep-
frustration, even despair, at the barriers they
tualizing fundamental issues.
encounter to full participation in all domains
of Canadian life. Recently there has been much discussion
and debate with the goal of refining the con-
This paper is an attempt to bring togeth-
cept of social inclusion, both inside and out-
er these two important issues and to pose the
side the dialogue promoted by the Laidlaw
following questions. What does the concept
Foundation, and it is well beyond the scope of
of social inclusion offer for a better under-
this paper to adequately address all the issues
standing and ultimately a better resolution of
that have been raised. We are working in this
the problems of immigrant and refugee settle-
paper with a more practical focus, which is to
ment in Canada today? More specifically, does
test the potential of social inclusion as a policy
the concept of social inclusion offer new per-
framework against what we know of the reality
spectives and help us formulate improved poli-
of immigrant and refugee settlement in
cies in the vital area of immigrant settlement?
Canada today.
Social inclusion involves the basic notions
of belonging, acceptance and recognition. For
immigrants and refugees, social inclusion
would be represented by the realization of full
and equal participation in the economic,
Immigrant Settlement and Social Inclusion in Canada
The Economic Status of Newcomers in Canada

2000), Lo et al. (2000), Mwarigha M.S.
D
uring the last two decades there has
been a dramatic downward shift in the (2002), Ornstein (2000), Pendakur (2000),
economic status of newcomers to Reitz (1998; 2001), and Shields (2002). Some
Canada. The groups of immigrants and of the main trends were summarized in the
refugees who have arrived in the last 20 years— much-cited HRDC bulletin (2001) which
overwhelmingly non-European visible minori- revealed that immigrants to Canada in the
ties—are experiencing severe difficulties in the 1990s have not fared as well as previous
Canadian labour market and associated prob- cohorts of immigrants in terms of earnings and
lems of individual and family poverty. employment outcomes, in spite of the fact that
these recent immigrants are more highly-edu-
During roughly the first 40 years after the cated and skilled than previous cohorts. The
Second World War, newcomers to Canada, bulletin noted that this is contrary to historical
with some initial settlement support and over a trends, in which the pattern has been that
period of time, generally were successful in the immigrants earn less on arrival but their
Canadian labour market. Their employment incomes rise rapidly and catch up or surpass
participation rates were as high or higher than the Canadian employment earnings average
the Canadian-born, and their wages and after 10 to 14 years. In previous periods eco-
salaries rose gradually to the level of the nomic principal applicants selected on the basis
Canadian-born. However, recent research indi- of education and skill have had earnings higher
cates persistent and growing difficulties in the than the average of the native-born more
labour market integration of immigrants, espe- quickly, starting one year after arrival.
cially recent immigrants. Rates of unemploy- However recent immigrants have lower rates of
ment and underemployment are increasing for employment and they declined markedly
individual immigrants, as are rates of poverty between 1986 and 1996. The result is that
for immigrant families. As well, there is a sub- Canada’s immigrants exhibit a higher incidence
stantial body of evidence indicating income of poverty and greater dependence on social
discrimination against visible minority workers assistance than their predecessors, in spite of
(both immigrant and Canadian-born) as well as the fact that the rate of university graduates is
gender-based wage discrimination for female higher among all categories of immigrants
immigrants. The general trend is summarized including family class and refugees as well as
by J. Shields: economic immigrants than it is for the
Canadian-born.
The great difficulty is that since the 1980s
immigrant performance in the Canadian These trends are accompanied by a gener-
labour market has deteriorated precipitously, al increase in poverty for immigrants, particu-
dampening the possibilities of economic larly recent non-European immigrants, which
integration and expanding the dimensions impacts on families as well as individuals. For
of immigrant social exclusion (2002:21). example, Harvey and Siu (2001) found that
poverty levels for all immigrants have increased
These general trends have been docu-
between 1991 and 1996, with visible minori-
mented in numerous studies including
ties in Toronto showing the largest increase
Devoretz (1995), Harvey and Siu (2001),
from 20.9 per cent to 32.5 per cent. The study
Galabuzi (2001), Kazemipur and Halli (1997;
3
also shows that visible minorities are much ity status and immigrant status is very similar
more at risk of experiencing persistent poverty for both men and women. In addition, Reitz
for 35 years than immigrants who are not visi- noted that race appears to be a more reliable
ble minorities. It confirms earlier findings by predictor of how foreign education will be
Ornstein (2000), based on 1996 Census data, evaluated in Canada than the specific location
of increased unemployment, underemploy- of the origin of the immigrant from outside
ment, and individual and family poverty for Europe.
recent immigrants and visible minorities in
Toronto, the destination of about one-half of These trends must be considered in rela-
Canada’s newcomers. The Ornstein research tion to structural changes in the international
revealed that non-European groups in Toronto economy and Canadian labour market in the
are burdened with family poverty rates at twice past several decades, specifically the trends
the levels of families of European and towards globalization of markets and liberaliza-
Canadian origin, and that for some groups tion of world trade making both labour and
such as Latin Americans, Africans Blacks and capital more internationally mobile and domes-
Caribbeans, and Arabs and West Asians the tic (Canadian) employment less secure.
rate is more than 40 per cent, or roughly three Historically, during the first decades after the
times higher. This academic research is con- Second World War, the majority of immigrants
firmed by accounts in the popular press, which gained employment in relatively high-wage,
reveal a dramatic increase in the use of food low-skill industrial jobs. Now in Canada as in
banks by highly-educated newcomers (Quinn other advanced economies, the service sector is
2002). replacing industrial production as the main
source of employment, and immigrant employ-
A significant factor in these trends is the ment is more concentrated in the relatively
underutilization of immigrant skills within the high-wage and high-skill (public) service sector
Canadian labour market. Reitz (2001) has as well as in low-wage, low-skill (private, retail)
looked at the quantitative significance of this services.
issue using a human-capital earnings analysis
which identified immigrant earnings deficits as For example, Shields (2002) concludes
arising from three possible sources: lower that during the 1950s and 1960s male immi-
immigrant skill quality, or underutilization of grant labour market success was mainly a prod-
immigrant skills, or pay inequities for immi- uct of the wide availability of jobs and relative-
grants doing the same work as native-born ly high wages in the manufacturing and con-
Canadians. He concluded that in 1996 dol- struction sectors, which did not demand high
lars, the total annual immigrant earnings levels of formal schooling. With the decline of
deficit from all three sources in Canada was this sector and the rise of the service sector, the
$15.0 billion, of which $2.4 billion was related labour market is much more challenging for
to skill underutilization, and $12.6 billion was recent immigrants. As well, Lo et al. (2000)
related to pay inequity. He observed as well note in a study of Toronto that while immi-
that employers give little credence to foreign grants are still over-represented in manufactur-
education and none to foreign work experi- ing, they are concentrated in unstable, lower
ence, that discrimination specific to country of waged and disappearing sectors.
origin or visible minority status is mainly relat- Pendakur (2000) provides a comprehen-
ed to pay equity rather than skills utilization, sive historical analysis of these trends, covering
and that the economic impact of visible minor- the period from the end of the Second World
4
War to the 1990s, during which the source of ket. As the relatively high-wage and low-skill
immigration shifted to predominantly non- jobs in manufacturing disappeared, new immi-
European countries and the work done by grants were recruited into both high-wage and
immigrants in Canada moved from factories high-skill positions in social services and busi-
and construction sites to retail stores, hospitals ness, and low-wage jobs in the retail sector.
and classrooms. Historically, this period exam- Differences in the occupations of the new
ined includes two very different immigration immigrants were also related to whether they
paths, one emphasizing family reunification were employed for wages or self-employed, and
and the other stressing labour force require- whether they were male or female. It appears
ments as well as family reunification. It was that male immigrants are more subject to
also a period of major transformation from a labour market discrimination as visible minori-
manufacturing-based economy to a largely ties, while female immigrants experience more
service-based one. discrimination both as immigrants and as
women. Pendakur’s study also confirms the
For Pendakur, changes in skill and educa- penalties in income and occupational status
tion requirements meant that immigrants were paid by immigrants whose education has been
likely to perform labour force roles different acquired outside of Canada, as well as the exis-
than either the Canadian-born or previous tence of substantial income penalties in the
immigrants, but their options were also deter- Canadian labour market rooted in ethnicity
mined by prevailing labour market conditions and colour.
within a relatively rigid Canadian labour mar-
Other Groups of Newcomers

well, in Canada there are small but growing
W
hile the economic analysis summa-
rized in the preceding section numbers of female temporary immigrants
reveals many of the barriers to recruited for the illicit sex trade, and victims of
social inclusion for Canada’s newcomers, we international immigrant smuggling schemes
must also take account of a number of other abandoned without any legal status.
groups facing both economic and social exclu-
At the present time, there are also a num-
sion. Attention to these groups is particularly
ber of undocumented immigrants such as
important because for various reasons they
failed refugee claimants or visitors who have
often do not receive as much attention in offi-
stayed beyond their permitted time in Canada.
cial statistics and current research.
The exact numbers are not known; the reports
Among the temporary immigrants admit- come from social service and health agencies
ted to Canada, for example, there are agricul- who provide emergency supports to these peo-
tural workers imported on a seasonal basis to ple without provision for funding for these
labour under harsh conditions with minimal services. These people make silent contribu-
legal rights. Historically, domestic workers, tions to our economy, often through exploited
while enjoying the right to an eventual claim labour, while being denied basic social and
to Canadian citizenship, have also endured health services for lack of documentation.
both economic exploitation and workplace and Many are parents, including parents of
sexual harassment to earn this privilege. As Canadian-born children, whose children may
5
be denied the right to schooling and access to the system. The determination of the status of
health care. All of these vulnerable groups of refugee claimants is legally and administratively
newcomers are excluded in various ways from complex and can create significant backlogs
access to basic legal protection and economic (delays). For refugee claimants this can mean
justice. an extended period during which they face sig-
nificant barriers in access to social services and
To understand the multiple dimensions of the labour market, as well as a postponement
both economic and social exclusion for in potentially acquiring rights such as sponsor-
Canada’s newcomers we must also consider the ship of family members and eventual citizen-
gendered experiences of immigrant and refugee ship. They can’t get a bank loan, or vote, or
women (Chard et al. 2000; James et al. 1999; work in certain professions (e.g. education and
Mohab 1999; Preston and Man 1999). To a health care); they can’t travel internationally,
large degree, newcomer women in Canada con- even to the USA; and they can’t get loans for
tinue to be streamed into lower-wage jobs in post-secondary education. Currently, it is com-
the growing service sector as well as in the mon for this situation to last five years, or
declining manufacturing sector. At the same more.
time, due to factors related both to their condi-
tions of arrival in Canada and to the socio-cul- The situation of refugee claimants in legal
tural traditions of their country of origin, new- limbo is creating a new underclass of persons
comer women carry very heavy burdens of without status composed of those who most
domestic responsibility in terms of housework, need our help, those who left their own coun-
family maintenance and socialization of chil- tries under conditions of great stress and with
dren. tremendous hopes for their new life in Canada
(Mohamed 2002). It has a tremendously nega-
Finally, from the perspective of newcomer tive impact not only on the individuals con-
social inclusion, one of the most important cerned but also on their family and friends, and
issues in Canada is the extended period during this negative impact is occurring during the
which thousands of refugee claimants remain first few years of their life in Canada—the
in a “legal limbo.” Although Canada’s inland years most important to successful settlement.
refugee determination system and the quasi- And during those years, Canada is losing the
judicial nature of the Immigration and Refugee opportunity to benefit from the education and
Board (IRB) are seen as progressive by the rest skills these people have brought to their new
of the world, there are serious problems within country.
Immigrant and Refugee Children and Youth

by the stresses of settlement. They found as
O
ne of the more comprehensive studies
of newcomer youth is that by Kilbride well that immigrant and refugee youth felt
et al. (2000), which integrates a num- pulled in opposite directions, between what
ber of research projects involving community seemed to be irreconcilable values or cultures,
collaboration focused on diverse groups of ado- and a desire to adapt and fit in to their new
lescent newcomers in different cities of homeland. The tensions between parents and
Ontario. The researchers found that the chal- youth associated with the challenges of settle-
lenges of adolescence were greatly compounded ment were very important. Feelings of isola-
6
tion and alienation were linked to perceptions programs of intervention to deal with these
of cultural differences and experiences of dis- needs.
crimination and racism. Support from friends,
family and institutions was key to overcoming Sadoway (2002) emphasizes that children
the challenges of settlement. are at risk around the world, particularly when
they are separated from their parents and fami-
One of the particular findings from this lies due to war, poverty and oppression, and
study was that lack of (Canadian English) lan- also when their caregivers have become their
guage facility creates barriers for newcomer oppressors. Sadoway asserts that the commu-
youth in education, employment and general nity and the state have often been reluctant to
social adaptation, including for those (for intervene to protect children because of deeply
example from the Caribbean) who speak ingrained paternalistic notions of children as
English with a dialect. The study also found property, as chattels or extensions of their par-
that newcomer youth who arrived while ents, rather than persons in their own right.
younger had a less difficult process of adapta- Children lack power in our society and there-
tion than those who arrived as older adoles- fore are dependent on adults to recognize their
cents, because they had a longer period of time needs and ensure their care and development as
to adapt to the education system and adjust to well as safety and protection. The issue of
Canadian social and cultural values. what constitutes “persecution” of children, in
terms of the UN Convention for the determi-
This study also revealed that the stresses nation of refugee status, continues to challenge
of the settlement process experienced by their adjudicators. Issues like forced conscription,
parents had a great impact on the newcomer sexual exploitation and female genital mutila-
youth. Parents who had to work longer hours tion are beginning to be recognized, but other
for lower pay had less time for involvement in more commonplace issues such as domestic
family activities, and youth were often obliged service in private homes receive less recogni-
to take up correspondingly greater obligations tion.
such as staying home alone, caring for siblings,
doing grocery shopping and cooking, finding Montgomery (2002) in discussing the sta-
paid employment and translating and inter- tus of unaccompanied minors in Canada states
preting for their parents. that in principle the Charter of Rights and
Freedoms grants equal rights to all persons
Other reports and research studies residing in Canadian territory, but in practice
emphasize the particular experiences of refugee all residents are not treated equally. Minority
youth and children. Omidvar (2002) empha- and immigrant communities experience forms
sizes the fact that immigrants and refugees have of exclusion related to the immigration process,
different experiences, while supporting the access to services and discrimination.
observations of Kilbride et al. that racism and Unaccompanied minors (youth under the age
discrimination are real factors, and complicated of 18 who have been separated from parents
by intergenerational issues. She notes as well and who arrive in Canada unaccompanied by a
that there are special issues for female newcom- legal guardian) are particularly vulnerable due
er youth. For Kaprielian-Churchill and to their dual status as minors and as refugee
Churchill (1994) one of the main points from claimants. In Canada in 2000 the number of
a study of Ontario schools is that refugee chil- unaccompanied minors was estimated at
dren have special needs and that teachers and around 1,000, most going to Ontario, Quebec
schools have not developed the training and
7
and British Columbia. However, non-govern- tine medical, dental or mental health services.
mental organizations (NGOs) report that Montgomery emphasizes as well that the
numbers are rising, probably because parents in process and lengthy period of resolving status
conflict zones try to get their children out first, creates great mental stress.
or may only have the resources to get their
children out. A social inclusion perspective on new-
comer integration therefore must include suffi-
Montgomery’s analysis reveals that unac- cient attention to the particular and complex
companied minors, particularly older youth, needs of immigrant and refugee youth. Recent
experience settlement problems similar to those findings as outlined above suggest that the set-
of immigrants in general and refugees in par- tlement challenges of newcomer youth are
ticular. For example, in the labour market compounded by the barriers of social exclusion
employers often refuse to hire persons without faced by their parents, and indeed are often
a regularized immigration status. As well, essentially the same. We must note as well
refugee claimants are excluded from most gov- that newcomer youth not only face particular
ernment-sponsored employment and training challenges as immigrants and refugees, but also
programs because of their immigration status, confront the general barriers of youth in
and although they have a right to language today’s Canadian society with respect to chang-
training, in practice it is difficult for them to ing socio-economic conditions and opportuni-
access this service. As well, there is discrimina- ties. Tyyska (2001) for example demonstrates
tion in obtaining housing, such as the require- convincingly that the age status of the young
ment of supplementary proof of identity or in Canada has become a factor of disadvantage
additional proof of capacity to pay rent. (or risk, or marginalization, or social exclusion)
Access to health services is also a problem, as along with related factors such as gender,
the Interim Federal Health Program (IFHP) poverty and visible minority status.
provides only “essential” services and not rou-
Settlement Services and the NGO Sector

Currently most funded settlement servic-
M
any immigrants and refugees require
settlement services when they first es are devoted to initial support for newcom-
arrive, as well as linguistically- and ers, including language training, assistance with
culturally-appropriate health and social services labour market integration, individual and fam-
throughout their years of adaptation. The pro- ily counselling, translation and interpreting
vision of these services is essential both to and referrals to health and social services. The
ensuring the effective settlement of newcomers, funds for these services come from a variety of
and maintaining public support for the contin- sources including the federal government,
uing high levels of immigration required for provincial governments, municipalities and
our labour force. Indeed Reitz (1998) has community charities and private foundations.
shown in a comparative study of different However, the delivery of these services (in
countries that the level of public support for Ontario and across Canada) is provided mainly
settlement is vital to immigrants’ economic by non-governmental organizations—commu-
success and socio-political inclusion. nity-based immigrant service agencies or ISA’s.
8
One of the most serious problems of the from inadequate funding but as much or even
current system lies in the fact that settlement more from a restructuring of the conditions of
funding and programming is focused on the government funding. The transition for most
initial stages of adaptation, in spite of the fact government funders from “core” to program-
that the process of settlement continues specific funding favours the larger agencies
throughout the life of the newcomer. with more administrative resources for the
Mwarigha M.S. (2002) notes that after the ini- management of programs delivered on a con-
tial or first stage of adaptation, in the middle tractual basis, and leaves all remaining ISAs
or intermediate stage newcomers require assis- with extremely limited resources for communi-
tance with access to various Canadian systems ty education, needs assessment, program plan-
and institutions including municipal services, ning and advocacy. This kind of imposed
with their principal needs usually centered restructuring as noted by Evans and Shields
around timely and equitable access to the (2002) is part of a general trend towards neo-
labour market. Other important needs in the liberal restructuring of the relationship
intermediate stage include access to housing, between government and the non-profit or
health services, legal assistance and advanced third sector. These authors point out that the
or employment-specific language instruction. expansion of the welfare state has been based
In the long term or final stage of settlement, not only on a growth in government social
immigrants and refugees strive to become support services, but also on the growing role
equal participants in Canada’s economic, cul- of the third sector, and that this symbiotic rela-
tural, social and political life. It is no exagger- tionship is threatened by restructuring which
ation to state that settlement policy in Canada compromises the basic mission of third sector
is currently in a state of crisis, due largely to organizations and therefore their ability to
the lack of a pan-Canadian and long-term per- contribute to social inclusion.
spective that takes into account all three stages
of settlement. One of the essential mechanisms of this
restructuring is the imposition on the ISAs, as
A second grave problem, directly related part of the new contractual terms of service, of
to the first, is that the NGO sector delivering so-called “evaluation” schemes which are really
settlement services is in a precarious state due nothing more than administrative mechanisms
to a combination of funding cutbacks and to maintain state control of third-party (and
imposed restructuring. The situation of the third-sector) service providers (Chambon and
ISAs in Ontario including Toronto has been Richmond, T. 2001). While this issue may
documented in numerous studies including appear to be purely administrative, in reality it
Owen (1999), Richmond, T. (1996), Shields is political because our frameworks for evalua-
(2002) and Simich (2000). The effect has tion are directly linked to our visions of
been that many community-based providers of accountability in a democratic and pluralist
settlement services, particularly the smaller society (Hanberger 2001). This type of
“ethno-specific” agencies, have been forced to restructuring has particularly serious and nega-
curtail their services drastically or even to close tive implications for the ISAs, which historical-
their doors. Those that are still functioning ly have used their legitimate autonomy as com-
are operating under conditions of extreme munity agencies to play a leading role in the
stress due to a combination of overloaded serv- development of an anti-discriminatory and
ice demand and limited funding. anti-racist framework for human services
(Richmond, T. 1996).
This situation, however, derives not just
Urban Issues and Newcomer Settlement

Quebec City, Toronto, Saskatoon, Regina and
T
o understand the dynamics and chal-
lenges of newcomer settlement in Vancouver—had large concentrations of visible
Canada today from a social inclusion minority immigrants in neighbourhoods with a
perspective, it is essential to recognize that poverty rate of 40 per cent and higher. The lat-
immigration is principally, indeed overwhelm- ter study also revealed that in Toronto, immi-
ingly, an urban phenomenon. Currently about grants are more likely than non-immigrants to
70 per cent of immigrants to Canada settle in live in neighbourhoods with high rates of
the our three largest cities of Toronto, poverty. Mwarigha M.S. (2002) suggests that
Vancouver and Montreal with about half of one of the most disturbing consequences of the
them eventually arriving in Toronto alone. current settlement service system is that it is
ineffective in combating the accelerated emer-
For the past five decades immigration has gence of an immigrant underclass, concentrat-
become a primary force not only in broad eco- ed primarily in the poorer neighbourhoods of
nomic and demographic terms, but also in Toronto.
shaping the Canadian urban environment,
impacting on residential housing development, It must be emphasized however that the
neighbourhood and street life, the delivery of issue here is not simply the fact of the concen-
municipal services, urban politics and cultural tration of ethnoracial groups within particular
life (Troper 2000). Siemiatycki and Isin neighbourhoods. Qadeer (forthcoming) has
(1997) point out as well that transnational concluded that the concentration of an ethnic
migration has generated new claims to urban group in a particular urban neighbourhood can
citizenship in Toronto. Newcomers have dis- facilitate the development of religious, cultural
persed their residences and developed and and community institutions. According to his
transformed their neighbourhoods, laying studies, once a community has formed, it tends
claim to public space, challenging cultural tra- to persist and evolve, as on the basis of a seg-
ditions, creating organizations and getting mented housing market, as a socio-ecological
involved in civic politics. grouping. These “ethnic enclaves” are largely
expressions of preferences, common interests,
Unfortunately, one of the most disturbing social networks and common cultural and/or
and indeed dangerous trends associated with religious needs of their residents. They can be
the urbanization of immigration is the growing especially helpful to women, children and sen-
risk of the racialization of urban poverty. For iors, especially those not fluent in English and
example, Shields (2002) observes that there is a who are accustomed to the supportive presence
strong correlation between recent immigrant of friends and relatives. For Qadeer there is a
status and elevated levels of family poverty, and risk however that ethnoracial residential con-
notes the real danger that a process of racializa- centrations can act as a barrier to the residents
tion of poverty is underway. As well, Galabuzi meeting and networking in the mainstream
(2001) confirms the development within our society and economy, and the risk is particular-
major urban centres of an underclass of visible ly high if the segregation coincides with low
minorities, many of whom are recent immi- incomes, poverty and poor housing.
grants, concentrated in racial enclaves of pover- Nevertheless, Qadeer suggests that this process
ty. Kazemipur and Halli (2000) found that gives a new meaning to social integration: con-
larger urban centres—Montreal, Winnipeg,
10
structing a ‘common ground’ of institutions adverse impacts on a whole range of life expe-
and services for civic engagement of diverse riences, and in the case of new immigrants it
communities. Residential space then, along leads to family conflicts, loss of self-esteem,
with schools, workplaces, recreation and sports and a sense of despair about future prospects
and political participation, is one of the many in the new country of settlement. Young
sites for social inclusion. immigrants who grow up in such conditions
can develop a culture of alienation both from
The issue then is the degree to which their parents and their community of origin,
concentration in neighbourhoods of poverty and from that of the host society (Mwarigha
acts as a barrier to social and economic inte- M.S. 2002).
gration of new immigrants and their children.
Living in areas of concentrated poverty has
The Social Inclusion Perspective

the rest of Europe, it incorporated non-tradi-
T
he notion of social inclusion originated
in Europe in response to the crisis in tional target groups such as racial minorities,
the health and welfare programs in the elderly, youth and people with disabilities
Europe in the 1970s and 1980s. In the period as sections of the population in need of delib-
from the Second World War to the mid-1970s, erate social inclusion programs.
most European governments developed com-
The social crisis caused by the unfettered
prehensive health and social insurance pro-
growth of the new economy in the 1980s and
grams to protect their citizens (Guidford
1990s provided an opportunity for govern-
2000). This was followed by a period of fiscal
ments to not only revisit the traditional notion
restraint and cutbacks in the United States,
of universal welfare, but also to add in new val-
Canada and most European governments,
ues of inclusion_ “characterized by a society’s
which not only proved to be unpopular, but
widely shared experience and active participa-
also in many ways aggravated the problem of
tion, by a broad equality of opportunities and
poverty among the most disadvantaged groups.
life chances for individuals and by the achieve-
The increasing number of people experiencing
ment of basic level of well-being for all citi-
long-term poverty became a big problem for
zens” (Sen 2001). In essence, social inclusion
the welfare system, especially in Europe. Initial
became a vehicle to enhance access and equity
measures to limit benefits through increased
in the field of social policy and programming.
means-testing only meant that more and more
people ended up living outside the system, job- The notion of social inclusion also gained
less and homeless. acceptance in countries that did not proceed as
radically towards the dismantling of their post-
Social inclusion was initially started by
war social welfare system. In Sweden, for
the French to effectively reintegrate the large
example, whose welfare system remained rela-
numbers of ex-industrial workers and a grow-
tively intact in the new economy age of the
ing number of young people who right from
1980s and 1990s, there was recognition that
the start did not have the opportunity to join
“...the system had not fully succeeded in guar-
the new economy labour force of the 1980s
anteeing the welfare of young people, immi-
and 1990s. As the concept gained credence in
11
grants and single parent providers. These the problems of social exclusion as being
groups were hit particularly by the employ- resolved by returning to the traditional post-
ment crisis at the beginning of the 1990s. And war welfare state that was dismantled by neo-
as a result they also suffered most as regards conservative governments in Europe in the last
other aspects of welfare. At the same time there three decades and more recently in Canada. A
were groups in the 1990s, as before with signif- second focus, typical of the European
icant problems such as substance misuse and approach, emphasizes the basic notions of
homelessness” (Government of Sweden 2001). capacity building and focusing resources to
those at the bottom end of the social spectrum.
At a broad policy level, the goals of social This approach would target traditionally mar-
inclusion are pursued on the basis of the fol- ginalized workers like retrenched workers and
lowing key principles: 1) structuring policy the long-term unemployed as well as racial/eth-
interventions around a life cycle approach, nic minorities, people with disabilities, chil-
where necessary to meet individual need; 2) dren in poverty and the homeless.
tackling failing communities and the needs of
other excluded groups of people; 3) mobilizing A third focus would emphasize social
all relevant actors in a joint multi-agency inclusion as a fundamental capability, in a
response; 4) tackling discrimination in its ‘right-based approach.’ According to Sen
forms, wherever it occurs; and 5) ensuring all (2001), an inclusive society is characterized by
policy formulation is evidence-based. These widely-shared social experience and active par-
principles enable a multidimensional approach ticipation, by broad equality of opportunities
to confronting the problems of social exclusion and life chances for individuals, and by the
and promoting social inclusion. achievement of a basic level of well-being for
all citizens. This approach emphasizes the
Evidently, the notion of social inclusion is need for policy to improve capabilities through
the antithesis of social exclusion. Social exclu- legal human rights protections that ensure that
sion is a way of understanding the impact of all have the opportunity and ability to be
existing social economic systems on marginal- included. It shifts the focus away from the
ized groups, while social inclusion is about individual that is for example living in poverty
finding out what works and mobilizing or dependent on social assistance, and thus
resources to resolve the problems brought away from blaming the victim.
about through social exclusion.
Ultimately, the test of the relevance of
Within this general framework, however, these notions of social inclusion lies in their
the notion of social inclusion can be developed ability to shape progressive and practical social
in different directions. One focus can be the policy reforms and initiatives. They must
incorporation of access and equity principles therefore be grounded in and shaped by the
into a traditional agenda of national (universal) complex realities of growing social exclusion
social inclusion, based on a universal social for Canadian newcomers.
security system for children and families, and
universal human development such as early
learning for all. Such an approach would see
12
Social Inclusion and Canada’s Official Multiculturalism

often in contradiction to the formal and offi-
A
ny consideration of social inclusion in
the Canadian context must take into cial promises of multiculturalism, anti-racism
account the fact that Canada is an offi- and citizenship acquisition.
cially multicultural and anti-racist society, with
The contradictions between Canada’s offi-
what is considered to be one of the most open
cial policies and the reality of social exclusion
and welcoming immigration policies in the
for Canada’s newcomers are well-documented.
world.
For example, A. Richmond (1994, 2000)
Canadian policies of multiculturalism, reports on a system of “global apartheid” in
however, are rooted within and limited by their which controls on international migration con-
specific historical origins. Canadian multicul- tinually increase for the most vulnerable while
turalism evolved within a process of political becoming more flexible for the international
bargaining among the two “founding nations” business elite. Galabuzi (2001) speaks of a
of English and French and the more estab- looming crisis of social instability and political
lished immigrant communities of European legitimacy for Canadian society based on the
origin (Wayland 1997), without the political growing trends towards the racialization of
participation of the overwhelmingly visible poverty for visible minorities and recent immi-
minority immigrant arrivals of the past two grants. Henry and Tator (2000) speak of
decades. Furthermore, official Canadian mul- “democratic racism” in reference to the deep
ticulturalism and its derivate formal anti-racist tension in Canada between two competing
policies have not been adequate to resolve the value systems: the reality of pervasive racism,
demands for Quebec independence, Aboriginal and a commitment to the ideology of demo-
claims to land and autonomy, or anti-racist cratic liberalism. And Lo et al. (2000) talk of
mobilization by visible minorities both immi- the failure of immigrant settlement and inte-
grant and Canadian-born (Winter 2001). gration policies because of the persistence of
high unemployment, low income and poverty
Indeed, Canada has one of the world’s for specific immigrant groups and the incon-
most inclusive policies of citizenship acquisi- gruity between immigration selection policies
tion, and this must be recognized as a legiti- and integration policies.
mate and important factor of social inclusion.
Newcomers are able and encouraged to become We are witnesses, therefore, to a real and
citizens after three years of settlement in growing contradiction between Canada’s offi-
Canada, and the vast majority do acquire cial policies of multiculturalism, anti-racism
Canadian citizenship. As documented previ- and immigration citizenship acquisition, and
ously in this paper, however, the immigration the growing reality of social exclusion for
status of newcomers (immigrant, refugee, Canada’s newcomers. The resolution of this
refugee claimant) represents a hierarchy of contradiction involves at least two fundamental
rights with both legal and practical implica- issues.
tions for social exclusion. Furthermore, the
One of these issues which is explored
actual possibilities for economic, social and
more fully by Saloojee (2003) concerns the fact
political inclusion of all newcomers, regardless
that a social inclusion framework must incor-
of their formal immigration status, are too
porate an anti-racist perspective, taking into
13
account the limits of multiculturalism and the porating the progressive values imported by
realities of systemic racism in contemporary our newcomer communities along with the
Canada. Within this perspective, of course, we democratic traditions of the host society. In
must recognize that the vast majority of recent exploring the relationship between citizenship
newcomers are non-European “visible minori- values and the impact of newcomer settlement
ties” experiencing systemic barriers of exclusion there is much to be learned from our col-
within the process of settlement. leagues in Quebec, where the debates and
experiments have taken place in the context of
The second issue addressed by others a commitment to the social dominance of the
including Jenson (2002) involves our basic French language and a critical distance from
notions of citizenship. Jenson suggests that the official Canadian multicultural policy
Canadian diversity model can incorporate a (McAndrew 2001). One important lesson of
notion of shared citizenship, in which unity the Quebec experience is that there is a consid-
and diversity are not mutually exclusive, and erable tension between a focus on individual
that we can rely on democratic institutions to rights, which tends to co-exist with more tradi-
choose between competing social values. Such tional notions of citizenship values, and an
a perspective might allow us to move beyond emphasis on collective rights, which tends to
the limits of multiculturalism as the conserva- be supportive of an anti-racist perspective and
tive preservation of “cultures of origin” and notions of deep diversity.
move towards a creative public dialogue incor-
Policy Perspectives within a Social Inclusion Framework

metaphor for addressing the challenges of new-
T
here can be no doubt of the impor-
tance of including newcomers to comer settlement in Canada today.
Canada in the development of a social Immigrants want to be included, especially in
inclusion perspective on public policy reform. the labour market. Refugees want to be
Canada has one of the highest proportions of included though resolution of their status.
immigrants to total resident population of any And all newcomers want to be included as full
country in the world; and (both) newcomers and equal participants in the economic, social,
and visible minorities make up more than half political and cultural life of their new home-
the population in our largest cities like land, while fearing that public policy debates
Toronto. The role of Canada’s newcomers is will exclude their particular issues and interests
therefore central to any meaningful develop- as immigrants, or refugees, or visible minori-
ment of the notion of social inclusion. ties. The notion of social inclusion therefore
provides an important starting point as an
But do the concepts of social inclusion alternative to the currently-dominant concept
“work” for newcomer settlement in Canada? of focusing immigration policy exclusively on
Do they resonate? Do they offer new perspec- recruitment of “the best and the brightest”, of
tives? Can they be useful tools for developing continually raising the bar for admissions to
policy? Canada while secondarizing the needs of fami-
ly reunification and refugee resettlement and
At the most basic level the notion of
ignoring the barriers of social exclusion experi-
social inclusion certainly provides a powerful
enced by those who have already begun the
14
settlement journey within our country. lize all relevant actors in a joint multi-agency
response speaks to both the necessity to involve
We would contend that the three possible all levels and relevant departments of the feder-
focuses of a social inclusion perspective identi- al, provincial and municipal governments in
fied earlier are not mutually exclusive, but tackling the challenges of newcomer settle-
rather essential and overlapping elements of the ment, and the necessity to incorporate all
application of a social inclusion perspective to stakeholders in a policy response including set-
the challenges of newcomer settlement in tlement agencies, mainstream institutions,
Canada. The restoration of government employers and private foundations. Tackling
responsibility for universal social programs in discrimination in all its forms, with respect to
the face of the neo-conservative tide, for exam- newcomer settlement, means nothing more nor
ple, is a necessary precondition for the social less than the necessity of an anti-racist perspec-
inclusion of both newcomers and the tive in dealing with the social exclusion of
Canadian-born. Furthermore, the targeting of immigrants and refugees, the majority of
social programs to the most disadvantaged is of whom are visible minorities. Finally, the
obvious necessity for immigrants and refugees notion of ensuring that all policy formulation
excluded from equitable participation in the is evidence-based speaks directly to the need
Canadian labour market, as well as in areas of for practical and transparent mechanisms of
exclusion for newcomers such as housing, edu- public accountability for the various sectors of
cation and access to health and social services. government responsible for combatting the
At the same time, a rights-based approach to exclusion of Canada’s newcomers from full par-
social inclusion is an essential perspective for ticipation in the economic, social, political and
dealing with the reality of differential legal and cultural life of their new homeland.
practical rights for Canada’s newcomers based
on immigration status (citizen versus immi- Within this perspective, we offer the fol-
grant versus refugee; selected immigrant versus lowing suggestions for policy reform. While
family class; sponsored refugee versus refugee they vary considerably in scope and complexi-
claimant, etc.). ty, they all represent concrete examples of the
potential of a practical and incremental
We would argue as well that the five ele- approach to the application of the social inclu-
ments of a social inclusion perspective as previ- sion perspective to the challenges of newcomer
ously identified can be applied directly, and settlement.
productively, to the policy challenges posed by
the growing social exclusion of Canada’s new- Access to Trades and Professions
comers. The notion of structuring policy
interventions around a life cycle approach, for An example of the immediate relevance and
example, relates directly to the reality of the practical applicability of the notion of social
settlement process extending over the newcom- inclusion is the issue of Access to Trades and
er’s lifetime and continuing (at least) into the Professions (ATP). There can no longer be any
second generation. The necessity to deal with doubt that the economic contributions of
failing communities and the needs of other immigrants and refugees would be significantly
excluded groups of people is directly relevant higher if Canada were capable of properly uti-
to the reality of economic, social and political lizing their foreign-based experience, education
exclusion for large groups of newcomers as and skills. In the next few decades, Canada
documented in this paper. The need to mobi- will reach a point where net immigration
15
accounts for 100 per cent of both population gration policies. Furthermore, as documented
growth and labour market replacement. in detail by Alboim and The Maytree
Effective utilization of the experience, educa- Foundation (2002), real progress on the issue
tion and skills of newcomers is therefore key to of access to trades and professions requires a
economic success in an increasingly competi- series of complex and detailed policy reforms
tive global economy. As a result, there is grow- involving multiple stakeholders. Progress in
ing pressure for real progress in this area based this area would represent a major “win-win”
on a recognition by multiple stakeholders that situation from the perspective of both new-
we are quite simply wasting the talents of our comers and the Canadian-born, but the real-
new citizens (Alboim and The Maytree ization of this progress remains a vital testing
Foundation 2002; Brouwer 1999; Reitz 2001). ground for the practical application of a social
It is particularly and bitterly ironic for new- inclusion perspective, particularly with regards
comers, and for those who try to assist them, to the development of effective partnerships
that the various licensing and professional bod- and successful, incremental policy reforms.
ies as well as Canadian employers appear to
deny the legitimacy of the very skills and edu- Local Autonomy and Immigrant Settlement
cation that gained them admittance to our
country. One progressive trend in the urban environ-
ment is the growing demand for municipal
Fortunately, the vital importance of this autonomy. Across Canada, there is growing
issue is gaining increasing attention at various pressure from municipal governments for a
levels including the federal government. The “new deal” in their relationship with federal
Canadian Innovation Strategy, for example, is and provincial authorities. Among the
a federal policy initiative which focuses on the demands of municipal governments are
necessity to develop the skills, talents, knowl- increased resources for immigrant settlement
edge and creativity of Canadians in an increas- and a greater political voice in immigration
ingly globalized, technological and knowledge- policy (Chief Administrator’s Office 2001;
based economy (HRDC 2002). It is signifi- Commissioner of Community and
cant that this policy includes specific objectives Neighbourhood Services 2001; Mwarigha
related to immigration, and that in addition to M.S. 2002).
attracting and selecting highly skilled immi-
grants, the goals also include developing an Historically, issues of immigration and
integrated and transparent approach to the settlement have been the responsibility of the
recognition of foreign credentials, supporting federal and provincial governments. In recent
the integration of immigrants into Canada’s years however, the major urban centres have
labour market and helping immigrants to not only increased their role in providing sup-
achieve their full potential over the course of port services to newcomers, but also have been
their working lives. obliged to deal with all the multiple aspects of
an increasingly ethnoracially diverse popula-
Nevertheless, as noted by Couton (2002), tion with respect to municipal programs and
the non-recognition of foreign credentials policies. In recent years, extra pressures have
remains one of the most serious challenges to been placed on municipalities because of the
making effective use of the increasing numbers effects of downloading of responsibilities to
of highly-skilled and highly-educated newcom- municipalities by senior levels of government,
ers attracted to Canada by our current immi- severe cutbacks to public spending, the amal-
16
gamation of municipalities and the lack of an inclusion framework.
integrated and effective pan-Canadian policy
for newcomer settlement. In Toronto, for The Immigrant Dispersion Policy
example, city planners warn that the munici-
pality requires more resources to respond to One very contemporary and controversial poli-
the growing need for housing, employment cy debate in Canada involves the proposals by
and community services for newcomers and Minister of Citizenship and Immigration
that services currently provided to many new Denis Coderre to regulate the dispersion of a
immigrants are not adequate (Commissioner of portion of Canada’s newcomers to our smaller
Community and Neighbourhood Services cities.
2001). These proposals are motivated by legiti-
Greater involvement by municipal gov- mate policy concerns. On the positive side,
ernments in the settlement process and in con- there is no doubt that our smaller or “second-
sultations over immigration policy could pro- tier” cities could benefit economically and oth-
vide real benefits. Local governments could erwise from increased immigration. On the
make essential contributions to the develop- negative side, there are doubts—within the
ment of long-term planning for newcomer set- framework of existing settlement policy—
tlement, and could also play a key role as “bro- about the capacity of our three largest cities to
kers” in bringing other partners to the table, successfully absorb the overwhelming majority
including federal and provincial departments of immigrants and refugees that currently
with no direct mandate for short-term settle- choose to reside in Toronto, Vancouver or
ment, as well as the voices of NGO service Montreal.
providers and immigrant and refugee commu- The problem with the proposals as cur-
nity leaders. rently formulated, however, is that they will
There is, of course, no guarantee that contribute to the exclusion rather than the
municipalities will be any more responsive to, inclusion of a segment of Canadian newcomers
or representative of, newcomers and visible (Siddiqui 2002). Their mobility rights will be
minorities than other levels of government. restricted, in comparison both to rights of the
The outcome of the current drive for urban Canadian-born and previous immigrants, and
reform with respect to newcomer settlement in possible violation of our Charter of Rights
will depend on political mobilization, particu- and Freedoms. Furthermore, they will be
larly on mobilization of the immigrants and denied the very benefits that have attracted
refugees who now constitute such a significant previous newcomers on a voluntary basis to
portion of the population of our major cities. our largest cities: economic opportunities,
Nevertheless, the drive for urban reform pro- social and cultural diversity and support from
vides an important impetus for the active polit- communities of their own ethnoracial origins.
ical involvement of newcomer communities in Within a social inclusion framework, the
urban politics, just as the mobilization of these same policy challenges could result in new
communities is essential to ensuring that urban solutions. Dispersion of recent newcomers
reform results in improved newcomer settle- could be developed on a voluntary basis, with
ment. Therefore, the prospect of linking appropriate material incentives. Newcomers
urban reform to newcomer settlement has real could be attracted to second-tier cities through
potential for the policy application of a social the development of improved settlement serv-
17
ices within these urban centres. Furthermore, service agencies. Since its inception, the pro-
the process of developing these incentives and gram has expanded to other cities in Ontario
improving local settlement services would and also has developed in French-language
involve a generally beneficial increase in collab- schools. Initial evaluation suggests that the
oration between federal, provincial and munic- program has been very successful in providing
ipal governments. increased support to newcomer children and
youth, in helping their parents understand and
Newcomer Children and Youth in the Schools interact with the school as an institution and
in building productive partnerships amongst
There is clearly a need for improved and various agencies involved in newcomer settle-
extended settlement services for both newcom- ment.
er youth and their parents, and recent research
and program developments suggest that the Public Defense of Refugee Rights
school system is the natural location for such
programs. Along with its importance for the Another and vital area of public policy efforts
education of increasingly large numbers of with respect to newcomer inclusion must be
newcomer children and youth, the school sys- the defense of basic refugee rights, which have
tem provides opportunities for interaction with become particularly vulnerable in the post-911
these children’s parents and their ethnoracial climate as interpreted by both politicians and
communities, for experimentation and innova- the media. The vulnerability of newcomers in
tion in the development of anti-racist curricu- this context is of course focused on particular
lum, and for more effective coordination of groups, such as Muslim women (Forcese
support services. Kilbride et al. (2000) empha- 2002). But we are witness as well to an
size the importance of schools as a location for increasing general fragility of refugee rights, as
integrated, supportive programs with a focus the fundamental legal and human rights of
on anti-discrimination and anti-racism. They refugees become secondarized or even dis-
note as well that programs and interventions placed through the pretext of concerns for
must be targeted, taking into account the dif- security. Examination of the evidence suggests
ferences experienced by newcomer youth that the growing legislative and administrative
according to country of origin, ethnoracial and restriction of refugee rights in Canada is moti-
cultural and religious background, immigra- vated very little by actual security threats aris-
tion status and gender. ing within the refugee community, but very
much by a pre-911 agenda that favours
One example of the development of such increased mobility for skilled immigrants and
programs is in Ontario, where Citizenship and restricted asylum rights for refugees (Adelman
Immigration Canada during the past few years 2002).
has funded pilot programs for school settle-
ment workers, working in collaboration with Policy efforts to defend the basic human
both school boards and local settlement agen- and legal rights of refugees in Canada must be
cies (Centre for Applied Social Research 2002). based in broad public education and advocacy.
The program began in Toronto in 1998 as a As such, it offers an opportunity for new voic-
partnership of the Ontario Administration of es to speak out in support of newcomer inclu-
Settlement and Integration Services (OASIS), sion, and for leaders from our immigrant and
the Toronto District School Board (TDSB) refugee communities to take up an active role
and a number of community-based immigrant of leadership.
18
Student Loans and Exclusion of Newcomers Towards an Integrated Settlement Policy
The Canada Student Loans Act is the primary Perhaps the most important application of the
vehicle that is used by Canadians to finance social inclusion framework to newcomer settle-
their post-secondary education, and loans are ment would be a redefinition of the basic
available to Canadian citizens and landed notion of settlement. The current crisis of set-
immigrants. However, there are currently a tlement policy in Canada is directly related to
few intended and unintended forms of exclu- the lack of a long-term, multi-dimensional and
sion for newcomers. Convention refugees who pan-Canadian vision of the settlement process.
are waiting for landing and are caught up in The settlement journey for newcomers is one
the identity issue are not eligible for student that lasts a lifetime and extends into the second
loans (Brouwer 2000). As well, landed immi- generation, and our public policy response
grants are not allowed access to student loans must accept this basic reality as a point of
until they have completed one year of residen- departure. The elaboration of a new vision of
cy in any given province, although we know settlement therefore involves the identification
that the first year of engagement in training of mutual obligations and benefits for both
and upgrading is often determinant for new- newcomers and the host society with respect to
comers in terms of future attachment to the all the social, economic and political institu-
occupational sector of their previous training, tions of Canadian society.
education and experience (Goldberg 2000).
Furthermore non-degree and non-diploma One essential component of such a
courses at universities and community colleges, visioning process must be the clarification of
courses that could aid newcomers in the estab- our notions of public accountability with
lishment of equivalencies leading to licensing respect to newcomer settlement. All levels and
and/or employment in their previous field, are departments of government must be held
not eligible for student loans. accountable for the results of newcomer settle-
ment, not only with respect to the provision of
As a response to the situation of adequate resources for newcomer settlement,
Convention refugee youth, The Maytree but also in terms of the necessity for broad
Foundation has established a scholarship pro- public policy discussion on the nature and
gram to provide access to post-secondary edu- goals of the newcomer settlement journey and
cation. The program aims to give high per- its impact on our social, cultural and political
forming young men and women, who would institutions. Indicators are required not just
not otherwise have access, an opportunity to for measuring the effectiveness of service provi-
participate in a community college or universi- sion, but also for evaluating the capacity of our
ty program of their choice. It also seeks to labour markets and public institutions to com-
facilitate the landing process for participating bat exclusion and promote inclusion for new-
students and their families, and to promote comers. Immigrants and refugees, and their
social responsibility through volunteer service. associations and their allies, must be more
vocal and more organized in demanding such
Other policy reforms in this area offer the accountability.
potential of simple and practical steps to com-
bat the intentional or unintentional forms of Another essential component of an inte-
exclusion that currently exist, and therefore to grated settlement policy must be the restora-
promote incremental progress towards social tion of adequate resources for settlement servic-
inclusion. es. Another still is the protection of the auton-
19
omy of the community-based agencies on the The clarification and elaboration of an
front lines of settlement service delivery, which integrated, pan-Canadian and multi-faceted
play an essential role in program innovation settlement policy therefore represents an essen-
and in advocacy for newcomer rights. Another tial element for testing and elaborating the rel-
again is the development of mechanisms to evance of the social inclusion perspective, both
directly include the voices of leaders from the conceptually and practically, to the challenges
immigrant and refugee communities in the of newcomer settlement in Canada.
definition and monitoring of our settlement
policies.
Conclusion
full participants. Such a vision must begin
I
n this paper we have attempted to docu-
ment the process of growing exclusion for with an anti-exclusion, anti-discrimination and
Canada’s newcomers, and to argue that the anti-racist framework and progress towards
social inclusion framework provides a valuable new concepts and deeper notions of the value
perspective for re-examining our policies on of diversity and the potential for new forms of
newcomer settlement. The questions that are citizen participation and engagement.
posed by the tension between newcomer inclu-
The ultimate test of the social inclusion
sion and exclusion are fundamental. Will we
framework, however, rests in its usefulness in
fulfill our promises to utilize immigrant skills,
framing practical policy alternatives to the
welcome refugees and build a truly multicul-
growing reality of exclusion for Canada’s new-
tural and anti-racist society? Or will we
comers. Such policies should be defined in
instead be pressured by international and
concrete terms appropriate for incremental
domestic forces into consolidating various
implementation, and must as well win public
forms of newcomer exclusion, and reproducing
acceptance. In this paper we have suggested
a hierarchy of rights based on ethnoracial and
the points of departure for a number of such
immigration status?
policies promoting social inclusion for
The visioning of true social inclusion for Canada’s newcomers; we invite our readers to
Canada’s newcomers must be profound. True critique these and to suggest others.
inclusion would mean not only a radical
reform of our policies of newcomer settlement,
but also the development of economic, politi-
cal, social and cultural mechanisms and prac-
tices that include immigrants and refugees as
20
Acknowledgements
Valerie Preston for her feedback on immigrant
W
e want to express our deep gratitude
to the reviewers of the first draft of women and to Naomi Alboim for her work in
this paper for their insightful and development on a Municipal Immigration
constructive comments. We also want to give Program.
special acknowledgement to Mwarigha M.S.,
Finally we must express our deepest
for his assistance with the conceptual frame-
appreciation to the Laidlaw Foundation for the
work; to Anthony Richmond, for sharing his
opportunity to participate in, and hopefully
current work on the concepts of refugees, social
make some small contribution to, this vital
exclusion and “global apartheid”; to Tim Rees
contemporary policy debate.
for his critical and insightful comments; to
21
Appendix: Background on Origins of Canada's Immigration Policy

Immigration in Canada Britain) and the United States to Africa, the
Middle East, Latin America, the Caribbean
The development of Canada during the last and particularly Asia. However the source of
several hundred years has been shaped by this change must be located not only in the
waves of immigration from all corners of the policy and regulatory changes but also in the
world, to such an extent that Canada is often changing preferences of potential immigrants.
described as “a nation of immigrants.” Rising economic prosperity in Europe in the
Immigration is generally assumed to be benefi- past decades, in particular, has limited the
cial to long-term economic growth. number of potential immigrants from
Historically in Canada both government and European countries.
industry have generally supported relatively
high levels of immigration, although the Historically, the system since 1967 for
absolute levels have varied significantly and selected immigrants has been based on points
sometimes declined during periods of econom- assigned on the basis of skills of the prospec-
ic recession. Due to our aging workforce and tive immigrant and labour market needs.
declining birth rates, immigration is also con- Attributes assessed have included age, educa-
sidered to play an essential role in augmenting tion, occupational demand, skill level,
Canada’s workforce and maintaining our tax arranged employment and province of intend-
base for social services. Canada has one of the ed destination within Canada. The mix of
highest proportions of immigrants to total resi- points has varied over time through adminis-
dent population of any country in the world: trative decisions and has recently been revised
approximately 17 per cent compared to 10 per through legislation. Current policy favours a
cent for the USA and less for European coun- greater proportion of skilled immigrants (“the
tries. best and the brightest”) and a lower propor-
tion of family class immigrants than in the
The Immigration Act of 1953 listed coun- past.
tries by preference and was judged in this sense
to be racially discriminatory. Pressures to Some immigrants are also chosen as busi-
eliminate this discriminatory aspect came both ness or entrepreneurial class immigrants based
from domestic human rights advocates and on their potential economic contributions
international diplomacy. These pressures even- through investment and resulting job creation.
tually led to the Immigration Act of 1976 in Immigration regulations also permit entry for a
which racial criteria for immigration were for- temporary period for students and others; and
mally eliminated and three broad classes of the Temporary Foreign Worker Program of the
immigration were established: independent federal government provides assistance to
(point-selected), family reunification and Canadian employers in recruiting foreign
refugees. workers to fill short-term labour market gaps
(for example as agricultural labours, and in the
During the period of time since these high technology sector).
changes were implemented, the principal
source countries for immigration to Canada For the past years, the government of
have shifted from Europe (including Great Canada has been committed to a long-term
goal of increasing immigration levels to
22
approximately one per cent of the population While immigrants come to Canada by
or 300,000 annually. Actual numbers have choice, refugees arrive here because they are
been less, but greater than 200,000 annually. fleeing human rights abuses in their home
In 2002 Citizenship and Immigration Canada countries. They are hoping for a safe haven in
expects to receive 140,000 selected on qualifi- Canada and a chance to live in freedom and
cations or investment potential, 62,000 family security. Refugees that are selected abroad
class and 30,400 refugees. include both government-sponsored and pri-
vately-assisted refugees; they arrive in Canada
Refugees with an established legal status as permanent
residents and receive some social support.
The Canadian government is committed under Inland refugees or refugee claimants are those
its international obligations and as part of its that make a claim to status as a Convention
immigration program to provide support for refugee, after arrival in Canada either as a legal
resettlement of refugees. Historically Canada visitor or without legal status. The determina-
has not only maintained an ongoing policy of tion of refugee claimants seeking status as
refugee resettlement as an integral component Convention refugees is dealt with by a separate
of its immigration program, but also provided administrative body, the Refugee Division of
rapid responses to refugee situations around the the Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB).
world. Examples include the acceptance of
large numbers of refugees from Hungary in the During recent years, the number of
1950s, from Vietnam in the 1970s and more refugees admitted annually has varied between
recently from Kosovo. As well, the conditions about 20,000 and 30,000; refugees represent
of many of those who immigrated to Canada approximately 12-13 per cent of the total num-
from Europe immediately after the Second ber of immigrants. Inland refugee claimants
World War, who were at the time described as are about half the total number of refugees
“Displaced Persons”, were similar to those of coming to Canada. In 2001, there were over
today’s “refugees.” As a result a large portion 40,000 refugee claims made in Canada.
of Canada’s immigrant population is made up
of persons who came to our country as
refugees.
23
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PERSPECTIVES ON
SOCIAL INCLUSION WORKING
P A P E R
S E R I E S
PUBLISHED IN 2002-2003
Clyde Hertzman — Leave No Child Behind! Social Exclusion and Child

Development
Dow Marmur — Ethical Reflections on Social Inclusion
Andrew Jackson and Does Work Include Children? The Effects of the Labour
Katherine Scott — Market on Family Income, Time, and Stress
Michael Bach — Social Inclusion as Solidarity: Re-thinking the Child

Rights Agenda
Martha Friendly and Social inclusion for Canadian Children through

Donna Lero — Early Childhood Education and Care
Meg Luxton — Feminist Perspectives on Social Inclusion and

Children’s Well-Being
Terry Wotherspoon — The Dynamics of Social Inclusion: Public Education

and Aboriginal People in Canada
Peter Donnelly and

Jay Coakley — The Role of Recreation in Promoting Social Inclusion
Andrew Mitchell and

Richard Shillington — Poverty, Inequality, and Social Inclusion
Catherine Frazee — Thumbs Up! Inclusion, Rights and Equality as

Experienced by Youth with Disabilities
Anver Saloojee — Social Inclusion, Anti-Racism and Democratic

Citizenship
Ratna Omidvar and Immigrant Settlement and Social Inclusion in Canada

Ted Richmond —
The full papers (in English only) and the summaries in French and
English can be downloaded from the Laidlaw Foundation’s
web site at www.laidlawfdn.org under Children’s Agenda/
Working Paper Series on Social Inclusion
or
ordered from [email protected]
Price: $11.00 full paper; $6.00 Summaries
(Taxes do not apply and shipment included).

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WORKING PAPER SERIES

National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication

Omidvar, Ratna, 1949-

(Working paper series Perspectives on social inclusion)

1. Immigrants–Canada--Social conditions. 2. Immigrants–Services for–Canada. 3.

FC104.O45 2003 362.84'00971 C2003-900455-4 F1035.A1O45 2003

The Laidlaw Foundation

Editing and Layout

Immigrant Settlement and Social Inclusion in Canada...................................1

The Economic Status of Newcomers in Canada..............................................2

Other Groups of Newcomers......................................................................4

Immigrant and Refugee Children and Youth.................................................5

Settlement Services and the NGO Sector......................................................7

Urban Issues and Newcomer Settlement.....................................................9

The Social Inclusion Perspective..............................................................10

Social Inclusion and Canada’s Official Multiculturalism.................................12

Policy Perspectives within a Social Inclusion Framework...............................13

Appendix: Background on Origins of Canada's Immigration Policy...................22

About the Laidlaw Foundation

The Laidlaw Foundation

The context for social inclusion

Understanding social inclusion

The cornerstones of social inclusion

Next steps: Building inclusive cities and communities

Christa Freiler Paul Zarnke

This series is dedicated to the memory of

Immigrant Settlement and

The Economic Status of Newcomers in Canada

Other Groups of Newcomers

Immigrant and Refugee Children and Youth

Settlement Services and the NGO Sector

Urban Issues and Newcomer Settlement

The Social Inclusion Perspective

Social Inclusion and Canada’s Official Multiculturalism

Policy Perspectives within a Social Inclusion Framework

Appendix: Background on Origins of Canada's Immigration Policy

Clyde Hertzman — Leave No Child Behind! Social Exclusion and Child

Dow Marmur — Ethical Reflections on Social Inclusion

Michael Bach — Social Inclusion as Solidarity: Re-thinking the Child

Martha Friendly and Social inclusion for Canadian Children through

Meg Luxton — Feminist Perspectives on Social Inclusion and

Terry Wotherspoon — The Dynamics of Social Inclusion: Public Education

Peter Donnelly and

Andrew Mitchell and

Catherine Frazee — Thumbs Up! Inclusion, Rights and Equality as

Anver Saloojee — Social Inclusion, Anti-Racism and Democratic

Ratna Omidvar and Immigrant Settlement and Social Inclusion in Canada

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