Resilience As Regulation of Developmental and Family Processes
Resilience As Regulation of Developmental and Family Processes
Resilience As Regulation of Developmental and Family Processes
as maintaining family traditions and daily rou- 1997). Adjustment to these major stressors may
tines. Another example is enforcing rules that require adaptive self-organization, a second type
maintain the family’s values and expectations of regulatory process that involves reorganiza-
of family members’ behavior in social situa- tion of the system in response to external forces
tions. Thus, in the case of families, adaptive acting on internal constraints. In this case, new
self-stabilization involves adjustments within equilibrium set points or patterns emerge as an
the family system as well as between the family adaptation to changed circumstances. As with
and the external environment (see Figure 1). In adaptive self-stabilization, changes that result
this dynamic and continuous process, behaviors from adaptive self-organization may occur in
such as family routines, open communication, the family’s relation to the environment, or
effective problem solving, and emotional sup- within the family system. For example, one
port can be both regulating (i.e., a mechanism family member’s maladaptive response to a
of regulation) and regulated (i.e., an outcome of stressor in terms of threat appraisal and phys-
regulation). iological arousal (e.g., Evans & Kim, 2013;
Although maintenance of what is familiar Luecken, Appelhans, Kraft, & Brown, 2006), or
and comfortable may be functional in many cir- emotion regulation and coping style (Folkman
cumstances (Patterson, 2002b), intolerance for & Moskowitz, 2004), may require significant
change (i.e., inflexibility) may be maladaptive changes in interpersonal flexibility or a renego-
when families encounter significant life transi- tiation of roles within the family (see Table 1 for
tions or non-normative threats (Cox & Paley, examples). These regulatory processes operate
FIGURE 1. Model of Resilience-as-Regulation Involving (A) Vulnerability, Risk, and Protective Factors at
Different Levels of the Family; (B) Exposure to Environmental Risks (i.e., Adversity) and Resources across
Time; and (C) Regulatory Dynamics across Levels of the Family that are Implicated in Family Resilience, as
Measured by Individual and Family Adaptation.
Resilience as Regulation 155
Table 1. Continued
in feedback loops whereby, for example, one resiliency more aptly is applied to this type of
subsystem may be reducing variability in the enduring attribute (Patterson, 2002a).
system in response to a stressor (e.g., parents As P. A. Cowan, Cowan, and Schulz (1996)
more closely monitor children’s activities) noted, it is not yet clear what a resilient family
whereas another is amplifying variability (e.g., a looks like. Some families that are considered
child’s difficult behavior pushes parents to con- resilient may have developed strong and reliable
sider new rearing practices). In this way, subsys- regulatory processes that aided them in respond-
tems or levels of the family both regulate and are ing to adversity. As implied by Figure 1, reestab-
regulated by one another (Cox & Paley, 1997). lishing equilibrium often involves adaptability,
Given these definitions of regulation, regulation of negative affect, and resolution of
resilience can then be defined as adaptive self- interpersonal conflicts, which in turn requires
stabilization and self-organization following the effective communication and problem-
disturbances to a system caused by significant solving skills that often characterize healthy
adversity. In other words, when adversity is families (Walsh, 2002). Not surprisingly, many
severe, chronic, or both, it can overwhelm the of these same regulatory processes are central
family’s regulatory capacity and make the estab- components of the stress response, including
lishment of new equilibria and maintenance of appraisal of the event, emotion regulation,
functioning difficult. Thus, the process of main- and problem solving (Greenberg, 2006). Our
taining functioning and/or thriving in the face definition of resilience also accords with how
of significant adversity constitutes resilience. In individuals’ emotion regulation is viewed: in
some literature, the term resilient has also been relation to context (e.g., family interactions)
defined as a trait-like characteristic ascribed to and in response to stress (Cole, Martin, &
individuals who have maintained functioning Dennis, 2004). It is still an open question as to
or thrived in the context of adversity, although how resilience should best be measured. For
Resilience as Regulation 157
in terms of its predictors – regulatory pro- be used to resist crisis are several regulatory
cesses that were conceptualized as protective processes that include adaptability, organization,
factors (for a discussion of such tautologies, see and coping strategies that are used to manage
Luthar & Zelazo, 2003). Also, this study did the demands of a situation. One example of
not examine the dynamic interplay of regulatory family adaptability is role flexibility, or the
mechanisms over time as they influence the ability to deploy strategies1 that fit specific situ-
family system’s equilibrium. That is, if families ational demands that may be outside the scope of
achieve similar functional levels of equilibrium what one “should” do. Coping strategies may be
and self-organization by different regulatory especially important to family resilience because
pathways, a taxonomy of family regulatory they are strongly related to adaptation, depend-
processes might result that could be used to ing upon whether problem-focused or escapist
fine-tune interventions. strategies are used, as well as emotion regulation
(Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). In addition, the
ability to adapt the coping strategy to situational
Regulatory Processes in the Family demands, which itself involves self-regulation,
Regulation is an integrative construct related to may be critical (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004).
the healthy functioning of families and individ- Finally, appraisal mechanisms involved in the
uals within them. Given that the field lacks a family’s subjective definition of the stressor
middle-range theory that incorporates systems are a form of meaning making that can affect
insights about regulation, family systems theory, emotion regulation (Lazarus, 1999). In a refor-
and resilience processes, we provide an integra- mulation of the double ABCX model, Patterson
tive framework (see Figure 1) that is organized (2002b) argued that the appraisal process is
by different levels of the family system (P. A. critical to family resilience.
Cowan et al., 1996; Cox & Paley, 1997). Within The circumplex model incorporates three
each level of the family system, key regulatory family systems processes: cohesion, commu-
mechanisms are identified that have been linked nication, and flexibility versus rigidity. Much
empirically to equilibrium or adaptation in the research finds that balanced, flexible family sys-
face of adversity. Considering that the mea- tems are more functional (D. H. Olson, 2000),
surement of resilience is still debated, nor have though there is a paucity of research that applies
causal directions of influence between resilience the circumplex model to resilience. In one
and regulation been definitively established, example of a developmental cascade, family
we include prior research that investigates rigidity was indirectly associated with adoles-
regulatory processes as predictors, modera- cents’ suicidal ideation through its effect on ado-
tors/mediators, and outcomes of resilience. lescent problem-solving skills (Carris, Sheeber,
Results from intervention programs may shed & Howe, 1998). This study illustrated how two
light on whether these regulatory processes are regulatory processes – family adaptability and
causally implicated in resilience (see below). individuals’ problem solving – may be linked
in the service of resilience. In short, it is not yet
clear how well the circumplex model accounts
Family-Level Regulatory Processes for family resilience, in part because it is more
The Double ABCX and Circumplex Models. descriptive of family types than explanatory
Two earlier family systems models have reg- of resilience processes and in part because a
ulatory processes as their centerpiece: the global, static snapshot is taken of family func-
circumplex model and the double ABCX model. tioning rather than a dynamic motion picture of
Both identify adaptability as a key mechanism, interacting family processes.
suggesting that either model could be applied
to family resilience. In this case, adaptability Family Cohesion Versus Family Coherence. Is
is defined as a trait-like ability to respond to family cohesion a regulatory process? Within the
change, such that some families may have a circumplex model, cohesion is defined in terms
stronger baseline ability to adapt to change than
others. However, only the double ABCX model 1 The phrase “ability to deploy strategies” helps to dis-
(McCubbin & Patterson, 1983) was specifically tinguish between “adaptability” as a trait of the person or
meant to be applied to families’ response to family, and “adaptation” as a dynamic process of establish-
adversity. Among the family resources that could ing equilibrium subsequent to adversity.
Resilience as Regulation 159
of emotional bonding and commitment, coali- resilience to cumulative life stress (Waugh,
tions, and shared interests (D. H. Olson, 2000), Thompson, & Gotlib, 2011; Westphal, Seivert,
none of which implies dynamic regulation. It & Bonanno, 2010). The ability to assess a con-
would be helpful to know how a family trait such text and adapt emotional expression accordingly
as cohesion contributes to resilience, if indeed may be especially important to well-being and
it does: through social control mechanisms such adaptation (Aldao & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2012).
as shared norms, modeling, and parental super- For instance, emotional flexibility in the context
vision (e.g., Houltberg, Henry, & Morris, 2012); of whole-family discussions of conflict buffers
emotional support; reduced family conflict; or children’s regulatory abilities from the effects
collaborative problem solving. of negative parenting practices such as the
A different systems concept, coherence, may criticism or dismissal of children’s emotions
be more applicable to understanding family (Lunkenheimer, Hollenstein, Wang, & Shields,
resilience. Sense of coherence emerged out of 2012). For all of these reasons, Aldao and
Antonovsky’s (1979) salutogenic model, which Nolen-Hoeksema (2012) suggested that emo-
attempts to explain the origins of health or cop- tion regulation interventions should help family
ing with stress. Sense of coherence (SOC) is the members to accurately read contextual cues and
extent to which one sees the world as manage- then flexibly apply appropriate strategies.
able, meaningful, and comprehensible. When Research on family conflict and problem
people see problems as manageable, they are solving illuminates how various forms of dys-
more likely to seek out resources such as social regulation in the family may be interconnected.
support, and when life is seen as meaningful, Cummings et al. (Cummings, Papp, & Kouros,
problems are more often actively confronted. 2009; Cummings & Schatz, 2012; Davies,
SOC has been applied in several studies to Sturge-Apple, Cicchetti, & Cummings, 2007)
families’ adaptation to stress (see McCubbin, have detailed how marital conflict may spill
Thompson, Thompson, & Fromer, 1998). For over into the parent – child relationship and
instance, in two studies by Olsson et al. (Olsson also affect children’s self-regulation and neu-
& Hwang, 2002; Olsson, Larsman, & Hwang, rophysiological functioning. Higher levels of
2008), SOC moderated the association between family conflict increase children’s risk for sleep
cumulative risk and the well-being of parents disturbances, health problems, and behavior
of children with an intellectual disability, and problems (for a review, see El-Sheikh & Erath,
SOC also was directly related to measures 2011). Some children are particularly vulnera-
of well-being and depression. The corpus of ble to family conflict because their autonomic
research to date thus suggests that family coher- nervous system makes them more suscepti-
ence may be an important contributor to family ble to context and they have more difficulty
resilience. marshaling an adaptive emotional or social
response (El-Sheikh & Erath, 2011). Conger
Regulatory Processes and Family Resilience. and Conger (2002) found that parents who
The family systems literature related to were resilient in the face of economic adversity
resilience has recently moved from a static view experienced less marital conflict and had better
of risk and protective factors to a more dynamic, problem-solving skills, and their children were
process-oriented approach (P. A. Cowan et al., more resilient during developmental transitions
1996). Research has focused on how family if the parent – child relationship was charac-
interactions may be protective stress regulators, terized by less hostility. It is for these reasons
especially those involving emotion regulation that Walsh (2002) considered open emotional
(Gunnar, 2006). Emotion regulation entails sharing and collaborative problem solving to be
problem solving and cognitive reappraisal, both essential elements of family resilience. Because
of which confer multiple benefits to physical a well-functioning family is able to manage
health, psychological adjustment, and inter- the frustrations of unmet wants and needs,
personal functioning (for a review, see Aldao family problem solving also is an element of
& Nolen-Hoeksema, 2012). Emotional inflex- many family strengthening programs (Vucinich,
ibility, including rumination and avoidance, 1999).
contribute to maladjustment; whereas expressive Routines may be an underappreciated form of
flexibility – the ability to enhance or suppress family regulation that influence individual and
emotional expression – predicts long-term family health (Fiese & Winter, 2010). Family
160 Family Relations
resilience is nurtured when parents effectively reinforces each other’s antisocial tendencies.
regulate emotions in the parent – child dyad as Also, sibling negativity has evocative effects
well as guide but do not coerce children. that contributes to parental stress, depression,
and disengagement; and fuels harsh rearing
Dyadic Synchrony. A related research agenda practices, all of which undermine children’s
focuses on dyadic regulation from a systems adjustment (Bullock & Dishion, 2002; Feinberg
perspective. One goal of this line of research, et al., 2013). Feinberg et al. (2013) developed
exemplified by the work of Lunkenheimer and the Siblings Are Special program to modify such
colleagues, is to understand how self-regulation sibling and parent-child regulatory process –
arises from reciprocal influences between the emotion communication and regulation, self-
child and his or her social partners. Specif- control, problem solving, parent management
ically, dysregulated parent – child interactions of sibling conflict, and family norms related to
contribute to children’s adjustment problems and differential treatment and fairness – and found
behavior disorders by means of impaired emo- that children developed more self-control and
tion regulation (Diamond & Aspinwall, 2003; social competence, parents were more effective
S. L. Olson & Lunkenheimer, 2009). In addition, at managing sibling interactions (i.e., structur-
dyadic rigidity versus flexibility in parent – child ing), and sibling relationships became more
interactions predicts children’s externalizing dis- positive.
orders (Hollenstein, Granic, Stoolmiller, & Sny-
der, 2004; Lunkenheimer, Olson, Hollenstein, Individual-Level Self-Regulation. Child and
Sameroff, & Winter, 2011). Conversely, dyadic adolescent self-regulation primarily emerges
synchrony between young children and their par- from other regulation in the family (Blair &
ents facilitates the development of social skills Raver, 2012; Galarce & Kawachi, 2013). In
(e.g., communicative competence), emotion reg- early life, regulation is externally mediated via
ulation, and effectance (Harrist & Waugh, 2002), caregivers: parents regulate behavior through
all of which have been implicated in resilience. coaching, monitoring, modelling of behavior,
These findings suggest that stress or adver- imposing sanctions for transgressions, and
sity may dysregulate parent – child interactions other control processes (Jessor, Donovan, &
(Cummings et al., 2009), which then compro- Costa, 1991). Such social controls do con-
mise children’s ability to self-regulate, mani- tribute to resilience. For instance, in a study of
fested as depression and externalizing disorders. low-income families, Buckner, Mezzacappa,
and Beardslee (2003) found that resilient youth
Sibling Coregulation. An emerging literature (i.e., high emotional well-being and men-
on sibling relationships also illustrates dyadic tal health), as compared to their nonresilient
coregulatory processes within the family con- peers, were markedly different in terms of active
text (McHale, Updegraff, & Whiteman, 2012), parental monitoring and self-regulatory skills. In
though studies in this area rarely focus on early childhood, other regulation gradually gives
resilience. For example, Volling et al. (Bedford way to self-regulation, in part, through dyadic
& Volling, 2004; Volling, McElwain, & Miller, coregulation processes whereby parent and
2002) described how parent regulation of the child regulate and are regulated by one another’s
sibling relationship is gradually internalized so affect, behavior, and physiology during face-to-
that older children become more responsible for face interactions. Parents may also engen-
the siblings’ interpersonal regulation as well as der self-regulation through autonomy support
their own emotional self-regulation. Feinberg and mind-mindedness that promote executive
et al.’s (2013) family systems model of sibling functioning in children (Bernier, Carlson, &
influences on problem behavior highlights the Whipple, 2010).
importance of other coregulatory processes. Other regulation may also foster conscious
Siblings may learn that by escalating nega- control of behavior, as dual-process theories
tive behavior, they can coerce their brother postulate (Zelazo, Carlson, & Kesek, 2008).
or sister into acceding to their demands, thus Dual-process theories assert that many mal-
initiating coercive patterns with parents and adaptive behaviors are the result of unconscious,
teachers that contribute to antisocial behavior. automatic responses (Sherman et al., 2008), and
Deviance training also occurs when siblings col- that adaptive behaviors involving self-regulation
lude in opposition to parental authority, which require controlled responses that in many cases
162 Family Relations
are learned from agents of socialization. Thus, Given the importance of self-regulation to
regulatory processes in the family are strongly healthy development and successful adaptation
implicated in achieving equilibrium after adver- to adversity (Heatherton & Wagner, 2011), inter-
sity is experienced, in no small measure because vention efforts have been directed at improv-
of the dynamic interplay between coregulation ing self-regulation (Fonagy & Target, 2002) and
in the parent – child dyad and children’s devel- associated constructs such as executive function
oping self-regulation. In short, family-level or effortful control (Riggs, Greenberg, Kusché,
coregulatory, transactional, and socializing & Pentz, 2006). Evidence-based strategies for
process experienced during early childhood can promoting self-regulation include school-based
either facilitate or hinder the development of social-emotional learning curricula (e.g., Pro-
self-regulation, and ultimately resilience. The moting Alternative THinking Strategies; Kusché
quality of these experiences interacts with rapid & Greenberg, 1994) and mindfulness training
cognitive advances associated with the capacity (e.g., Tang, Yang, Leve, & Harold, 2012), among
to internally mediate experience (e.g., inhibitory others (Boekaerts & Corno, 2005).
control, self-talk) to affect one’s capacity for
self-regulation.
Individuals’ self-regulation is regarded as Family-Based Interventions to Optimize
central to developmental competence in gen- Regulation and Resilience
eral (Haase, Heckhausen, & Wrosch, 2013) as The validity of the resilience-as-regulation per-
well as across multiple spheres of behavioral spective can be assessed in part by examin-
(DeWall, Baumeister, Stillman, & Gailliot, ing the effects of family-based interventions.
2007; Riggs et al., 2013) and physical health Is improved family functioning subsequent to
(Francis & Susman, 2009) development. Spe- adversity due to more effective regulation? As
cific forms of impaired self-regulation such as Greenberg (2006) noted, many preventive inter-
executive dysfunction (Hofmann, Schmeichel, ventions focus on promoting processes related
& Baddeley, 2012) may interfere with children’s to executive function, which involves various
and adolescents’ ability to adapt to the envi- forms of regulation such as inhibition, conse-
ronment, thus leading to academic and social quential thinking, problem-solving skills, and
disturbances (Anderson, Anderson, Jacobs, & goal-directed behavior. At the level of family
Smith, 2008) as well as various behavior and interactions, other regulatory skills that might
mental health disorders (Riggs & Greenberg, be taught include conscious control of emo-
2009). Conversely, self-regulation skills includ- tions and responses (Cummings & Schatz, 2012;
ing effortful control (Eisenberg & Spinrad, Diamond & Aspinwall, 2003) and repairs in
2004), executive function (Gardner, Dishion, dyadic interactions, both of which are related
& Connell, 2008; Martel et al., 2007), reactive to abuse potential (Skowron, Kozlowski, & Pin-
control (Martel et al., 2007), and emotion reg- cus, 2010) and the effects of marital conflict on
ulation (Crowell, Skidmore, Rau, & Williams, children (Cummings et al., 2009). In a more gen-
2013) are important factors for successful adap- eral sense, interventions may be effective if they
tation to adversity (W. Chen & Taylor, 2013). help families and individuals move from rigidity
For example, regulatory skills serve as protec- to flexibility (Granic, O’Hara, Pepler, & Lewis,
tive factors for children exposed to violence in 2007). To the extent that flexibility requires reg-
low-income neighborhoods (Bruett, Steinberg, ulatory strategies to be employed in the face of
Rabinowitz, & Drabick, 2013) and for adoles- adversity, then such interventions should pro-
cents exposed to peer deviance (Gardner et al., mote resilience.
2008). In the context of high levels of family In the sections that follow, we first discuss
substance use and psychopathology in the com- interventions that are intended to prepare fam-
munity, Martel et al. (2007) found that resilient ilies for expectable transitions such as marriage,
adolescents, as indicated by fewer problem becoming a parent, or the first child entering
behaviors and greater social competence, were school or becoming an adolescent. The presump-
characterized in childhood by moderate levels tion of many such interventions is that develop-
of reactive control, resourcefulness in adjust- mental change introduces the potential for dis-
ing self-control to the context, and executive equilibrium and stress, which if it is chronic
functions related to cognitive and emotional “can derail the functioning of a family sys-
control. tem, with ripple effects to all members and
Resilience as Regulation 163
their relationships” (Walsh, 2002, p. 131). These self-stabilization, preventive interventions may
interventions typically focus on teaching regula- help move families “closer to adaptive posi-
tory skills that will help participants to reestab- tions on their life trajectories” (P. A. Cowan &
lish equilibrium in the family system; stress Cowan, 2003, p. 428) by teaching them how to
inoculation or adaptive self-stabilization may be cope with stress and regulate their emotions,
an emphasis. The second section concerns selec- how to problem solve more effectively (e.g.,
tive interventions targeted at high-risk families, during conflicts), and how to balance autonomy
with an emphasis on regulatory mechanisms that granting with structured guidance in child rear-
mitigate risk or promote protective factors. ing. Meaning making may be another form of
This review of intervention programs is not regulation that is important to resilience (Walsh,
comprehensive. Rather, it is meant to illus- 2002): It may account for differences between
trate how regulatory mechanisms are incorpo- partners in how they navigate family transitions
rated into family strengthening programs. To be (P. A. Cowan & Cowan, 2003), which can fuel
included in the sample of programs listed in conflicts, and it also may contribute to maladap-
Table 1, the family-based intervention had to tive intergenerational patterns when families
focus on promoting regulatory skills and at least of origin have different ideas about what a
one outcome had to involve children’s or ado- “well-functioning” family does.
lescents’ later functioning, ideally their ability Inoculation should be an especially effective
to adapt. Not all were embedded in a resilience form of intervention to promote resilience in
framework. For instance, only one half of the the face of expectable family transitions. Stress
interventions explicitly measured adaptation or inoculation involves exposure to mild adversity
adjustment to stress as an outcome. Also, expo- in anticipation of similar challenges later in life
sure to adversity was defined differently across (Daskalakis, Bagot, Parker, Vinkers, & de Kloet,
programs. Several programs were provided to 2013). Unlike the concept in medicine, how-
families regardless of their own risk status, under ever, where immunity is conferred, psychoso-
the presumption that adolescence is inherently cial inoculation promotes resistance to stress.
challenging. These included Schinke, Fang, and For example, individuals who in one longitudi-
Cole’s (2009) substance-abuse prevention pro- nal study reported some lifetime adversity had
gram for teen girls and their mothers, and Prepar- better mental health and were more resilient to
ing for the Drug Free Years (see Table 1). adverse events than people with either no his-
Other programs were targeted at high-risk indi- tory of adversity or high levels of adversity
viduals, families, or neighborhoods, but these (Seery, Holman, & Silver, 2010). Other longi-
social address models were rarely translated into tudinal research found that previous experience
direct assessments of risk exposure (i.e., adver- with moderate, controllable stress predicted a
sity). Finally, few of the interventions listed more successful transition to marriage as well
in Table 1 focused on the family system as a as to parenthood, with effective problem-solving
whole. Instead, marital or parent – child dyads skills being a key mediating variable (Neff &
were more often the focus, the exceptions being Broady, 2011). In contrast, high, chronic adver-
FOCUS, Preparing for the Drug Free Years, Par- sity in the first two decades of life compromises
ents Who Care, the Strengthening Families Pro- physiological reactivity and emotion regulation,
gram, New Beginnings, and I-FAST. contributing to later problem behaviors (Lovallo,
2012). Often, exposure to mild stressors may
Inoculation and Family Transitions. Cowan be accompanied by direct instruction in coping,
and Cowan (C. Cowan & Cowan, 2012; P. A. as when parents living in unsafe neighborhoods
Cowan & Cowan, 2003) have written eloquently rehearse with their children how to avoid danger
about how research on major family transitions (Jarrett, 1999).
provides insights to guide resilience-promoting A number of interventions, with a focus on
interventions. They observed that family transi- regulatory processes, have been devised to help
tions typically involve disequilibrium that may families prepare for expectable family transi-
require reorganization of the self (e.g., sense of tions. Feinberg, Jones, Kan, and Goslin (2010)
well-being, locus of control), revision of social randomized couples expecting their first child
roles, and renegotiated close relationships when into a program focused on the coparenting rela-
conflict and dissatisfaction are common symp- tionship versus a control group. In the authors’
toms of such transitions. To promote adaptive view, the coparenting relationship serves a
164 Family Relations
central regulatory function in the family because Communication and problem-solving skills
it is sensitive to parent attributes and also influ- typically are core components of couple rela-
ences parent and child adjustment. In an example tionship education that is intended to promote
of adaptive self-stabilization, the intervention healthy marriages (Oliver & Margolin, 2009).
taught couples to coordinate their parenting and Such interventions prepare couples making the
to manage conflict around child rearing. Signif- transition to marriage, or they may be directed
icant effects were later observed on coparenting at high-risk couples to ameliorate stress and pre-
quality, parent mental health, effective rearing vent divorce (Silliman, Stanley, Coffin, Mark-
practices, and especially child self-regulatory man, & Jordan, 2002). As a whole, the research
behaviors. In one of C. Cowan and P. A. on stress inoculation suggests that resilience in
Cowan’s (2012) interventions, which began a the face of family transitions might be promoted
year in advance of the oldest child’s transition to by earlier exposure to moderate, manageable
kindergarten, parents were taught skills related stressors in conjunction with instruction in prob-
to coping with stress, conflict resolution, and lem solving, communication, and emotion regu-
problem solving. Compared to a consultation lation.
control group, children in the intervention group
had higher school achievement, less aggression, Selective Interventions. If interventions for
and fewer symptoms of depression as a result of high-risk families succeed in promoting adap-
improved responsive parenting and decreased tive self-organization, one would expect ripple
couple conflict. At a 10-year follow-up, the effects throughout the family system (Walsh,
intervention group maintained higher levels of 2002) as new set points or patterns emerge. This
marital satisfaction and children’s adaptation presumption is supported by the evidence for
(C. P. Cowan, Cowan, & Barry, 2011). multifinality in the outcomes listed in Table 1;
Comprehensive programs to teach regula- interventions that alter one regulatory process
tory skills have been developed for parents of may confer multiple benefits across the family
adolescents, with both the Family Check-Up system. This is especially true of programs that
(FCU) and Preparing for the Drug Free Years focus on emotion regulation. For example, home
(PDFY) interventions demonstrating benefits visitation program effects often are mediated by
at the individual, dyadic, and family systems parents’ emotional availability and sensitivity,
levels. Among the regulatory processes tar- which in turn promote emotion regulation and
geted by PDFY are problem solving, effective reduce behavior problems even among children
disciplinary practices, emotion regulation, and who have been maltreated (Moss et al., 2011;
resolving family conflict (Spoth, Redmond, & Robinson, Emde, & Korfmacher, 1997). Two
Shin, 1998). Significant intervention effects interventions developed for military families
were found for each of these regulatory pro- coping with post traumatic stress disorder
cesses (Kosterman, Hawkins, Spoth, Haggerty, (PTSD) also focused on teaching emotion
& Zhu, 1997; Park et al., 2000) and for teen regulation skills. Benefits accrued in terms of
substance use trajectories. The FCU uses a children’s and adults’ mental health, coping
tiered approach to prevention: a universal skills, relationship satisfaction, and family
classroom-based component, a family compo- problem solving and communication (Fischer,
nent that promotes skilled parenting, and an Sherman, Han, & Owen, 2013; Lester et al.,
indicated treatment to teach family management 2011). These programs for military families
skills. The FCU had a significant impact on illustrate another form of family resilience:
adolescents’ antisocial behavior and substance Changes in individuals’ regulatory skills can
use, with these outcomes being mediated by help families to recover previous levels of
changes in family conflict and parent moni- functioning (Bonanno, 2004).
toring (Connell, Dishion, Yasui, & Kavanagh, Testing for mediation by the intervention’s
2007; Van Ryzin & Dishion, 2012; Van Ryzin, key mechanisms (MacKinnon, Kisbu-Sakarya,
Stormshak, & Dishion, 2012). Thus, the results & Gottschall, 2013) is one criterion for estab-
from the FCU and PDFY illustrate one form of lishing a causal relation between improved
family resilience: changes in families’ regula- regulatory processes and enhanced resilience.
tory skills can alter the trajectory of adolescents’ Several of the programs listed in Table 1 con-
behavior such that they are more well adjusted ducted such analyses, particularly when the
than expected. intervention focused on parents’ use of limit
Resilience as Regulation 165
setting or monitoring. For instance, the SAFE subtle affective dysregulation. For instance,
Children intervention – implemented at the Schwartz and Proctor (2000) found that the
transition to school – significantly increased effect of violence victimization on negative
parents’ use of consistent caregiving and limit social outcomes was mediated by emotion
setting, with concomitant improvements in dysregulation. In terms of physiological indi-
children’s self-regulation (Gorman-Smith et al., cators, Haggerty (2013) found that the effect
2007; Tolan, Gorman-Smith, Henry, & Schoeny, of the Staying Connected to Your Teen pro-
2009). The New Beginnings Program (Wolchik, gram on later substance use was mediated by
Schenck, & Sandler, 2009) was designed to HPA axis regulation, reflecting coping with
promote children’s resilience to their parents’ stress. Although such studies indicate that
impending divorce, in part by teaching par- self-regulation contributes to resilience, it is
ents effective discipline and conflict resolution unclear whether there is a veridical relation
skills. Program effects on children’s behavior between the degree of adversity and the level
problems were mediated by mother – child rela- of dysregulation. A recent latent profile anal-
tionship quality (Wolchik et al., 2009); benefits ysis suggests that resilience may be defined in
were maintained only when children had high part by an inverse relation between risk and
self-regulatory skills (Hipke, Wolchik, Sandler, biomarkers. Brody et al. (2013) found that
& Braver, 2002). a resilient profile was characterized by high
The GREAT Families program recruited cumulative socioeconomic status (SES) risk but
families of high-risk adolescents, with a focus low allostatic load and good adjustment in early
on parents’ discipline and monitoring as well as adulthood. Perhaps resilient individuals had
family communication and support (Smith et al., experienced stress inoculation, which has been
2004). The intervention group significantly shown to reduce physiological stress reactivity
improved in the targeted parenting practices, and (Obradović, 2012). Such findings suggest that
these changes predicted lower levels of violence stress regulation should be viewed as vulnerabil-
exposure in the families’ high-risk neigh- ity or protective factors rather than as measures
borhoods (Matjasko, Vivolo-Kantor, Henry, of risk exposure (see Figure 1).
Gorman-Smith, & Schoeny, 2013). Evalua- Risk exposure at the family level is more
tions of interventions such as these indicate challenging to assess given that families consist
that when parents more effectively regulate of multiple subsystems, each of which may have
their offspring’s behavior through structuring particular vulnerability and protective factors as
and monitoring, their children’s self-regulation well as unique ways of manifesting adaptation
and adjustment can improve. The results of (P. A. Cowan et al., 1996). Individuals’ ratings
such interventions also support the hypothesis of stress do not adequately represent the family’s
that child-rearing practices are an important exposure to adversity because members may
mediator of the effects of adversity on children differ in their appraisal of the threat (Patterson,
(Gewirtz et al., 2008). 2002a, 2002b), and complex temporal dynamics
and tipping points are overlooked (Lich et al.,
2013). One solution proposed by Lich et al.
Unresolved Issues in Resilience as Regulation (2013) is to combine quantitative measures
in the Family of risk and vulnerability/protective factors
Assessing Risk Exposure. What is unresolved with qualitative diagrammatic frameworks that
in family resilience that might be addressed better capture system-level disequilibrium. A
by a perspective that emphasizes regulatory second approach is based on research into
processes? One issue relates to risk exposure. how stressors shape families’ lives. Repetti,
Rutter et al. (Luthar et al., 2000; Rutter, 2012) Wang, and Saxbe (2009) found that individ-
have argued that in many cases, individuals who uals’ stress affected the family system in two
were assumed to be resilient in fact were not primary ways, both of which reflected dys-
exposed to adversity. One potential way to deter- regulation: reduced social engagement and
mine risk exposure is to assess various aspects increased irritability. These barometers of fam-
of dysregulation, including physiological indi- ily stress, measured with daily diaries, were
cators (Blair & Raver, 2012; Obradović, 2012) reliably related to biomarkers at the individ-
such as the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal ual level and had crossover effects on other
(HPA) axis and stress hormones, as well as more family members. Self-reported family chaos is
166 Family Relations
another promising way to assess family-system conflict; and children who are high in coping
exposure to adversity. Family chaos is related efficacy (Wolchik et al., 2009).
to indicators of stress such as poverty, marital Research has not yet revealed whether there
and job dissatisfaction, and depression but are tipping points when families encounter
explains unique variance in family members’ adversity. How many regulatory processes must
functioning such as children’s inhibitory con- be impaired before a family system is unable to
trol (Brown, Ackerman, & Moore, 2013) and self-right? Are some regulatory mechanisms in
parents’ responsiveness to children’s emotions the family so central, such as effective emotion
(Nelson, O’Brien, Blankson, Calkins, & Keane, regulation and child rearing, that their use tips
2009). the balance in favor of resilience? In relation
to cumulative risk models, P. A. Cowan et al.
Crossover Effects. How are regulatory processes (1996) noted that a very high risk score may
interrelated across family, dyadic, and individ- be nullified by a supportive family environ-
ual systems, and how does resilience emerge ment. In contrast, a low risk score may result
from these linkages? This issue acknowledges in psychopathology for children who are vul-
that family resilience must be examined from nerable. To answer such questions, dynamic
a systems perspective because (a) resilience is epigenetic models – rather than linear, additive
a dynamic, developmental process and families approaches – will need to be used that assess
are complex systems (Lich et al., 2013), imply- regulatory processes across multiple systems in
ing that (b) there are multiple pathways to adap- high- versus low-risk families.
tation for individuals and families (Davies &
Cicchetti, 2004). Scaffolding of Self-Regulation. The third issue
Several examples of crossover effects can is more speculative. We begin with the observa-
be highlighted in which different regulatory tion that self-regulation develops progressively
processes may become coupled to promote throughout childhood and adolescence as a prod-
or impair adaptation. First, research finds that uct of parental scaffolding, or other regulation,
when parents are depressed (for a review, see and children’s increased capacity for internal-
Coyne, Downey, & Boergers, 1996), their ization of rules, self-talk, and inhibitory control
affect regulation is compromised; they are more (Aldwin et al., 2011; Galarce & Kawachi,
self-absorbed and thus disengaged from other 2013). Perhaps there is a parallel in resilience.
family members; they are more demanding, For young children who are the most vulnerable
inconsistent, unresponsive parents; there is to adversity, resilience may actually reside in the
more discord in the marital relationship; and family system in the form of context protection
family coherence is diminished. These regula- (Jessor et al., 1991), recruitment of external
tory systems may interact such that the mother’s resources, reframing (E. Chen, Miller, Lach-
depression compromises the father’s parenting man, Gruenewald, & Seeman, 2012), and other
behavior when marital conflict is high but not types of equilibration. Even when children are
low (P. A. Cowan et al., 1996), or children may exposed to serious adversity such as violence,
be buffered from parental depression when their self-regulatory skills may confer resilience
the spouse has good conflict resolution skills if parents are supportive (Houltberg et al., 2012)
(Papp, 2012) and does not have mental health and have effective communication and affect
problems. Second, research on divorce’s effects regulation skills (Upshur, 2011). This supportive
on children (Wolchik et al., 2009) implicates scaffolding likely does not involve shielding
regulatory processes at several levels including children from adversity so much as helping them
parental distress; reduced parental availability to understand and manage challenges. As Rutter
as a result of increased work involvement; (2012) said, “Protection resides not in evasion
family chaos due to changing homes, schools, of the risk but in successful engagement with it”
and parent partners; and interparental con- (p. 186). As development progresses within a
flict, which is bidirectionally related to parent healthy family environment, children internalize
stress. However, other regulatory processes and master the skills that are necessary to adapt
help to protect children from the deleterious to adversity. This instruction in coping may be
effects of divorce: a mother – child relationship implicit, such as modeling, or it may be overt,
characterized by warmth, positive communica- such as inoculation and coaching (Brooks,
tion, effective problem-solving skills, and low 2005). Parents’ preparation of their children for
Resilience as Regulation 167
adversity may be one form of future-oriented interacts with other social systems that may
coping (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004) entailing create spillover and buffering effects (P. A.
proactive planning for later challenges. Addi- Cowan et al., 1996). Biological mechanisms are
tional research is needed to delineate the implicit increasingly recognized as critical to children’s
and deliberate ways that families prepare their vulnerability (Evans & Kim, 2013; Heatherton
children to adapt to adversity. & Wagner, 2011) and self-regulation, especially
in the parent – child dyad (Blair & Raver, 2012;
Galarce & Kawachi, 2013) and marital dyad
Conclusions (Cummings et al., 2009). However, research
We have defined family resilience in a way on biological mechanisms that contribute to
that emphasizes regulatory processes within resilience has not yet been well integrated
dynamic systems: establishing equilibrium into a family systems perspective that empha-
in a system due to perturbations caused by sizes probabilistic epigenesis over the life
significant adversity. This definition is decep- course (Cicchetti, 2013). In short, if regulatory
tively simple, however. Consider the proximal processes are a linchpin of family resilience,
cause of disturbances to the family system. then future studies will need to be multilevel
Adversity has been defined in terms of cumu- and longitudinal and tap into the evolving
lative social risks (e.g., Evans & Kim, 2013), dynamics of a complex system (for examples,
exposure to trauma (e.g., Fischer et al., 2013), see Davies et al., 2007; Evans & Kim, 2007;
and expectable family transitions (e.g., P. A. Hardaway et al., 2012).
Cowan & Cowan, 2003), among other stressors A resilience-as-regulation perspective may
(Patterson, 2002a). Whether a given stressor characterize key aspects of a dynamic system’s
in fact results in a disturbance to the family response to adversity – feedback loops, nonlin-
system may depend on multiple processes earities, and self-organization are notable (Lich
including family members’ appraisals (Patter- et al., 2013) – but this focus on regulatory
son, 2002b) and previous experience with stress, processes does omit constructs that likely are
especially in one’s family of origin (Luecken important to resilience. Notably, certain family
et al., 2006). Earlier experiences with stress, the resources contribute to resilience: optimism,
stress appraisal process, and a threat’s intensity confidence, perseverance, transcendence, finan-
and chronicity also may amplify or modulate cial security, and social support (Patterson,
functioning of the autonomic nervous system, 2002a; Walsh, 2002). Patterson (2002a) argued
specifically allostatic load, which itself may that these strength-based family traits should
mediate the relation between adversity and be labeled as family “resiliency,” to distinguish
adaptation (e.g., El-Sheikh & Erath, 2011; them from regulatory processes that contribute
Obradović, 2012). These complex processes to family “resilience.” However, some resources
related to adversity imply that family members also are involved in regulating family systems:
may experience adversity in divergent ways, Secure internal working models may contribute
and that the risk side of the resilience equation to resilience by means of emotion regulation
requires multilevel systemic measures that are (Shaver & Mikulincer, 2012), and social support
sensitive to tipping points (Lich et al., 2013). contributes to family well-being by means of
Regulatory processes involving adaptive emotion regulation and problem solving (Arm-
self-stabilization and adaptive self-organization strong, Birnie-Lefcovitch, & Ungar, 2005). We
establish equilibrium in the family system do not minimize the contribution of family
(Aldwin et al., 2011; Masten, 2007), but this strengths to resilience but instead emphasize
also is a deceptively simple claim. Regulatory that regulatory processes must be understood if
processes are operationalized differently across dynamic concepts such as equilibrium, adaptive
studies, making it difficult to compare findings self-stabilization, and adaptive self-organization
or to identify which forms of regulation are in the family system are inherent to family
central to resilience. Also, regulatory processes resilience.
operate within a hierarchically organized fam- Finally, a resilience-as-regulation framework
ily system (Cox & Paley, 1997). Each family has implications for family-strengthening inter-
member has a unique set of vulnerabilities and ventions. Evaluations of interventions for at-risk
resources, each dyad has a unique relationship families, as well as longitudinal research on
history and relational dynamic, and the family resilience, have identified multiple pathways in
168 Family Relations
which regulatory processes mediate the rela- Antonovsky, A. (1979). Health, stress, and coping.
tion between adversity and adaptation. These San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
mediational pathways often involve conflict res- Armstrong, M. I., Birnie-Lefcovitch, S., & Ungar,
olution, emotion regulation, coping with stress, M. T. (2005). Pathways between social sup-
and effective disciplinary practices. Less com- port, family well being, quality of parenting,
and child resilience: What we know. Journal
mon are interventions to enhance coparenting of Child and Family Studies, 14, 269 – 281.
(but see Feinberg et al., 2013) or the mari- doi:10.1007/s10826-005-5054-4
tal relationship (but see C. P. Cowan et al., Bedford, V., & Volling, B. L. (2004). A dynamic eco-
2011) that later affect children’s adaptation. logical systems perspective on emotion regulation
Rarer still are interventions that explicitly tar- development within the sibling relationship con-
get whole-family regulatory processes such as text. In F. R. Lang & K. L. Fingerman (Eds.),
adaptability or routines versus chaos, although Growing together: Personal relationships across
some interventions, such as the Strengthening the lifespan (pp. 76 – 102). New York: Cambridge
Families Program (Kumpfer, Whiteside, Greene, University Press.
& Allen, 2010), have assessed family organiza- Bernier, A., Carlson, S. M., & Whipple, N. (2010).
tion as an outcome. Intervention trials that aim From external regulation to self-regulation: Early
parenting precursors of young children’s executive
to promote family resilience by modifying reg- functioning. Child Development, 81, 326 – 339.
ulatory processes could yield important insights doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.2009.01397.x
about adaptation to adversity. First, if regulatory Blair, C., & Raver, C. (2012). Child development in
processes reestablish equilibrium in distressed the context of adversity: Experiential canalization
families by myriad pathways, then interventions of brain and behavior. American Psychologist, 67,
could be tailored to families’ specific needs. 309 – 318. doi:10.1037/a0027493
In systems terms, regulatory processes repre- Boekaerts, M., & Corno, L. (2005). Self-regulation in
sent distinct leverage points (Lich et al., 2013) the classroom: A perspective on assessment and
to enhance family resilience. More generally, intervention. Applied Psychology, 54, 199 – 231.
family-strengthening interventions address com- doi:10.1111/j.1464-0597.2005.00205.x
plex problems that are embedded in social con- Bonanno, G. A. (2004). Loss, trauma, and human
resilience: Have we underestimated the human
text and that are epigenetic in nature. As such,
capacity to thrive after extremely aversive events?
interventions that target regulatory mechanisms American Psychologist, 59, 20 – 28. doi:10.1037/
in families could advance systems models in pre- 0003-066X.59.1.20
vention science more generally (Granic et al., Brody, G. H., Yu, T., Chen, Y., Kogan, S. M., Evans,
2007; Lich et al., 2013) and resilience specifi- G. W., Beach, S. H., … Philibert, R. A. (2013).
cally (Rutter, 2012). Cumulative socioeconomic status risk, allostatic
load, and adjustment: A prospective latent pro-
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