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based on scans acquired at rest, our model is 16. S. Knecht et al., Brain 123, 74–81 (2000). humanconnectome.org. Data from the Q3 release (September
blind to different strategies that are chosen by the 17. M. Thiebaut de Schotten et al., Science 309, 2226–2228 2013) were used in this paper. All code available upon request from
(2005). the corresponding author. Funding was provided by the U.K.
participants in performing a given task. We refer Medical Research Council (MR/L009013/1 to S.J.), U.K.
18. M. W. Cole, D. S. Bassett, J. D. Power, T. S. Braver,
to these features as “inherent,” but we acknowledge S. E. Petersen, Neuron 83, 238–251 (2014). Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council
that these can be “structurally inherent” (related 19. E. C. Robinson et al., Neuroimage 100, 414–426 (EP/L023067/1 to S.J. and T.E.B.), James S. McDonnell
to brain organization and connectivity) or “func- (2014). Foundation (JSMF220020372 to T.E.B.), the Wellcome Trust
20. N. K. Logothetis, B. A. Wandell, Annu. Rev. Physiol. 66, (WT104765MA to T.E.B. and 098369/Z/12/Z to S.M.S.), and the
tionally inherent” (related to the cognitive state of Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) (452-13-
735–769 (2004).
subjects during the resting-state scan). 21. K. J. Friston, Brain Connect. 1, 13–36 (2011). 015 to R.B.M.). Author contributions were as follows: S.J. and I.T.
The idea that brain connectivity can predict 22. Z. M. Saygin et al., Nat. Neurosci. 15, 321–327 built the model and performed the analyses. S.J., I.T., R.B.M., O.P.J.,
activation has previously been reported for dif- (2012). S.M.S., and T.E.B. wrote the paper.
ferent modalities (22), where diffusion MRI trac- 23. P. J. Basser, S. Pajevic, C. Pierpaoli, J. Duda, A. Aldroubi, Magn.
tography was used (23) to measure connectivity. Reson. Med. 44, 625–632 (2000). SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS
24. E. S. Finn et al., Nat. Neurosci. 18, 1664–1671
This study was limited to a specific cognitive task (2015).
www.sciencemag.org/content/352/6282/216/suppl/DC1
and a predefined anatomical region. More recent- Materials and Methods
Figs. S1 to S23
ly, resting-state connectivity has been shown to be ACKN OWLED GMEN TS
Tables S1 to S3
predictive of subjects’ identity, in a way similar to Data were provided by the Human Connectome Project, WU-Minn
Captions for Movies S1 to S7
a fingerprint (24). Rather than simply identifying Consortium (Principal Investigators: D. Van Essen and K. Uğurbil;
References (25–38)
1U54MH091657) funded by the 16 NIH Institutes and Centers
subjects, our goal was to predict the entire layout that support the NIH Blueprint for Neuroscience Research; and
Movies S1 to S7
of brain activity for each subject. Moreover, we by the McDonnell Center for Systems Neuroscience at Washington 5 November 2015; accepted 29 February 2016
also aim to predict such layout of activity in a University in St. Louis. The data are available for download at www. 10.1126/science.aad8127
number of different cognitive domains, from a
single task-free scan, including in subjects that
show patterns of activation that are different
from the group average (perhaps most strikingly POLITICAL SCIENCE

Downloaded from on April 7, 2016

in right-lateralized subjects when the majority of
training subjects are left-lateralized).
There are important practical implications of Durably reducing transphobia:
the proposed framework in basic research and
translational neuroscience. It provides a method
for inferring multiple individualized functional
A field experiment on
localizers based on a single resting-state scan.
Such a tool could be used to investigate in detail door-to-door canvassing
the response profiles of localized brain regions
without the need to acquire often time-consuming David Broockman1* and Joshua Kalla2
task localizers. Such a tool, if generalizable be-
yond the young, healthy population that makes Existing research depicts intergroup prejudices as deeply ingrained, requiring intense
up the HCP database, could be used to inves- intervention to lastingly reduce. Here, we show that a single approximately 10-minute
tigate functional regions in subjects who can- conversation encouraging actively taking the perspective of others can markedly
not perform tasks, such as infants or paralyzed reduce prejudice for at least 3 months. We illustrate this potential with a door-to-door
patients. canvassing intervention in South Florida targeting antitransgender prejudice. Despite
declines in homophobia, transphobia remains pervasive. For the intervention, 56
RE FE RENCES AND N OT ES
canvassers went door to door encouraging active perspective-taking with 501 voters
1. M. Jenkinson, S. Smith, Med. Image Anal. 5, 143–156 at voters’ doorsteps. A randomized trial found that these conversations substantially
(2001).
2. J. Besle, R. M. Sánchez-Panchuelo, R. Bowtell, S. Francis,
reduced transphobia, with decreases greater than Americans’ average decrease
D. Schluppeck, J. Neurophysiol. 109, 2293–2305 in homophobia from 1998 to 2012. These effects persisted for 3 months, and
(2013). both transgender and nontransgender canvassers were effective. The intervention
3. F. McNab, T. Klingberg, Nat. Neurosci. 11, 103–107 also increased support for a nondiscrimination law, even after exposing
(2008).
voters to counterarguments.
4. I. Mukai et al., J. Neurosci. 27, 11401–11411
(2007).

I
5. S. M. Tom, C. R. Fox, C. Trepel, R. A. Poldrack, Science 315,
515–518 (2007). ntergroup prejudice, defined broadly as neg- pears to require intense intervention over months
6. G. S. Wig et al., Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 105, 18555–18560 ative attitudes about an outgroup, is a root (9, 10). Rare are studies demonstrating prejudice-
(2008).
7. R. Kanai, G. Rees, Nat. Rev. Neurosci. 12, 231–242
cause of numerous adverse social, political, reduction interventions relatively brief in dura-
(2011). and health outcomes (1–3). Influential theo- tion yet proven to have lasting effects (4).
8. T. E. Behrens, H. Johansen-Berg, Philos. Trans. R. Soc. Lond. B ries depict intergroup prejudices as deeply Theories of active processing, however, suggest
Biol. Sci. 360, 903–911 (2005). ingrained during childhood and highly resistant a method for even brief interventions to durably
9. R. E. Passingham, K. E. Stephan, R. Kötter, Nat. Rev. Neurosci.
3, 606–616 (2002).
to change thereafter (4–6). Consistent with these change attitudes. A recurring finding of labora-
10. B. T. T. Yeo et al., J. Neurophysiol. 106, 1125–1165 theories, empirical research has found that du- tory studies is that brief messages can durably
(2011). rably reducing prejudice is challenging. Mass change individuals’ attitudes when individuals
11. S. M. Smith et al., Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 106, media interventions and other brief stimuli usu- engage in active, effortful, processing (known as
13040–13045 (2009).
12. D. C. Van Essen et al., Neuroimage 80, 62–79
ally fail to reduce prejudiced attitudes (7) or have “System 2” processing) of those messages (11).
(2013). only temporary effects (8); lasting change ap- These studies, conducted on other topics, raise
13. D. M. Barch et al., Neuroimage 80, 169–189 the possibility that brief interventions encour-
(2013). aging active consideration of counter-prejudicial
1
14. B. Fischl et al., Cereb. Cortex 18, 1973–1980 Graduate School of Business, Stanford University, Stanford, CA,
(2008). USA. 2Department of Political Science, University of California,
thoughts could produce lasting changes in attitudes
15. T. J. Andrews, S. D. Halpern, D. Purves, J. Neurosci. 17, Berkeley, CA, USA. toward an outgroup. Perspective-taking, “imagining
2859–2868 (1997). *Corresponding author. E-mail: [email protected] the world from another’s vantage point,” is one

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thought process theorized to be especially cog- assault young girls in women’s restrooms, a canvassers then engaged in a series of strategies
nitively active that has been shown to reduce strategy that observers believe contributed to previously shown to facilitate active processing
prejudice in laboratory settings (12, 13). Together, voters’ rejection of the city’s nondiscrimination (11): Canvassers informed voters that they might
these theories suggest that an intervention im- law (15). face a decision about the issue (whether to vote to
ploring individuals to actively take an outgroup’s Concerns that opponents of nondiscrimina- repeal the law protecting transgender people); can-
perspective could durably reduce prejudice. Such tion laws would seek to exacerbate antitrans- vassers asked voters to explain their views; and
an intervention is reported here. gender prejudice in this manner motivated the canvassers showed a video that presented arguments
The intervention we report attempted to re- intervention we report, door-to-door canvassing on both sides. Canvassers also defined the term
duce prejudice toward transgender people, those conversations in Miami, Florida. In December “transgender” at this point and, if they were trans-
whose gender identity differs from the sex they 2014, the Miami-Dade County Commission passed gender themselves, noted this. The canvassers next
were assigned at birth. Prejudice against trans- an ordinance protecting transgender people from attempted to encourage “analogic perspective-
gender people (transphobia) is extremely perva- discrimination in housing, employment, and pub- taking” (16). Canvassers first asked each voter to
sive in the United States, but research on the lic accommodations. Fearing a backlash that might talk about a time when they themselves were
topic is limited and field studies are scarce (14). increase transphobia, volunteers and staff from judged negatively for being different. The can-
However, transphobia is important for at least the Los Angeles LGBT Center (www.leadership-lab. vassers then encouraged voters to see how their
two reasons. First, reducing transphobia is a rec- org) and SAVE (a South Florida LGBT organiza- own experience offered a window into transgen-
ognized public health priority because it puts tion; www.save.lgbt) went door to door to have der people’s experiences, hoping to facilitate voters’
transgender people at up to 25 times greater conversations with Miami-Dade voters. ability to take transgender people’s perspectives.
risk of abuse, assault, and suicide (14). Attitudes For the intervention, canvassers first knocked The intervention ended with another attempt to
toward transgender people are also of growing on voters’ doors unannounced. The one-time and encourage active processing by asking voters to
political importance. With tolerance toward les- uninvited nature of this contact method repre- describe if and how the exercise changed their
bian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) people increasing, sents a substantial departure from most prejudice- mind. The conversations lasted around 10 min on
opponents of laws protecting LGB and transgender reduction efforts previously studied, in which average. The supplementary materials provide
(LGBT) people from discrimination increasingly students or employees volunteer to repeatedly in- further details.
promulgate antitransgender stereotypes to build teract with teachers or supervisors (4). Canvassers Like other field studies investigating the effects
opposition to these laws. For example, a campaign asked to speak with the subject on their list and, of brief, psychologically informed interventions
in Houston, Texas, in November 2015 portrayed once this person’s identity was confirmed, identi- (17, 18), studying the effects of this intervention
transgender women as “perverts” who sexually fied themselves as volunteers from SAVE. The sheds light on the efficacy of theories of active

Fig. 1. Complier average causal effects on transgender tolerance scale.The 95% confidence intervals surround point estimates; the thicker lines represent
one standard error. Both transgender and nontransgender canvassers produced large and lasting increases in tolerance.

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processing and perspective-taking in a field setting. encouraging subjects to actively take transgender a placebo group targeted with a conversation
However, this focus on external validity means people’s perspectives. about recycling (n = 912) (19). Random assign-
we cannot be certain that perspective-taking is To measure the effects of these conversations, ment to treatment or placebo was conducted at
responsible for any effects or that active process- we conducted a randomized placebo-controlled the household (n = 1295) level, such that subjects
ing is responsible for their duration; being pri- experiment and parallel survey measurement. within the same household always had the same
marily concerned with external validity and seeking First, we recruited registered voters (n = 68,378) treatment assignment. Geographic clusters of re-
to limit suspicion, we did not probe intervening via mail for an ostensibly unrelated online baseline spondents were also randomly assigned to have
processes or restrict the scope of the conversa- survey, presented as the first in a series of surveys. these conversations with canvassers who identi-
tions as a laboratory study would. Nevertheless, We next randomly assigned respondents to this fied themselves to canvass leaders as transgender
as the supplementary materials describe, a major- baseline survey (n = 1825) to either a treatment (n = 15) or as nontransgender (n = 41). The in-
ity of the training and conversations focused on group targeted with the intervention (n = 913) or tervention then took place as described above;

Fig. 2. Support for nondiscrimination law by survey wave. (A) Condition means. (B) Differences between these means. The 95% confidence intervals
surround point estimates; the thicker lines represent one standard error. Standard errors are adjusted for clustering and pretreatment covariates. Defining
“transgender” in the item wording revealed that placebo subjects were less supportive of protecting this group (P < 0.05, one-tailed). Next, all subjects were
less supportive after viewing an opposing ad, but the effect of the conversations endured (P < 0.05, one-tailed). However, the ads’ impact dissipated, whereas
the conversations’ effect endured (P < 0.05, one-tailed).

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self-identified transgender canvassers revealed Figure 2A shows average support for the law, versations appeared to persist, because subjects in
their identity to voters during these interactions. which was measured on –3 to +3 Likert scales, by the canvassing treatment group remained 0.30
Finally, we recruited individuals who came to their condition and survey wave. Figure 2B shows the scale points more supportive than placebo sub-
doors in either condition (n = 501) to complete estimated treatment effect by survey wave. As jects in the 3-month survey (t = 1.94; P < 0.05, one-
follow-up online surveys via email presented as a Fig. 2 shows, there was no difference between tailed). These results suggest that the canvassing
continuation of the baseline survey. These follow- the treatment and placebo groups’ support for a intervention’s effects were both lasting and polit-
up surveys began 3 days (n = 429), 3 weeks (n = law protecting transgender people from discrim- ically relevant.
399), 6 weeks (n = 401), and 3 months (n = 385) ination in the 3-day and 3-week follow-up surveys. These findings have importance for a number
after the intervention. See fig. S1 for an overview. As we registered in a preanalysis plan before of theoretical and applied questions. First, in
Two survey design features warrant note. First, conducting the 6-week survey, we suspected that light of influential theories that depict preju-
although transgender rights have gained consid- many placebo group subjects did not know what diced attitudes as highly durable and resistant to
erable media attention recently, many other de- the term “transgender” meant (potentially being change (4–7), it is surprising that brief personal
rogatory terms are widely used to refer to this more familiar with other, derogatory terms for interactions with strangers could markedly and
group, and we feared that many subjects would this group), making them unable to connect any enduringly reduce prejudice in a field setting.
be unfamiliar with the term “transgender.” There- antitransgender attitudes with this question about Rigorous field research has seldom documented
fore, survey item wordings generally eschewed the law. However, the intervention informed treat- brief interventions capable of producing large
the term “transgender.” One exception is an item ment group subjects of the term’s definition, just as and lasting reductions in prejudice, leading the
about the law, presenting an issue that we will all subjects might learn the term’s definition were a present results to represent a rare challenge to
return to later. Second, in order to conceal its political campaign ongoing. Likewise, views about these theories.
connection with the intervention, the survey was transgender people might not have been focal for The success of this approach was not obvious
presented as a broad university-sponsored public subjects when answering the question, whereas, beforehand. Field settings present many barriers
opinion survey, and each wave included dozens during recent political campaigns, the inclusion to perspective-taking, creating uncertainty about
of unrelated items, with only a few concerning of transgender people in nondiscrimination laws perspective-taking’s potential outside the labora-
transgender people. We carefully monitored re- has been strongly emphasized (15). We therefore tory and making field tests a research priority
sponses for suspicion and found none. included a definition of the term “transgender” (12, 26). This setting presented further barriers
The supplementary materials supply further in the survey questions about the law, starting still. Transgender people are extremely stigma-
recruitment, design, and estimation details, tests with the 6-week survey, clearly defining the term tized (14), which could have led individuals to
of design assumptions (tables S12 to S19), and and highlighting transgender people’s inclusion resist imagining transgender people’s perspec-
representativeness assessments (table S20). in the law. As Fig. 2 shows, treatment subjects tive, especially when a transgender person was
First, results indicate that the intervention was were 0.36 scale points more supportive of the law present (13, 26). That uninvited strangers could
broadly successful at increasing acceptance of protecting this group than placebo subjects once durably reduce prejudice when asking individu-
transgender people, as measured by an index of the survey question defined the term “transgender” als to take transgender people’s perspective re-
relevant items. Before the intervention, the treat- (t = 2.20; P < 0.05). This result is among the first gardless of their own identity is thus particularly
ment and placebo groups scored similarly on this experimental demonstrations of political attitudes auspicious for these theories. However, whether
index (see tables S13 to S17). After the interven- exhibiting a long-lasting shift in response to per- active processing indeed moderates the persist-
tion, the treatment group was considerably more suasive communication (22). ence of perspective-taking’s effects is an open
accepting of transgender people than the placebo One sign that attitude change is strong is that question better suited to laboratory research, as
group (t = 4.03; P < 0.001). These effects are it persists longitudinally, which we have shown; is whether “analogic” reflection on one’s own
substantively large: These brief conversations another is that it withstands attack (11). Attack personal experiences of stigma facilitates taking
increased positivity toward transgender people, ads featuring antitransgender stereotypes are the perspective of stigmatized groups.
as measured with a survey tool called a “feeling another common feature of political campaigns On an applied level, the findings fill a void by
thermometer” (20, 21), by ~10 points, an amount waged in advance of public votes on nondiscrim- providing prejudice-reduction advocates a feasi-
larger than the average increase in positive affect ination laws (15). To examine whether support ble and proven strategy. A now-retracted article
toward gay men and lesbians among Americans for the law would withstand such attacks, we by LaCour and Green studying canvassing on
between 1998 and 2012 (8.5 points) (see table showed subjects one of three such ads from recent marriage equality by the same organization, the
S22). Figure 1 shows the point estimates at each political campaigns elsewhere, then immediately Los Angeles LGBT Center, appeared in Science
wave and reveals that these effects persisted asked about the law again. Unsurprisingly, both last year (27, 28). This article “provided a tem-
longitudinally: The treatment group remained groups were less supportive of the law immedi- plate” for gay rights advocates worldwide before
more accepting in every follow-up survey (t tests; ately after viewing an attack ad. However, two its retraction (29). Several patterns in the present
all Ps < 0.01). (The point estimates are not strictly patterns qualify the ads’ effect. First, the interven- study’s data renew confidence that advocates
comparable over time because respondents and tion’s effect withstood this attack: The canvas- could productively deploy the intervention strat-
factor loadings change slightly; tables S1 to S4 sing intervention treatment group remained egy that we report. The intervention was effec-
show estimates for each item at each wave.) The 0.40 scale points more supportive of the law than tive among all prespecified subgroups, including
intervention was also broadly effective: The ef- the placebo group (t = 1.77; P < 0.05, one-tailed). political parties. Canvassers did not require ex-
fects are significant at the P < 0.01 level for both This result stands in contrast to the general pat- tensive experience. Both first-time and experienced
registered Democrats and registered Republicans tern that competing messages mute the effect canvassers were effective, and most canvassers
(see table S6) and for those who began more and of political communication (23, 24) and suggests continued volunteering after the study concluded,
less supportive than average (t tests) (see table S8). that the intervention would remain effective in a indicating that organizations can develop activists
Finally, conversations with transgender and competitive political environment. Second, the who will work to widely deploy the strategy (30).
nontransgender canvassers were both effective ad’s effect faded, whereas the canvassing inter- With this said, whether these theoretical and
(t tests) (see table S5). vention’s effect persisted. When we asked the same applied findings are limited in scope to negative
Second, these increases in acceptance of trans- question in the 3-month survey, both treatment attitudes toward transgender people is an open
gender people had ramifications for political at- and placebo subjects returned to their pre-ad atti- question that these findings cannot address;
titudes: Treatment subjects were more supportive tudes. That the effect of the attack ads appeared to even though transgender people are widely stig-
of the law protecting transgender people from decay rapidly mirrors other research on political matized (14), attitudes toward them may be less
discrimination than placebo subjects once the television advertising (22, 25). However, by con- entrenched than attitudes toward racial minor-
term “transgender” was defined for all subjects. trast, the treatment effect of the canvassing con- ities, gays and lesbians, or other outgroups. The

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experiment thus invites replication with other public-central-to-yes-campaign-1.2211282 (accessed received compensation for this research. A preanalysis plan was
outgroups. 25 Jan. 2016). filed after the data were collected but before they were analyzed
30. H. Han, How Organizations Develop Activists: Civic with the treatment indicator, and revised preanalysis plans were
The intervention’s durable effect on support also filed before the 3-week and 6-week surveys. These are
Associations and Leadership in the 21st Century (Oxford
for a nondiscrimination law also suggests opti- Univ. Press, 2014). available at the Evidence in Governance and Politics site (www.
mism for the public sphere. Over the past cen- 31. T. Skocpol, Diminished Democracy: From Membership to egap.org), ID 20150707AA. This research was approved by the
tury, political campaigns have increasingly relied Management in American Civic Life (Univ. of Oklahoma Press, University of California–Berkeley Committee for the Protection of
2003). Human Subjects, Protocol ID 2015-04-7508.
on mass communication to reach voters (31). How-
32. C. Panagopoulos, Party Polit. 22, 179–190
ever, facing difficulty persuading a polarizing
(2015). SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS
public with these strategies (22), campaigns in-
www.sciencemag.org/content/352/6282/220/suppl/DC1
creasingly eschew making the case for their posi- ACKN OWLED GMEN TS
Materials and Methods
tions and instead focus on rousing enthusiasm of The authors acknowledge funding from the Gill Foundation for this Fig. S1
voters who already agree with them (32). These research. D.B. acknowledges the National Science Foundation
Tables S1 to S25
Graduate Research Fellowship Program for support while
shifts undermine basic aspirations for democratic conducting this research. Replication data and code are available
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may be in campaigns’ own best interest to place authors is affiliated with the Los Angeles LGBT Center or SAVE or 10.1126/science.aad9713
renewed emphasis on a personal exchange of ini-
tially opposing views, even regarding controver-
sial issues and across partisan lines.
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224 8 APRIL 2016 • VOL 352 ISSUE 6282 sciencemag.org SCIENCE

 Durably reducing transphobia: A field experiment on door-to-door
canvassing
David Broockman and Joshua Kalla
Science 352, 220 (2016);
DOI: 10.1126/science.aad9713

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